The History of the Commonwealth of England - From the Anglo-French Union to Independence

[8bitninja]

Hi everyone!

This short TL is inspired by a mod for Paradox Interactive's Victoria II called 'Divergences of Darkness'. From multiple PODs in the early 15th Century a fascinating and fully realised world is created by the time of the mod's playable time period of 1836-1936. If you're interested in learning more about the mod you can visit this page: https://forum.paradoxplaza.com/foru...ivergences-of-darkness-history-thread.823974/

I've also drawn inspiration from various OTL figures when creating fictional characters and real-life individuals will also appear from time-to-time.

As this is my first attempt at a TL here on AH.com any constructive criticism is more than welcome.

 

[8bitninja]

In 1500 England was one half of a strong and prosperous union of crowns. Together with their allies the Dukes of Burgundy, the Plantagenet Kings Henry V, Henry VI and Edward IV had successfully taken control of the north and west of France and forced the Valois claimants to the French throne permanently onto the defensive. Henry VI of England was crowned as Henri II of France in 1431 and following their crushing defeat at Vichy in 1452 the Valois agreed to a partition of the country with their domain being restricted to Auvergne, the Languedoc and Provence. As a final humiliation Charles VII had to renounce any claim on the title ‘King of France’ to his nephew Henry VI in exchange for the newly invented ‘King in France’. Once the Plantagenets had enforced the vassalage of Brittany and Burgundian Duke Charles the Bold humbled the Holy Roman Empire during his campaigns in Switzerland, Alsace and the Rhineland, the Dual Monarchy of England and France became a European superpower.

Although every English King since Edward III had styled themselves ‘King of France’, Henry VI (lived 1421-1473) was the first to actually be crowned as such in Paris.

It is often asked how from such a seemingly secure position at the turn of the 16th Century the Plantagenet domains went on the experience an existential crisis and how from that turmoil emerged two stable but politically opposed rival states in England and France. This has been subject to much debate but the two most important reasons why the Dual Monarchy came to an end are generally accepted to be religious conflict – which was bound up in the wider context of the European Reformation – and the centralising tendencies of the Plantagenet monarchy which threatened the autonomy and ancient privileges of the English elite.

To provide context to the tensions created in England by Plantagenet centralisation one must consider how the socio-political make-up of the country changed after the Hundred Years War came to an end. Following the conclusion of the conflict a majority of the English nobility – with royal blessing – quickly moved to annex portions of the newly occupied territory for themselves. This had become possible due to huge numbers of the French ruling elite having been captured or killed during the latter stages of the war and the new English overlords came to spend most of their time in their recently-won holdings in order to quell unrest and begin extracting profit. The royal ‘Princes of the Blood’ were among the first to formally appoint ‘Stewards’ in order to run their English lands during the long periods they were dealing with their French territory and very soon the administration of English land by Stewards became commonplace. Stewards were generally trusted retainers of their lords with the title passing from parent to child (though often with an elective element engaged in by local gentry and burghers), but as the 15th Century gave way to the 16th more and more Stewards began exercising greater levels of autonomy as their feudal overlords essentially settled down in France, began integrating into the local culture and largely paid little heed to the management of their English lands.

Of the few English nobles who remained in the country, Richard Duke of York and the Percy family of Northumberland were chief among them. Though he played his part in the English victory over the Valois, Richard was hated by Henry VI’s wife Margaret of Anjou because of his alternative claim to the Plantagenet thrones and the threat that posed to her son (later to become Edward IV). York was consequently denied all but the paltriest of rewards in terms of French land, advantageous matches for his children were passed up and. His own naked ambition left him with few allies and he was unable to amass sufficient power to ever make a serious attempt at the throne, which would not have been supported in any case due to the stability of Henry’s sound and effective rule. He and his Ducal successors instead had to content themselves with maintaining a purely regional power-base in parts of England. The Percy family meanwhile had always been focused on defending England’s northern border from incursions by the Scots and the importance of their personal oversight only grew when James IV became King of the Kalmar Union of Scandinavian crowns in 1500, dramatically increasing the power of the Stewart dynasty.

The animosity towards York by powerful factions at Henry’s court prevented him from advancing the interests of his family.

At the same time, the English Parliament’s influence over the Plantagenet Monarchy began to wane. In 1444 Henry convened the French Estates General for the first time in order to agree subsidies which were granted in exchange for similar freedoms as were enjoyed in England under Magna Carta. Whilst this laid the foundations of Parliamentary Monarchy in France it also meant that the Plantagenets no longer had to depend so much on funds voted by the English Parliament to sustain their military machine, limiting Parliament’s ability to extract concessions in exchange for cash. Occupied as they were with the French part of the Dual Monarchy, England and Parliament in particular was rarely visited by the Plantagenet Kings in the second half of the 15th Century – Henry VI left Westminster for the last time in 1469 and his son visited only once during his coronation as King of England in 1475, a full two years after he was crowned King of France. Parliament would continue to meet in order to deliberate purely internal matters but its relationship with the monarchy had been profoundly altered.

