The Land of Tigers and Doyels: a Bengal Wank

A History of 20th Century Bengal: the Land of Tigers and Doyels:
Section I - The Struggle for Independence
Chapter one: A brief history of C.R. Das: 1869 -1921

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Photograph of Deshbandhu, following his release from prison in 1923.

Every Bengali child today grows up learning about the famous Deshbandhu (Friend of the nation), Chittaranjan Das, also abbreviated to C.R. Das. They learn the standard story, the one often produced by any nation when describing it's hero, or founder, or leader, in the case of The People's Republic of Bengal, Das would become all three. Like any great national hero, Das was smart, selfless, brave, an opponent of tyranny and a man of the people, loved by all and as his title states, a true friend of the Bengali nation. Despite the idyllic, almost fairy tale-esque description of Chittaranjan Das, much of it is true. He was a true freedom fighter, opposed to British rule and a firm believer in native self-rule (Swaraj in Sanskrit), a charismatic figure who summoned up the courage of the people of Bengal, and in fact India as a whole, and earnt the affections of communities regardless of ethnicity, caste or religion. However, to believe that Das was a political behemoth who single handedly reignited the flame of Bengali nationalism, unshackled the caged giant and gave a rebirth to the exploited and depressed lands of Bengal is not quite true, an over simplified generalisation which turns the rich palette of the Bengal independence movement into a bland portrait of black and white, it might suffice for school children we wish to induce a sense of patriotism in, but not for those who seek the true historical accuracy of this beautifully chaotic period of our nations history.

To truly understand the Bengal Independence Movement and Das's role in it, we must look at Das's background and his past, and how it effected the man he would become. C.R Das was born in the Bikrampur region of modern day Dhaka, in 1869, the generation following the failed Indian Mutiny of 1857, in which the fall out would negatively effect the Bengali people, due to both Bengali Muslims and Hindus alike rebelled as sepoys against the alleged offensive behaviour of the British East India company, and as such as the Bengalis, along with other ethnicities that mutinied such as the Biharis and Marathis, would be almost entirely banned from military service until the first world war. However, where Bengalis (and other non 'martial races' such as the Gujuratis) would lose their right to rebel with arms, but instead they would rebel with their words, their politics, and finally their ideologies, a much more dangerous form of rebellion. Of course, Das was born into the prime position to be at the centre of all of this, he was born to a well known Brahmin family from the affluent region of Bikrampur, to a family already in high status within Bhodra Lok* society, his uncle having been the leader of the famous Brahmo Samaj for a period of time. Chittaranjan's was to prove no exception to the family's tradition of being part of the Bengal renaissance (although it would be fairer to call it the Bengali Brahmin renaissance). His cousin Satish Ranjan Das would become another major member of the Brahmo Samaj, as well as the founder of the Bikram school of Bikrampur, one of the most influential and prestigious boy's public schools in all of Bengal, many national figures having been educated in the institution. His other cousin, Sarala Roy, a pioneer amongst subcontinental feminists, would help found the All-Bengal Womens Association, a pressure group to support the rights of women (although this will be spoken of again in much more detail). Of course, of the three Chittaranjan would have the biggest impact on history.

The path of Law would be chosen by C.R. Das, specifically that of a barrister, a natural choice for a man of much charisma and argumentative talent. As a boy from a well off background, following his graduation from Calcutta Presidency College, he was allowed to study in London, England, a similar course of action that coincidently also occurred in the lives of Muhammad Ali Jinnah and Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, Das's contemporaries in the subcontinental struggle for independence. For about a decade he would make a living as a successful barrister, renowned for his reliability and made quite a name for himself in the various Indian circles, however, the event which trajected the mild mannered and inconspicuous Bengali Barrister into the annuls of politics and the greater Independence movement, would happen in 1909. The event being the Alipore Bomb Case. The case was against the infamous group known as the Anushilan Samiti, a radical Indian/Bengali nationalist group made of many Hindu Bhodra Lok young men, agitated by the 1905 partition of Bengal. by the early 20th century, this radical group had began plotting attacks against the British in India and symbols of British authority, in 1908, led by Khudiram Bose and Prafulla Chakri, the group would target and attempt to kill Presidency Magistrate Douglas Kingsford, along with his wife, in Muzaffapur district, although the magistrate survived the attack, the bomb would kill several British citizens, including a magistrates daughter. Many young Bengali nationalists belonging to this strand of society were accused of being part of the plot, with several being executed, such as Barindra Ghosh, and many others sent to life in imprisonment. One exception however, would be Aurobindo Ghose, another upper class Bengali Hindu youth who spent time in England studying, whilst having some radical leanings and sympathies towards the Anushilan Samiti, Ghose was not an active member of the group, nor involved in the bomb plot, yet was arrested all the same and put on trial. With the state of British repression against all forms of Indian disobedience, very few Indian barristers were willing to take up the case of these alleged terrorists. However, C.R. Das would not be bullied by such oppressive measures, and took it upon himself to defend Aurobindo Ghose, free of charge. After almost a year of back in forth in the case, the British controlled court eventually relented to Das's arguments and evidence and Ghose was acquitted, one of the few cases of true justice being upheld amongst a sea of miscarriages of justice in the name of British safety.

Das's standing up to the British and successful defence in the case earnt him national acclaim, making him a hero throughout the subcontinent. However, this would not be the end of the barrister's struggle against the British. Soon after, he joined and rose in the ranks of the Indian National Congress, which at the time was the premier political body for native Indians to voice their opinions, and held a wide array of factions and opinions, those who wished for a united centralised Indian state, those who represented regional and other sectarian interests, those who supported the slow removal of British and those who believed in are radical solution, all intersections met in the early Indian National Congress. Of course, unfortunately this is a far cry from what the INC became and what it is today, but even the ripest of fruits can turn rotten under certain conditions, as this chronicle will show several times over. Contrary to popular belief, or perhaps how the media in Bengal likes to portray, C.R. Das was not always a firm believer in Bengali secessionism, (although there is some evidence to support a view that he always held a certain pride of being a Bengali over being an Indian). In fact, much like the grand majority of influential politicians of the time, he believed in a united subcontinent, and he would not be alone in this, other historical icons such as Mohammad Ali Jinnah and Gopinoth Bordoloi would similarly also hold such views at this time period, to the irony of the scholars of today. At this period, a united Indian subcontinent was more than just a mere fantasy of certain Pan-Bharatist philosophers, or more insidiously, the ambitions of the foreign policy makers of the Hindustan establishment, it was the common prediction of the majority of the Indian intellectuals, and was the working aim of the grand majority of the subcontinent's politicians, even the early Muslim League did not consider separatism a serious plausibility. Of course, it must be noted again somewhat ironically, Bengalis would hold an pivotal part in the formations of both the Indian national Congress and the Muslim League, with the Indian National congress being partially inspired by the Indian National Association, a forerunner to the congress founded by Sir Surendranath Banerjea, whilst the All India Muslim League would form in Dhaka, in the aftermath of the 1905 partition of Bengal, with a great deal of its creation owed to Nawab Salimullah of Dhaka.

Thus of course, it would not be in the nature of Deshbandhu, arguably one of the greatest men our nation has and will ever produce, to merely be a cog in the Congress's machine, he instead would quickly rise to prominence as one of its most well known and respected members. In fact, several times, he would be elected president of the congress. As president of the INC he would hold the same core values he carried on with in later life, namely securalism, (a policy of appeasement between the Hindu and Muslim factions of the congress), an emphasis on social reform, specifically within the Hindu community such as supporting widow remarriage, the ending of caste discrimination, etc (many people attribute this to his upbringing and family ties to the Brahmo Samaj), and most importantly the concept of Swaraj, self rule in other words, Das was under no illusion that the British were anything more than capitalistic overlords whose truest aim was to exploit India of its wealth, as president he remained firm that the future of India belonged to the people of the Indian subcontinent. These principles would make Das a very popular figure, and not just within the congress, but amongst the common people as well, it could even be argued that Das's popularity in Calcutta began to rival even that of Rabindranath Tagore, the Bengali poet who had gained international recognition as a Nobel prize winner for literature, and of course would become our very own National Poet in later years. As Deshbandhu gained recognition and influence, so he would inspire the next generation of Bengali intelligentsia that enrolled in the politics of the INC. These would include the likes of Serat Chandra Bose, his younger brother Subhash Chandra Bose and Husayn Shaheed Suhrawardy, all of whom would follow him in his schism from the Congress after his disillusionment.