After a period of relative peace and stability during the reigns of Edward IV and his son Louis XI matters began to once again become tense between the two main Plantagenet realms. Consumed by Catholic piety and infuriated with the Valois’ assistance to the nascent Protestant movement, King Henry VII began the Languedoc War in 1532 which reduced the territory of the King in France to a rump centred on Provence with its capital at Marseille. Though ultimately victorious the war would cost the Dual Monarchy a great deal of money which could not be met solely from taxation of Henry VII’s French lands. However, rather than convening the English Parliament so that they could vote him additional funds Henry instead merely sent writs to the Stewards stating that money was due and collection would be made shortly thereafter. Whilst the bonds between Stewards and their lords had weakened over the years and despite protests from some MPs, the funds were extracted and paid to Henry largely without incident. A precedent had been set however and the king would continue to request further monies from England – without consulting Parliament – until the war’s end in 1536.

A near-contemporary painting of the peace negotiations between Henry VII of the Dual Monarchy and ‘King in France’ Francis I. Henry is seen triumphantly approaching on horseback, surrounded by his army.

Emboldened by his success against the Valois, Henry became determined to bring the disparate parts of his domain under one legislative and judicial framework. It was with this goal in mind that he issued the Declaration of Paris in 1538 which dissolved the various regional legislatures in the Dual Monarchy and concentrated all power within his court and the Estates General in Paris as the sole authorities which could issue laws and requests for taxes for all of the Plantagenet realm. Whereas the English Parliament had generally acquiesced to funds being requested over their heads in a time of war against the hated Valois, the assembled members of the Lords and Commons were outraged when Henry’s appointed representative read out the Declaration at Westminster. Items were thrown at the poor man, who had to be escorted out of the hall by armed guards in order to avoid being assaulted by angry MPs. One individual even went as far as to attack the throne upon which English monarchs had traditionally sat when attending Parliament and declared ‘If His Majesty will not allow us to sit in consultation with him then he shall not have a seat for himself here or in any part of England’. Whilst the Declaration did not result in outright rebellion, it contributed to a simmering resentment which was growing between England and France. The two kingdoms, united under one crown after more than a century of war, now seemed to be entering into a much more unequal relationship than had been imagined when the Treaty of Troyes was ratified in 1420.

 

[Nivek]

Amazing update, show how the Plantaganet sucess ended up a poisoned chalice long term in england..well they still exist..so that is an improvement for them.
But as you say, the seeds of discontents already are planted and weathered...is just short time till they start to bloom

 

[8bitninja]

Amazing update, show how the Plantaganet sucess ended up a poisoned chalice long term in england..well they still exist..so that is an improvement for them.
But as you say, the seeds of discontents already are planted and weathered...is just short time till they start to bloom

Thanks! I tried to think about how England, and especially Parliament, would be impacted once it became only one half of a larger whole, rather than the most important Plantagenet domain as it was previously.

Next update will be posted shortly.

 

[8bitninja]

Henry VII’s desire to centralise power in the Dual Monarchy interacted with the religious strife engulfing Europe to devastating effect. Following Martin Luther, Ulrich Zwingli and John Calvin’s critiques of the Catholic Church, people across the continent began questioning spiritual and temporal authority like never before. With the advent of the Printing Press, Protestant ideas spread quickly and the Reformation began to take hold in countries like Scandinavia, the Burgundian Kingdom of Lotharingia and parts of Germany. Whilst congregations began springing up in Aquitaine – to the great concern of Henry VII – England became the clear centre of the Protestant movement within the Dual Monarchy. In the south and east of the country, long-established trade links with Germany, Scandinavia and the Low Countries brought with them an exchange of religious ideas and various shades of Protestantism became popular with the merchant classes in cities like London and Norwich. For the lesser gentry and the Percy family (who were influenced by contact with recently-converted Stewart Scotland) the anti-authoritarian messages and ideas of spiritual autonomy proved attractive compared with the fiercely Catholic rule of Henry and his son Edward V (reigned 1547-1563) in Paris. Members of the few noble families which remained in England after the end of the Hundred Years War also eyed the swathes of land still held by the Catholic Church across the country and considered whether embracing Protestantism would give them a pretext to seize those holdings – and their wealth – for themselves.

Motivated by his religious convictions and in order to combat what he saw as a clear threat to his authority, Edward V requested from the Pope the title of Rex Christianissimus (Most Christian King) for himself and his successors. Bolstered by this honour he issued the Edict of Caen in 1553 which ended the ill-defined, quasi-tolerated status of Protestantism with the Dual Monarchy and made Catholicism the sole official religion of all Plantagenet realms. Immediately following the issuance of the Edict, scores of civil servants and members of the Inquisition were dispatched across the Dual Monarchy to enforce religious uniformity and root out Protestants wherever they could find them. These civil servants were almost exclusively professionals educated in French universities and they answered solely to the Court in Paris. In addition to restoring Catholic primacy in their allotted areas, these men were also appointed to take over the administration of local authorities such as county councils and larger cities. Such positions had traditionally been the preserve of local figures such as the county gentry and generally operated by an unwritten system of popular consent and respect of ‘ancient rights’. In place of this customary arrangement, administrators and governors were being directly appointed without consultation and began issuing decrees the nature of which residents had no way of shaping. The particularly draconian measures implemented by the governors of London led to an explosion of literature – banned by the Plantagenet authorities – calling for a restoration of the ‘Rights of Englishmen’ along with the guarantee of religious freedom.