At this point of reading, the story of Chittaranjan Das seems somewhat typical, even if overachieving, of the Indian intellectual of the early 20th century. He hailed from a good, upper caste family, even better when considering he was from a Bengali Brahmin family already heavily involved in the Bengal Renaissance. Law would be his profession, a common choice for for a graduate of Presidency college such as Das, and through one way or another he ended up involved in the political movement of the independence struggle. Again, not an uncommon story. However, this is not just anyone who is being discussed, it is C.R. Das, Deshbandhu to over 100 million people. From the outset his bravery could be seen, taking on the Alipore bomb case when others would have faltered, his leadership quality in taking the role of president of the congress, and his intelligence, in his successful and popular policies. Still, even then, the story still predicts an ending as one of the many leaders of an independence movement of a united subcontinent, overshadowed by the likes of Gandhi, or perhaps Jinnah or any other number of great Indian politicians of this time period. But as we know today, this is not how Das's story would end, nor would it for any of the names aforementioned. Many historians point the most pivotal event in this discourse to be the famous, or infamous, non - cooperation movement, the brainchild of Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, at the time of the movement a young, ambitious idealist who oozed of charisma and promised a bright future and capturing the imagination of many of the Congress party, Das included, who would originally stand by Gandhi's plan. Of course, the movement, at first a commendable and noble sentiment, soon quickly turned sour, and the effects of it and it's failure would ripple onto India for decades to come, especially in the struggle for independence. Das would be no exception, in fact the fallout of the non-cooperation movement would launch the man into the trajectory of the events in which he would be most remembered for, that which his legacy was built upon. In fact, the entire independence would be changed by Gandhi's non-cooperation movement, it's successes and failures. But, more of that will be explained in the next chapter, a deeper analysis of the events of the non-cooperation movement.



*
Literally meaning "Respectable People" in Bengali, refers to the native upper class of Calcutta that developed and gained affluence under British rule, mostly Hindu, Brahmin intellectuals.
 
A History of 20th Century Bengal: the Land of Tigers and Serpents:

Section I - The Struggle for Independence

Chapter two: The Non-cooperation Movement & The First Indian Anarchy - What could have been, what almost was.

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Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi (titled with the honorific title of Mahatma* in Hindustan) had managed to unite the entire subcontinent in an unprecedented feat, regardless of religion, caste or ethnicity, all worked towards the goal of self-rule. Of course, this idyllic dream would not last long, many to this day still debate on the outcome of a successful Non-Cooperation Movement.

In the historiagraphy of the Indian subcontinent, across the various nations, the Non-Cooperation Movement still stands as one of the more controversial topics of discussion. Of course, not controversial in the sense that various historical events and figures have been co-opted and revised for certain political agendas, whether they be for sectarian, nationalist, or any other ideology which aims to gain legitimacy from the vast tapestry of thousands of year old history the subcontinent offers. Instead, the Non-Cooperation Movement stands apart because of its unique position in the history of the subcontinent, an event in which almost all of India and it's vast diverse people's united, for a cause so worthy and ideal it made even the most cynical of Indians join in hands, regardless of religion, ethnicity or caste. Even more significant was the fact it was a non violent movement, aimed at disabling the British economically and politically via passive resistance (originating from Gandhi's principle of Ahimsa), it was an attempt at revolution unseen not just in Indian history, but world history. Yet, much like Icarus flying too close to the sun, so too did the Non-Cooperation Movement falter and burn, and show the flaw and ugly side of human nature, a stark contrast to how the movement would start off. The events of the movement are paramount to understanding the decisions of Chittaranjan Das in the 1920s and 30s and the establishment of the Bengali People's Alliance, and it's actions up until independence. For this reason, this chapter will be something of an overview of the entire movement and its aftermath, rather than a focused look on Bengal during Ramadan of 1921-22.

To understand the movement, something must be said of its originator, Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, the magnanimous and erratic figure who inspired a generation of Indians with his strange but enticing ideas of a non violent struggle to freedom. Today, Gandhi is mostly remembered as a tragic hero, who's idealistic and hopeful views of a united and peaceful subcontinent were to prove to good to be true, as he was bullied and alienated out of the Congress, once again in the aftermath of the Non-Coopertion Movement. But, we must remember, that was not how the man was seen in the 1920s, amongst his contemporaries. In 1920, M.K. Gandhi was an ambitious, charismatic and youthfully unorthodox figure within the Indian National Congress. He had already earned some fame as a barrister (much like our own C.R. Das) in South Africa fighting for the rights of the Indian diaspora there, and also earned recognition for his position within the Congress as a moderate in which he believed dialogue under what he saw as benevolent British government would be the best solution to the question of India and it's relationship with its colonial master. He even took this position when the Raj declared itself fighting for Britain in the first world war, in which 1.25 million Indians would enlist in, and Gandhi himself enrolled in the ambulance corps during th war, hoping that showing loyalty to the British would earn respect and equality for the native Indians. But by 1920, this illusion had died, mostly due to events such as the Rowlatt Act which restricted freedom of press within India, and the tragedy at Jallianwallah Bagh, in which multiple were massacred by British forces. Due to this, Gandhi, along with many other congress members, believed that Swaraj (self-rule) was the only option, and Gandhi's method for achieving this would be through non violent Non-cooperation, hoping to paralyse the wheels of the economy and bureaucracy of the Raj via boycott, strike and tax evasion, and hopefully without bloodshed, bringing the masses into the conflict against the British.

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Over a million Indians fought in World War One under the British Empire, a war which gained the natives of the subcontinent nothing in terms of gain, yet gave them economic despair and the deaths of thousands of its sons. Yet still today, the nations of the subcontinent proudly remember it's heroes during the Great War of 1914-1918

Although whilst saying that, it would be unfair to give Gandhi the sole credit (or blame) for the formation of the movement, several other long term factors also gave rise to the Non-cooperation movement. First of all, the push for Home Rule did not originate from Gandhi, it had been a view held for the longest time by several factions of the Indian intelligentsia (this faction did include Das and several other major Bengali politicians), and was mostly led by the Bal-Pal-Lal triumvirate (who will be spoken of again soon enough), who despite not particularly warming to Gandhi's philosophy due to their positions as conservative Hindu stalwarts compared to Gandhi's almost mystic universal message. And as we know from history, once Gandhi was arrested in 1922, that same trio would once again dominate the Congress. It should also be noted that attempts at appeasing the natives of India was already tried once before in 1919, the Montague - Chelmsford Act, a series of reforms which promised much but delivered very little, which only further frustrated the budding Indian Nationalist movement. Secondly, the Non-Cooperation Movement came at a very specifically ideal time period, one in which in the Hindu and Muslim communities had been at their most united since the 1905 partition of Bengal, possibly since the Mutiny of 1857. This was due to two events, the first being the Khilifat movement, a movement of Indian Muslims lobbying for the protection of the the Ottoman Sultan (also known as the Khilaf/Caliph), the head of the Islamic religion, whose regime was increasingly being seen as being teared apart by the European powers in the aftermath of the first world war, Britain included. Whilst this on its own would mean nothing particularly significant, it was in the view of Gandhi and several other Congress members (including C.R. Das) that this posed a golden opportunity to appease one of India's largest and most disenfranchised groups back into the INC fold, and thus many Hindus joined in the lobbying with their Muslim countrymen, earning a sense of trust and comradery between the two communities. This would solidified in the second of the two events, the Lucknow Pact of 1916, which brought together the Indian National Congress and the Muslim league, the two biggest political bodies of India at the time, for a common aim, that being self rule. However, it should be noted that the most important Muslim leader in India, Mohammad Ali Jinnah, refrained from partaking in the movement, although this could be ignored for now. Finally, as has already been referenced several times, is the landmark of event of the First World war, and it's impact upon India. It has already been stated that over 1.25 million Indians fought for the British Empire in the conflict, not to speak of the number of casualties, but the economic effect of the war should also be mentioned. The war devestated India economically, with rapid inflation making even the most basic of goods ridiculously expensive (clothes, food, etc). This in turn led to the importation of foreign goods, almost equally as expensive, but had the impact of leading many Indians in both rural and urban work to unemployment, and in some cases, starvation. This all created an atmosphere ripe for a revolution, and Gandhi's Non-Cooperation Movement would be the one, for better or worse, chosen.

To be fair to the supporters of the movement, it's early days looked to be bright and successful. The movement merged with the already existent Swadeshi movement (of Bengali origin), which aimed to promote Indian - produced goods in an effort to stop the British economic monopoly on the subcontinent, especially Indian clothing made from the material known as khadi. And when this policy was followed by millions across the subcontinent, it did reap much economic benefit for native mill owners, with imports such as sugar from the UK decreasing significantly, as well as cotton produced goods decreasing by almost three quarters, and imported iron by 50%. Secondly, another point to stress of the early movement was its universality, almost no region was untouched by the movement in someway, and there were very few aspects of this movement which would be deemed unlikeable by any section of the greater Indian society (except perhaps for the fact that it was initiated and organised by the Indian National Congress, an organisation seen too steeped in Hindu, Brahminic culture by certain groups, but under the charismatic leadership of Gandhi, this problem became an afterthought). As previously stated, it brought Muslims and Hindus together in a way that had not been seen for centuries, a sign to many that this movement would be the one that finally caused the British to leave India, and a united subcontinent to emerge in its wake. And to many, even those cynical, the potential could be seen. Native Indians finally believed in their own self determination, many lost respect, or more importantly fear, of the British regime, and a political reawakening had occurred. Whilst saying that, all of this would be too good to be true, as the people of the modern day already know. Gandhi's utopian dream was not to be realised, and the bright flame of the early non-cooperation was to be extinguished, and replaced by the violent pyromania of the First Indian Anarchy.