It was in this way that the context for the English War of Independence became established. Whilst the conflict was never solely about religion, the obsession of Edward V with ensuring Catholic dominance alienated a large portion of English Protestants including those who would otherwise have remained loyal if they had not continued being persecuted. Edward’s successor Louis XII temporarily suspended the religious activities of his civil servants and attempted to restrain the Inquisition, which has led to speculation as to whether harmony between England and France might have been restored had he not died suddenly in 1570. Louis did not, however, recall the Plantagenet administrators and his ambitious and fanatically Catholic son Richard renewed centralisation and religious persecution with even greater vigour upon taking the throne. It is at this point that one might argue war between the two kingdoms of the Dual Monarchy became inevitable.

The reign of Richard III (1570-1587) was defined by religious and political struggle with his subjects and other European powers.

Determined to assert his power across Western Europe, Richard almost immediately commenced preparations for a war against Lotharingia, looking to conquer the region of Artois. As one of the strongest states in Europe and a champion of the Protestant cause, Richard also wished to cut Lotharingia down to size and disrupt what he saw as a network of anti-Catholic conspiracy between Antwerp [1], London and Aquitaine.

It was to be one of the largest and most destructive wars of the 16th Century, and the conflict came to be seen as a precursor to the Imperial Wars of Religion which wracked Germany between 1605 and 1621. Richard prepared for the war in the same way as his predecessors had done – by issuing requests for money to all corners of his kingdoms. These demands, however, were far in excess of anything which had been made previously and in England they proved to be the last straw for those who had been increasingly pushed out the decision-making process since the Declaration of Paris in 1538. Now immortalised in a number of paintings and sculptures, the gathering of English nobility and burghers which took place at Cambridge in April 1574 can be argued to represent the ‘intellectual’ foundation of an independent England. Over the course of several days, the ‘Cambridge Conference’ discussed how best to respond to the taxation burden which had been placed upon England without representation in Paris. The conference was primarily divided between moderate Catholics and Protestants who largely wished to see an end to persecution and the restoration of their ancient rights including a re-convened Parliament within the framework of the Dual Monarchy, and the more radical ‘Reformists’ which advocated for the abolition of the English Crown altogether and the establishment of a republic guided by proper godly (which for them meant Calvinist) principles. Arguments continued until the conference settled on proposals brought forward by a descendant of Richard, Duke of York. Today remembered as one of the fathers of the English Commonwealth, amongst his contemporaries he came to be known as John the Listener.

A 17th Century depiction of the Cambridge Conference. Scenes from the Conference became a popular subject among English painters almost immediately after it took place.

The fortunes of John’s family had suffered a clear downturn since the days of Richard Plantagenet in the mid-15th Century. The continued enmity of the Kings in Paris – inherited from Margaret of Anjou – meant that the Dukes of York became severely restricted in their efforts to accumulate wealth and power. The tepid relationship between the two branches of the Plantagenet family (the kings in Paris being of the Lancastrian line) had however begun to thaw by the time of John’s father Reginald, who formally abandoned use of the Plantagenet name in favour of simply ‘York’. It is possible that the York family were simply no longer seen as a dynastic threat, but regardless of the reasons John was accepted to study at the universities of Paris where he quickly learned the ways of government, science and literature from his teachers. Intelligent, thoughtful and speaking excellent French, John earned the plaudits of his peers and the ear of Louis XII. Returning to England in 1566 shortly before the death of his father to receive the Ducal title, he managed to navigate a careful path between his privately-held Protestant faith (Reginald had adopted and practiced Lutheranism in secret) and public loyalty to Richard III following his accession, retaining sufficient favour with the new King to prevent forfeit of his lands or indeed his life.

A portrait of John (lived 1540-1605) completed during his time in Paris. The portrait was painted by the court artist of Louis XII, demonstrating the esteem in which the King held the young man.

It was this pragmatic approach to religion and recent personal history with the Kings in Paris which made John a prime candidate to lead any appeals to the Plantagenet monarchy on behalf of the Conference. Sitting almost silently during the deliberations, he then brought forward a compromise solution – crafted with his ally the brilliant William Cecil – which wove together key elements of the attendees’ grievances. In what became known as the ‘Cambridge Petition’ John helped craft an appeal to King Richard which requested an end to further taxation in England without the consent of the English Parliament. The Petition also called for the phasing-out of the centrally appointed administrators and the transfer of their responsibilities back to local figures. In recognition of the Reformist element of the Conference, John ensured the document also requested that all Christian practices be recognised as legitimate, rather than just Catholics and Lutherans as some moderates had argued. One of the most famous lines in the Petition was also the result of compromise with the Reformists, declaring that England was ‘an ancient nation and the men of which, by the grace of God, have their own inalienable rights such that none can take them away’. Such passages led to the Cambridge Petition being held in similar esteem as Magna Carta by the Founding Fathers of the United Republics of Arcadia when they drafted their own declaration of the rights of man over 200 years later [2]. Once completed, the Petition received unanimous approval from the Conference and John was dispatched to make a personal appeal in its favour to Richard III.

[1] - The capital of Lotharingia was moved from Dijon in Burgundy to Antwerp in the mid-16th Century.
[2] - The continent of Arcadia is OTL North America.

 

[Nivek]

uch passages led to the Cambridge Petition being held in similar esteem as Magna Carta by the Founding Fathers of the United Republics of Arcadia when they drafted their own declaration of the rights of man over 200 years later [2]. Once completed, the Petition received unanimous approval from the Conference and John was dispatched to make a personal appeal in its favour to Richard III.

Such massive spoler so early, still both continents were named america already, maybe a rename to not sound too catholic? Yeah the plantaganet might see a massive war in both front now thanks their arrogance...will not the Bourbouns try to attack the Plataganet now?

 

[8bitninja]

Such massive spoler so early, still both continents were named america already, maybe a rename to not sound too catholic? Yeah the plantaganet might see a massive war in both front now thanks their arrogance...will not the Bourbouns try to attack the Plataganet now?

I'm not entirely sure how North America comes to be named Arcadia in the Divergences universe. IOTL the explorer Giovanni da Verrazzano named all of the North American Atlantic Coast above Virgina as 'Arcadia' so ITTL I imagine the name became applied to the whole continent. I included the reference to the United Republics of Arcadia to add a bit of flavour to how the world evolves after the period covered by this story.

The Plantagenets are certainly going to be stretched thin. IIRC the Bourbons are limited to Navarre ITTL and in no condition to attack the Dual Monarchy. Meanwhile the Valois of Provence are still recovering from the beating they received earlier in the century. The Dual Monarchy's principal enemy at the moment is the Burgundian Kingdom of Lotharingia.

 

[8bitninja]

For all the patience and good intentions with which the Cambridge Petition was assembled, it was to prove ultimately fruitless. Travelling to Paris in order to present the document in person John, Duke of York was bitterly disappointed when, after a brief period of consideration, Richard III summarily dismissed the Conference’s appeals, even going so far as to order John’s arrest later the same day. Luckily old friends in court had gotten wind of Richard’s intentions and John was able to escape Paris in disguise, returning to England dressed as a sailor. The King found the presentation of the Petition to be personally insulting and while it hardened his opposition against concessions to England, it also strengthened the resolve of the Reformists who became ever-more-determined to press on with their original plans for an independent English state. As the year wore on, it appeared that France and England were drifting closer and closer to all-out war. For example, English ships led by former privateers such as Francis Drake began to attack Plantagenet shipping in the Channel, North Sea and Atlantic Ocean. Highly motivated and bound together by Protestant fervour as much as a desire for loot, the success of these bands of ‘Sea Brothers’ would prove to be a constant thorn in the side of the Plantagenets.

The key event which convinced Richard that England had to be brought firmly into line, however, was the explosion of religiously-motivated violence which erupted across the country in the Summer and Autumn of 1574. No single incident has been identified as the spark which set off the violence on a wider scale, but the earliest recorded episodes – in rural Leicestershire where angry supporters of the Reformist movement broke into and ransacked a Catholic church, and in Canterbury where a band of Catholic townsfolk attacked a Lutheran congregation as they were leaving a service – took place almost simultaneously. English society was already in a state of heightened tension and it is therefore possible that the incidents occurred spontaneously with little external stimulus, as communities sought to settle old scores or take action against what they perceived as heresy. As word of such violence quickly spread through pamphlets issued by all parties, conflicts began happening throughout England from Cornwall to Cumbria. Whilst John and the Cambridge Conference appealed for calm, when word reached Richard III in Paris he made the fateful decision to appoint a military governor to restore order and Catholic piety to England, by force if necessary.

One of the single largest acts of violence in England during the second half of 1574 occurred in Peterborough when Catholic and Protestant mobs fought a pitched battle which lasted several days.

Richard’s choice to lead this effort was Charles Devereaux, Count of Maine. Himself of Anglo-Norman stock, his family re-settled in France following Henry VI’s conquests and quickly found favour with the Plantagenet throne. Maine had further burnished his reputation through successful actions against the rebelling Irish a few years prior. He was also a devout Catholic firmly committed to the enforcement of religious conformity across the entire Dual Monarchy. As the Winter of 1574 progressed, Maine assembled an army in Calais which was ready to make the short journey across the Channel in late January of the following year. Richard had given him orders to quickly sweep away the rebellious English and return the bulk of his forces to France in time for the Summer campaign season against Lotharingia. Luckily the Cambridge Conference had received word of Maine’s preparations from the intelligence network operated by the spymaster Francis Walsingham. When the proof that Richard was intent on subduing England by military means became inescapable, John reluctantly agreed to raise an army and declare English independence from Plantagenet rule. As Commissions of Array were sent out to the counties in order to gather able-bodied men to the English banner, Parliament was convened at the Palace of Westminster in London. Whilst most of the English Stewards supported the new Parliament, a minority remained loyal to their lords in France and either raised what forces they could to resist the rebels or fled for their lives with angry peasants at their back.