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Some of the Hindu youths inspired by the violence in Chauri-Chaura and backlash against British martial law being declared, seen burning what appears to be a local police station.

The pivotal moment in the movement was the Chauri Chaura incident of 1922, this was where everything would turn sour, where all that had been worked hard for would unfortunately disintegrate, such is the dangers of working with the uncontrollable variable that is human behaviour. Yes, many would argue that there were already signs of the movements slowing down, such as the decreasing popularity of the Khilifat movement, lowering Muslim involvement, and the slow but steady return of many of the Indian intelligentsia to their positions in the civil service. But there is no doubt that the killing blow was the Chauri Chaura incident. The event, which took place on the 5th February 1922 in a small town in Uttar Pradesh, began as a protest made up of several thousand native Indians complaining against the increasingly high prices for meat. During the protest, a sub inspector (although folklore has commonly depicted him as a British white man, historical evidence has shown him to be Indian) ordered firing against the protesters, when the group had arrived outside the police station due to several of the supposed leaders of the protest having been arrested. This led to the death of 3 Indians, and several more being injured, sparking huge outrage. The outnumbered police were forced to retreat into the station for their own safety, thus leading to the protestor burning down the police station with many inside it, 22 policemen all of Indian origin burning to death inside of it. This event in such an obscure small part of the Raj would have huge ramifications, as we all know today, as the British government would not sit idly by and accept this behaviour, resorting to the declaration of martial law in Chauri Chaura and it's surrounding districts. Which, at the early 20th century, seemed a logical and not overly harsh punishment, however, it would be the native response which made events take an even worse turn. The non-cooperation had already had its first taste of blood, it would only spiral out of control from here.

The Chauri Chaura incident became the talk of the whole subcontinent, and gave lead to a whole mixture of responses. It put huge pressure on the INC, Gandhi specifically, on how to respond, how to fix the issue, given that his plan had been advertised on a campaign of nonviolent resistance. However, before he or any of the congress could make significant moves, the events in Uttar Pradesh had already rippled several effects in the general population. Rogue elements within the non-cooperation movement, those who wished for a violent uprising, had finally been given their excuse. In the following days and weeks, several attacks against Raj institutions such as the police, judicial system and the civil service occurred, ranging from beatings, shootings, arson attacks to even a grenade attack in one case, a magnitude of chaos had been unleashed. Not only were these violent attacks occurring, they were occurring almost without geographic pattern, across the subcontinent, several occurred in Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, the princely state of Hyderabad, as well as the growing peasant unrest in Assam, by the beginning of March 1922, the landscape of British India was very different to a year prior. The Indian people were clearly disillusioned with Gandhi's slow paced Ahimsa. Historians debate on the origins of these attacks, the groups behind it and the ideological character of its perpetrators. However, the general consensus is that these were mostly done by right wing Hindus, influenced by the actions of Anushilan Samiti (already mentioned in this chronology) and possibly even former members of the organisation. Some argue that still active revolutionaries such as Sachindra Nath Sanyal were involved in some of the planning of these attacks, but there is little evidence. It is most likely that these early attacks were uncoordinated and simply made of disenfranchised youths who shared a similar reaction across the subcontinent. The reaction to this growing violent activity was clumsy and haphazard, by both the British government and the Indian National Congress. The British government attempted to move quickly when it became apparent that this was more than just an event limited to a single small town, declaring nation - wide martial law and curfews, arresting people by the thousands. However, despite this, their response was still tame, wary of not wanting to cause another Jawallahbagh massacre. The Congress on the other hand is left standing jawless, hopelessly watching it's own movement being usurped by various extreme elements, only serving to prove right it's various doubters, including but not limited to Mohammad Ali Jinnah. Gandhi himself would feel extreme guilt for his part in creating this crisis, going on a fast for up to three weeks, although this would prove fruitless in stopping the violence. As a last resort, the British arrested almost all major Congress politicians, including both Gandhi and our own Deshbandhu, who although rarely referenced in this chapter, supported Gandhi unconditionally during this time period.