Charles Devereaux was an intelligent and ambitious man with a fearsome military reputation.

In his opening remarks at Westminster Hall, John made it clear that he had wished for a peaceful solution and a compromise with Richard which would have led to a political and religious settlement acceptable to all parties. However, his best chance of achieving that had gone when the King had rejected the Cambridge Petition and the assembled Parliament was united in its desire to see England ‘cast off the Plantagenet yoke’. Once again playing the role of mediator, John successfully steered a middle course between those who wished to declare an English Republic and others who wanted to offer the crown to Lotharingia or Scandinavia in order to secure their support. The result was the Act of Renunciation signed into law on New Year’s Day 1575, which declared that England was ‘a commonwealth’ and because Richard III had ‘violated his solemn oaths to respect the ancient rights of the land’ fealty was no longer due to him. The ultimate shape of the constitution was not decided in the Act of Renunciation, and Republican and Monarchical factions quickly began to form in Parliament, but the English had taken a dramatic and dangerous step in their efforts to protect what were seen as their ‘natural freedoms’.

When the Count of Maine landed near Dover with thousands of battle-hardened troops, a messenger was sent out from the mighty castle which had been expanded during the reign of the first Plantagenet King of England, Henry II. The young man fearlessly told Maine that Richard III was no longer recognised as England’s sovereign and therefore ‘if it would please His Majesty, his army should return to those lands which remain under his dominion’. Maine was incensed and in a sign of things to come he had the messenger put to death. The Plantagenet forces laid siege to Dover Castle on 30 January 1575, marking the first military action of the English War of Independence.

 

[UnaiB]

@8bitninja Could you use threadmarks, please?

 

[Nivek]

of the English War of Independence.

Loved how thanks butterflies, this become a pararel to otl Dutch war of independance, even with a semi monarchical republic too, great work so far

 

[8bitninja]

@8bitninja Could you use threadmarks, please?

Done, thanks for pointing that out

Loved how thanks butterflies, this become a pararel to otl Dutch war of independance, even with a semi monarchical republic too, great work so far

Well-spotted! I’ve been interested in Dutch history for a while and I realised there were some possible parallels between OTL Habsburg Netherlands and the Plantagenet England of Divergences (religious differences, a foreign monarch trying to centralise power at the expense of native elites), and that inspired me to start writing the story. In Divergences lore England ends up religiously and politically integrated into the Dual Monarchy (English Protestants flee to America and Lotharingia) but I wanted to explore how things could have gone differently to the official lore. I’ve taken some licence in terms changing the Kings of the Dual Monarchy in order to suit the story. The post-English Civil War republican government of England OTL also influenced my thinking, including the name I ended up giving the rebel state.

Thanks for your feedback

 

[Nivek]

In Divergences lore

What is divergences buddy?

I spotted those similarities as i read about the beldeemstorm and how impacted netherlands, so that is why i feel so familiar in england war here..and make sense, both nations were cultural similar at the time. Nice work so far buddy

 

[8bitninja]

What is divergences buddy?

Divergences is a mod for Paradox Interactive's game Victoria II called 'Divergences of Darkness'. There are multiple PODs in the early 15th Century but the mod's playable time period of 1836-1936. If you're interested in learning more about the mod and the ‘canon’ Divergences timeline you can visit this page: https://forum.paradoxplaza.com/foru...ivergences-of-darkness-history-thread.823974/

 

[Nivek]

Divergences is a mod for Paradox Interactive's game Victoria II called 'Divergences of Darkness'. There are multiple PODs in the early 15th Century but the mod's playable time period of 1836-1936. If you're interested in learning more about the mod and the ‘canon’ Divergences timeline you can visit this page: https://forum.paradoxplaza.com/foru...ivergences-of-darkness-history-thread.823974/

thanks for the info, i thought it was another tl or a rpg book, still sadly i need an account in paradox now it seems

 

[8bitninja]

thanks for the info, i thought it was another tl or a rpg book, still sadly i need an account in paradox now it seems

Sorry for the confusion - I forgot that you need a paradox account in order to access the page I linked you (oops!). If you have any questions about the 'canon' Divergences tl feel free to write them here or DM me.

 

[8bitninja]

Whilst a detailed survey of the military campaigns of the English War of Independence is best left to a more specialised historian, the main reason why it lasted as long as it did – and why the Dual Monarchy ultimately lost – was Richard’s obstinate refusal to conclude any of the other conflicts in which Plantagenet forces were also engaged. In addition to trying to put down the English rebellion, the Dual Monarchy was still at war with Lotharingia whilst simultaneously fighting French Protestants in Aquitaine and handling the second significant uprising in Ireland in a little under a decade. Across the Atlantic in Arcadia and Ameriga [1], Plantagenet colonies were under attack by Lotharingian (and later on, English) forces. Richard was absolutely convinced of the rightness of his cause and saw any attempt at compromise or settlement as a sign of weakness. Engaged on several fronts, Plantagenet forces were therefore unable to land knockout blows on their enemies and each conflict ground down into an increasingly bitter back-and-forth stalemate. Whole settlements were devastated as rival armies continually marched through the same areas looking for resources, whilst victorious forces frequently gave no quarter to their defeated foes.

The Count of Maine was all-too-aware of the Dual Monarchy’s highly-stretched military situation, and he was therefore determined to destroy the English rebellion as quickly as possible. Following the capture of Dover Castle after a brief siege, Maine swiftly advanced towards London where he met the main English army just north of the town of Orpington. Assembled at short notice, the English suffered from a lack of quality equipment for most of their troops, along with coordination problems among units which had generally not fought together before. Henry Percy, Duke of Northumberland had held senior positions in both Scandinavian and Lotharingian armies at the head of mercenary companies in his earlier days and he was given overall command. Although his experience helped to instill some coherence in the English forces, the mismatch between the opposing armies soon told, with Maine’s disciplined pike-and-shot formations winning the day. Despite their defeat, Percy managed to prevent a full-on rout and the English forces withdrew from the field in an orderly fashion shortly after two o’clock. The way to London, however, was clear and the panicked civic authorities declared the city open to the Plantagenet army. Unfortunately for the hopeful Londoners, Maine was not in a forgiving mood and he let his soldiers loose upon the city. What followed were two full days of looting and destruction, which only ceased when a group of concerned officers pleaded with Maine to relent at the start of the third day. Countless districts had been laid to waste during the sack, with the damage taking several years to be fully repaired. The human cost was also terribly high, with over a thousand civilians killed, captured or wounded.

A painting of the Plantagenet sack of London (artist unknown) completed in 1675 in order to commemorate the 100th anniversary of the event.

But whilst the violent treatment of the city sated Maine’s immediate desire to make an example of the English rebels, as news of the disaster travelled across the country it only served to push those who had not yet made up their minds – including a number of moderate Catholics – to fight against the Plantagenets. It also fired up the already highly-driven Reformists who began to proactively assemble their own military units. These ‘New Battalions’ – so named because they were organised outside of the existing structure of the county ‘Trained Bands’ – became renowned for their steadfastness in battle, innovative tactics and unshakeable belief that God was on their side. Only a few of these units were available immediately, however, and after a brief respite the battered English forces had to rally quickly in order to face Maine once again as the Plantagenet army moved on from the still-smoking ruins of London. Leaving small garrisons in the captured capital and the town of Barnet to the north of the city, Maine continued on towards St Albans where the English were gathering their strength.

Scouts from Percy’s cavalry spotted the first signs of the Plantagenet vanguard a little after six o’clock on the morning of 3 April 1575. The English military leadership was initially divided over whether to engage again so soon after the defeat at Orpington, and a few advised they should instead fall back towards Nottingham. However, Percy was adamant that Maine’s advance had to be stalled before it built up an irresistible momentum. When the council of war turned to John, Duke of York for the deciding vote, the rebel leader simply said ‘We should ready our arms, dread work is to be done this day’. Men shouldered their pikes, cannons were wheeled into position and priests gave inspirational sermons to stiffen the resolve of their troops as they readied themselves for the day ahead. The fate of the nascent English rebellion rested on the result of the battle to come.

Over 15,000 soldiers fought at the Battle of St Albans, including 6,000 pikemen and musketeers on the English side and 8,000 for the Plantagenets. Despite their deficiency in terms of infantry numbers, the English army had more artillery and occupied a good position on a hill to south of the town. This gave them an early advantage, managing to land several hits on the Plantagenet forces as they came into range. Determined to engage and destroy the rebels, Maine ordered his infantry to advance under a hail of musket and cannon fire. His troops suffered terrible casualties, but they still outnumbered their foes and were no strangers to marching in the face of such opposition. As the blocks of pikemen began to clash, Maine sent out his crack heavy cavalry force in an attempt to outflank the English line. Recognising the enemy general’s plan, Henry Percy responded with his own horse commanded by the Scottish-Scandinavian mercenary Jacob McKay. After a brief but furious engagement the opposing cavalry broke off to return to friendly lines – Maine’s gambit to end the battle quickly had failed.

Henry Percy, Duke of Northumberland giving out orders at the Battle of St Albans. His strong leadership would prove instrumental in the early years of the English War of Independence.

However the experience of the Plantagenet infantry along with their sheer weight of numbers still looked to be sufficient to win the day, as part of the left-most division of the English line threatened to break under relentless pressure, exposing the rest of the army to being ‘rolled up’ from the flank. The outcome of the battle hung in the balance but English fortunes were revived when a Scottish priest by the name of James Lawson [2] stood atop a broken wagon and exhorted his comrades to rally and push the Plantagenets back. The intervention succeeded and the English troops recovered, halting the advance of the enemy pikemen before beginning to drive them back whilst Lawson continued to bellow words of encouragement and passages from the Bible. Sensing the momentum shift Percy threw in his reserve to support the division, tipping the local balance firmly in the Englishmen’s favour. As the opposing Plantagenet formation began to buckle, the English left-flank wheeled around – now it was Maine’s line which was vulnerable to attack from their side and rear. Recognising that his infantry were at risk of being overrun, Maine ordered another cavalry attack in order to cover the pikemen’s withdrawal. Slamming into the English line, it took everything Percy’s men had left to beat the armoured horsemen back, McKay avoiding serious injury by the skin of his teeth. By the time the Plantagenet cavalry had been driven away, Maine had been able to organise an orderly retreat and his army withdrew towards Barnet.