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British police forces finally stamping down against the communal violence that dominated the second half of 1922, arresting several key leaders in communal gangs which had grown during this period, in something of a vicious cycle of tit-for-tat between the Muslim and Hindu communities, twisting the lines between self-defence and outright aggression (although the Sikh community as well we're not free from the communalism that took place, as would be evident in later developments in the mid-1920s).

Whilst saying this, the events following the initial March period is what truly earned the term the (First) Indian Anarchy. It was already known that most of these violent attacks had been performed by members of the Hindu community, and the Muslim community had gained a general ambivalence for the non-cooperation movement following the downfall of the Khilifat movement, however actual friction between the two communities during this time period was minimal, of course this was all about to change. On March 20th, in Patna, Bihar, a generally quite mixed area in terms of religion (although still Hindu-prevalent), several Muslims were beaten (one to death) for slaughtering a cow, the attack coming from the same groups which had become dominant in martial matters from terrorist activities against the British. This attack would not be taken laying down by the Muslim community, and several reprisals were aimed against the Hindus of Patna, sparking communal riots across the city. The bloodshed in the subcontinent had taken a religious turn. In almost no time at all, right wing extremist groups such as the Arya Samaj and RSS wasted no time in increasing communal tensions, with riots not just limited to Bihar, but surrounding areas such as Uttar Pradesh and even Bengal. Muslim secessionists also took exception to these events, and mobilised Muslim youths into similar arson attacks and shootings against Hindus. One example of this would be in Punjab, another religiously diverse region, in where Muslim men were accused of gang raping a Hindu girl, sparking some of the worst violence in the whole of the non-cooperation movement. This would last until June of 1922, partly due to the British governments unwillingness to directly intervene, perhaps preferring communal violence rather than violence against their regime. However, by August, the British public were quite unimpressed with the handling of the situation, and leaders on both sides of the religious inflammation were arrested, and lacking leaders, the fighting wore down, although in many places the scars of the fighting would be hard to forget. This would be the end of the non-cooperation movement.

In conclusion, the non-cooperation movement started off as an ingenious movement, an unprecedented feat in the history of freedom fighting, what appeared to be the perfect method of uniting the entire subcontinent and helping it break off its economic shackles, all whilst believing in non-violence. It was to good to be true. Instead, the movement was to fall victim to the typical human emotions of anger and prejudice, resorting to terrorism and rioting, ending in bloodshed and a subcontinent more divided than ever. It's effects would be felt for generations to come, religiously, ethnically, politically, financially and in a whole host of other ways. However, for Bengal, which faced little bloodshed during the events, (ironic considering it was the birthplace of the original Anushilan Samiti, and the home of much communal tensions during the partition of Bengal in 1905) would be the ramifications felt amongst it's intelligentsia, a shift in philosophy amongst one of the most influential parts of the subcontinent. And none so more important than Chittaranjan Das, who would spend a year in house arrest along with his wife and children. This would be a pivotal time in the freedom fighter's life, giving him much time to think and reflect, changing the direction of his fight for independence, one which would inspire the entirety of the Bengali nation.





*Meaning Messiah in Sanskrit, was actually bestowed upon Gandhi by the Bengali poet Rabindranath Tagore in 1919.
 
Good start.

What's the PoD?


Thanks for the support :). general premise that changes from OTL is that Chittaranjan Das, who was quite an influential member of the Indian National Congress and in the independence movement in general, changes his outlook from Indian Nationalism to a more specific Bengali Nationalism, and the outcome of his change in ideology. The literal POD, which changes Das's outlook, is in the latest update, in OTL the Non-Cooperation Movement in India was something of a mixed bag which ultimately failed in its goal of forcing Brtain to give India self-rule, and quietly dies out after the Chauri Chaura incident. In this TL, a worst case scenario of sorts breaks out with Indians fighting back against the British government, the start of Communal riots etc, causing the arrest of some of the most important figures in the Indian independence movement. This monumental failure of the Non-Cooperation will result in disillusionment with the Indian National Congress, a worsening of relations between the Hindu and Muslim communities, the emergence of newer, more popular ideologies (including Bengali Nationalism). The Indian subcontinent will be a very different looking place from our own, I can tell you that.

I want to see more.

Thank you, the support helps. This is a TL idea I've been working on for a while so I've got a quite a few updates ready, so plenty more to come.

 
An extract from "Mukhti", the novelisation based on the 1950s Tollywood historical drama series of the same name, detailing the early Bengali independence struggle.

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An artist's depiction of Chittaranjan Das's home in Darjeeling whilst under house arrest, which has since been turned into a museum on Deshbandhu's life.

The night air was warm and thick as always, it never changed this time of year. beside the single open window stood a single solitary figure, a man perched upon a wooden rocking chair, going back and forth. A Bengali man, a son of the soil, with his jet black hair and leather tan brown skin, resembling all of his 100 million brethren, was that solitary figure. With his unkempt hair and his old khadi clothes, the man was a far cry from the upright regal looking barrister he was only a year ago, every time he looked in the mirror he saw more and more wrinkles, signs of aging, he thought to himself, thought he knew it was much more likely that these marks came from the stress of this accursed confinement, doomed to serve it for a while longer for his so-called crimes. Of course, he was no ordinary criminal, he was a political criminal, suffering for attempting to alleviate the struggles of his people, and to the people of the future Bengali Republic, he had become known as Deshbandhu, friend of the nation.


Chittaranjan had grown accustom to spending late nights alone, gazing out to the world he could see but not touch, his beloved Bengal, it's green paddy fields and it's exotic wildlife that would occasionally arrive at his secluded, humble home, it was hard not to yearn for freedom in these situations. His house was in Darjeeling, a small town at the foothills of the Himalayas, it's quiet secluded nature along with natural beauty had attracted him to buy it, but now this serene little scene was his prison. He was not alone in his year long arrest, he had his wife, his loving and beautiful Basanti Devi, although she was not restricted to house arrest as he was, she bared much of the burden of his punishment. The middle aged man turned to his wife, sleeping soundly in their bed, her face kept in a loving smile almost naturally, despite the dismal situation. Basanti truly was an amazing woman, Chittaranjan thought to himself as he stared at her peaceful face. She had been his rock, having supported him in every move, where even the most loyal of men would falter, let alone a woman raised in the comfort of the bhadra lok society. She had supported him in his activism, all throughout the non-cooperation movement, she had even set up a training centre for female freedom fighters. And to this day, Basanti was unstirred by the recent events, continuing to fight, whilst Chittaranjan was paralysed by his house arrest, Basanti still had her freedom, and his loving wife had taken up the career of being the new editor of Das's own newspaper, Bangalar Katha (Bengal Speaks). Das could only sigh, wishing he could break free and achieve what both he and his wife wished for, a free subcontinent.

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The idyllic Bengali village upon the banks of the river Ganges, depicted in this miniature in the Neo-Mughal style.

That brought his mind back to it, the memories came flashing back, all the elation, joy, confusion, outrage and regret. Where he and all his colleagues of the Congress were within touching distance of their free and independent India, only to have it cruelly yanked away from them when it seemed a reality. He shook his head, it was too painful to think about, especially when the thoughts haunted him every single night. But alas, once it was in his mind, there was no choice but to reflect once more, for what felt like the thousandth time. It all seemed so bright and dream like at first, the khadi, the peaceful marches, the sweet words of Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, many began to even call him messiah for those unorthodox yet so successful ideas of his. At that time, Das would have followed that little Gujurati fellow to the ends of the earth, Gandhi was charismatic in a way not even the best of kings were. Yet, it all fell apart, perhaps some concepts are too perfect for this imperfect world of ours, violence, hatred and communalism would devour those early dreams. Das did not even want to think of what was going through Gandhi's mind, who was similarly under house arrest, although the Gujurati barrister would have eight years to maul over his failures, with all the hunger strikes he could handle. The feelings of regret were hard to forget.