The Battle of St Albans may have ended without a clear victor, but for the English it meant that the rebellion lived to fight another day. They had demonstrated that the Plantagenets were not invincible, which led to the rebels experienced a surge in recruitment in the months following the battle. Though London was lost and Maine’s forces successfully occupied the South-West of the country by the end of the year, the English became strong enough to hold a line which generally ran from Gloucester in the West, through Oxford and ended at the Essex coast. With a provisional English capital established at Northampton until London could be retaken, both sides prepared to see through what would become a deadly and vicious struggle to the bitter end. Indeed, the war was described by one contemporary observer as ‘the most grim and frightful conflict to have ever taken place since the beginning of the world. Living through it, the war seemed to be never-ending’.

[1] - Ameriga is the OTL continent of South America.
[2] - OTL the successor to John Knox as Protestant leader in Scotland. In TTL Scotland experiences a Lutheran rather than Calvinist Reformation, meaning that Lawson's views are not entirely welcome in his own country. He instead decides to chance his arm in England.

 

[Nivek]

A beggining on fire...this will be a dynamic war.

 

[8bitninja]

As noted previously, the back-and-forth nature of the Dual Monarchy’s wars in the late 16th Century led to severe depredation being inflicted on towns and their surrounding countryside. Logistics were haphazardly organised at best, meaning that soldiers frequently had to impose themselves on the locals in order to find food and shelter. If they could not be paid for, then often they were simply taken. In this way communities across France and England suffered such disruption that in some cases it took them decades to recover, if at all.

The highest-profile examples of this from the War of English Independence are the sieges of Gloucester, which changed hands between the English and Plantagenets 3 times from the Autumn of 1575 to 1587. The city occupied a strategic position on the River Severn and Maine considered its conquest to be key to moving up into Wales and the West Midlands. Besieged no less than 6 times during the course of the war, Gloucester was subject to intense artillery bombardments which left most of the city – including the famous cathedral – in ruins. Devastation of the local area denied the population sufficient food, leading to horrific scenes of starvation which were recounted by Jack Wilmott, a wool merchant who survived the fifth siege (the Plantagenet’s third siege overall, often regarded as being the worst for the city’s inhabitants). Wilmott wrote in his diary that ‘every day I pass by men, women and children who wasting away in front of me. I took pity on one particular woman who was cradling the body of her dead child on Northgate Street. I gave her what little food I had and she thanked me tearfully. The next day I walked the same path and saw the woman being carted away amongst so many other bodies. It struck me that she had died in spite of my assistance. I begin to wonder whether any good deed we attempt these days is ultimately futile’.

A print from a contemporary pamphlet distributed across England, decrying the brutality of the Plantagenet occupation. Such publications were used by both sides in an attempt to sway public opinion.

Against this background of devastation both sides struggled to gain the upper hand. Following the stalemate at St Albans, Scandinavia and Lotharingia began to provide the English rebels with funds and equipment. Thanks to the efforts of John, Duke of York and William Cecil, the English were also successful in securing the services of several mercenary companies from across Northern Europe. Whilst they did not come cheap, mercenary captains such as Gustav Vasa [1] and the Earl of Sutherland are now remembered as key figures in many of the war’s pivotal battles. The Count of Maine, however, commanded a formidable and experienced army which was among the best-equipped and led of any in Europe. Maine’s forces were also bolstered by volunteers from staunchly Catholic Englishmen, and although never matching the numbers gained by the English from Protestants and moderate Catholics, they acquitted themselves as well as any during the course of the war.

Evenly matched as they were, the English and Plantagenets each experienced moments of triumph and defeat. For example, after conquering Gloucester for the first time in October 1575, Maine’s second-in-command Gaston LeRoux surged up the Severn Valley where he met a force led by Owen, Steward of Pembroke. Owen was quickly joined by John of York, who had marched his men through the Cotswolds with incredible speed. Facing off at Tewkesbury, John and Owen combined to turn back LeRoux, inflicting heavy losses on their Plantagenet opponents. A few years later in May 1578, Henry Percy attempted to cut the Plantagenet lines of communication by campaigning into Berkshire. However, before he could lay siege to Reading, Maine led a relief force from London and soundly defeated the English general.

Owen, Steward of Pembroke (lived 1538-1600) led English forces in the South-West throughout the War of English Independence.