But, something took his attention in the middle of those guilt ridden thoughts. It was the chirping of the birds, odd for the late night, but this phenomenon was not odd for a creature of habit like Chittaranjan, to others it would be a nuisance, a plague upon the eardrums, but in these lonely hours, Das welcomed the company. The birds were Doyels*, who sung sweet songs all across the subcontinent, but were particularly well known in Bengal. The tune of doyels brought back a different sort of memory for Das, for it reminded him of his youth growing up in Bikrampur, where his uncle had owned a caged doyel renowned for its singing ability. All of a sudden, it all came back to him, he was no longer the confused and angered politician, but a simple Brahmin boy enjoying his youth, fondly nostalgic of the 'Golden Bengal'** as Rabindranath Tagore would label it. It's lush emerald marshes, the idyllic village life with men in their lungis***and women in their saris living simple agricultural lives, the bauls and their minstrel songs of love and soul, the celebrations of Boishakhi Mela****, all of which transcended religious and caste boundaries. Chittaranjan had loved every bit of his native region, having once even spotted one of the famous Royal Bengal Tigers on a journey to the Sundarban forests in his youth, an awe inspiring sight he would never forget. It was a time that was a far cry from the hectic stress of the non-cooperation movement, not only was it a distant time, but it was a distant land, untouched by the troubles and strife of the greater subcontinent, and for some reason this gave Das a sense of ease in his heart.

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The Royal Bwngal Tiger, the national Animal of the Bengali Republic, many of its species can be found in the Sunderban forest in south Bengal, the world's largest mangrove forest and a major generator of tourism. At one point, due to climate change and other factors, there were fears on the safety of the species, but efforts in the last decade for environmentalism and protection of RB Tigers have put many of those fears to rest.

And it was not just the land of rural Bengal that Das loved, it was everything about the culture. Bengali literature had held a close place in the man's heart since his days as a student, and everything from Charypada to the contemporary works of Tagore and Nazrul Islam he found himself enjoying, at times these poems and verses would be the very inspiration which kept Chittaranjan going in spite of his imprisonment. The more he thought of it, the more things became clear, there was no doubt in his mind that the burning passion he had for freeing his people was intrinsically tied with his golden Bengal. The thoughts of a united subcontinent, although grand and sweet, those thoughts were abstract, concepts untested and only real in the minds of the Brahmin intellectual, but Bengal, Bengal was the soil that birthed him. To be sure, in his travels and work with the Congress, he met many like minded fellows who came from all over India, and even some Britishers who he found agreeable, but as a mentor and a leader, his philosophy always seemed to attract his Ethnic kin. His students, Serat and Subhash Chandra Bose, were both Bengali Brahmins like himself, and his other main disciple, Husayn Shaheed Suhrawardy, was also a fellow Bengali, his religion made no difference in the eyes of Das. All three of them were like sons to him.

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Surendranath Banerjea, one of the earliest figures in the Indian independence movements and one of the few politicians revered throughout the subcontinent, having founded the precursor to the INC, the Indian National Association, one of the first native political bodies. He was nicknamed by one British commentator as "Surrender Not Banerjea". He also mentored Deshbandhu in the field of politics and played a crucial role in establishing the Calcutta Municipal Mayor position, whilst part of the Bengal provincial government.

Frantically, he began to look for paper, he needed to write his thoughts down before it left him, this must be remembered. He grabbed what was on his desk, and begun splurging out all he could think of in a disorganised matter. It mattered not, he thought to himself, he would understand his own sporadic rambling. Bengalis were the dominant force and catalyst behind the rebellion of 1857, he wrote down. It was a Bengali who founded the Indian National Association (Surendranath Banerjee, his old mentor from the days of his youth), and it was even a Bengali who led the effort in creating the All-India Muslim League as a political party (Nawab Khawaja Salimullah), everywhere Bengalis could be found leading the independence struggle. He had known all these facts before, but it had never clicked in such a fashion before, as he wrote down on the paper, only one phrase came to express what he had discovered "Bengali Exceptionalism". It fit perfectly what he was trying to convey, but then he thought, what exactly was he trying to convey? Some sort of treatise or essay on the Bengali people? No that would not be enough. Perhaps an article for his newspaper to make Bengalis think differently about communalism and pan-Indianism, but again he thought, it would be enough. He knew what he would be spending the rest of this night doing, the rest of his house arrest doing, perhaps even the rest of his political career. It was a political manifesto he had found himself beginning, and he would not stop until it was perfected, to spread to his beloved Golden Bengal.








*known in scientific terms as the Oriental Magpie Robin, a bird famed culturally for their singing ability, native to the Indian subcontinent. (( OTL National Bird of Bangladesh)).

**coming from the poem (and later song) by Rabindranath Tagore known as Amar Sonar Bangla (My Golden Bengal), a song made to protest the 1905 partition of Bengal. ((OTL National Anthem of Bangladesh)).

***a type of garment worn by men in the subcontinent, related to the Dhoti.

**** meaning the celebrations of the new year in the Bengali calendar.
 
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