One of the most dangerous moments for the rebels in the war's early years came in the Summer of 1580. Following a successful defence of the Midlands from Plantagenet incursion, Percy led a large force to retake Bristol, which had been under Maine’s control essentially since the start of the war. Wracked by disease and suffering in the Summer heat, the English were unable to force a breakthrough and take the city. Aware that a large Plantagenet army was on its way, Percy reluctantly agreed at a late-night council of war to withdraw back to friendly territory. As he made his way back to his tent, the radical Catholic Tobias Whetstone –- who had infiltrated the English camp earlier that night – suddenly appeared and stabbed Percy several times. Although Whetstone was captured and later killed by vengeful English soldiers, the general’s wounds were too severe and he died in the early hours of the following morning. Assuming command in the wake of Percy’s death, Jacob McKay prevented the English army from falling into disarray and they safely withdrew from the walls of Bristol as planned. McKay was then confirmed as overall leader of the English forces and would go on to form an effective partnership with Owen of Pembroke and John of York.

Most military historians agree that the final phase of the War of English Independence began in March 1585 when the Lotharingians won a spectacular victory at the Battle of Arras, destroying the Plantagenet army and moving to lay siege to Calais. With the situation in Artois thus threatening to collapse, Richard III ordered Maine to return from England with a detachment of troops to take charge. Heading the other way across the Channel was Edouard Villeneuve, Count of Poitou. Prickly and arrogant, Villeneuve shared Maine’s hatred of the English rebels but could not match the military talent of his compatriot. Even before leaving France he replaced a number of Maine’s key lieutenants, such as Gaston LeRoux, with his personal favourites, regardless of their military ability. Deciding that the reason victory had not yet been achieved was because the spirit of English resistance remained undimmed, as soon as he arrived in England Villeneuve dramatically increased the level of violent repression wherever the Plantagenets held control. But as with the brutal sack of London 10 years previously, such measures only served to act as a rallying cry to the English cause. Rather than breaking the morale of the rebels, their ranks swelled like never before.

By this time the avowedly Protestant ‘New Battalions’ had grown to form a sizeable contingent of the main English army based out of the temporary capital of Northampton. These units were highly democratic, electing their own officers to lead them into battle. Their overall commander by mid-1585 was – by unanimous acclamation – Elias Matthews, a man of meagre means from rural Staffordshire who had won great popularity for his heroics during the war, as well as his staunchly Reformist stance. Demonstrating great concern for the condition of his rank-and-file troops, Matthews was a far cry from the noble-born officers which led most armies across Europe at the time.

Elias Matthews (lived 1545-1619) was a gifted tactician and political thinker. After the war he became a champion of the Reformist cause in Parliament.

An intelligent and innovative leader, he was also responsible for making the New Battalions some of the best-trained and equipped units of the war. They played a crucial role in the English successes of Spring 1586, when Jacob McKay led the largest English army yet assembled on a daring campaign to take the port cities of Southampton and Portsmouth. Villeneuve attempted to halt the English advance near Winchester, but in a reversal of the Battle of Orpington the Plantagenet army was highly dysfunctional, whereas the rebels were well-coordinated in their actions. Matthews’ battalions fought fiercely and broke the Plantagenet centre, helping the English inflict a heavy defeat on Villeneuve. Southampton and Portsmouth subsequently fell to McKay, giving the English direct access to the Channel for the first time in the war.

Richard III was outraged when he received word of the English victory, and it took all of the influence of Villeneuve’s allies at court to prevent the king from removing the defeated general from his post. The balance of the conflict appeared to have tipped in favour of the rebels – with the impressive naval facilities on the south coast under English control, the newly established English navy (which now officially counted Francis Drake and the brilliant Walter Ralegh among their leaders) was able to greatly increase its activities in the Channel and the New World. In Ameriga, for example, the Welshman David Rees led a joint English-Lotharingian force which landed near the mouth of the Silver River under heavy fire and took Fort St-Denis. Rees re-founded the fort as ‘Aberavon’, which is today the capital city of the Federation of Argentina [2].

Despite the recent English successes, the course of the war turned yet again in mid-1587 when the Plantagenets finally took La Rochelle – the last Huguenot-held city in France – after a lengthy siege. With the French Protestants decisively defeated, significant naval and land forces were released for action elsewhere. Seeing an opportunity to achieve a decisive victory against the English, Richard ordered the large Plantagenet fleet to sail north from La Rochelle, combine with ships based at Brest and St-Malo, and sweep away any rebel naval presence in the Channel. Meanwhile, the army in Aquitaine would march to Le Havre in order to be transported to England and crush the rebellion once and for all. Fortunately for the English, Francis Walsingham’s spy network quickly got wind of the plan. As the Plantagenet Grande Flotte entered the Channel in early July 1587, Drake and Ralegh, together with Lotharingian Admiral Christiaan de Ruyter, devised a desperate plan upon which rested the future of the English rebellion.

[1] - In TTL the Vasa family never rose to power in Sweden, so I imagine they might turn to mercenary activities if they were frozen out of power.
[2] - Aberavon is OTL Buenos Aires.

 

[Nivek]

[2] - Aberavon is OTL Buenos Aires

I would not be named that way if wasn't spanish, would be something else, New London, Albus, Argento, something more original

 

[8bitninja]

A beggining on fire...this will be a dynamic war.

Thanks I enjoyed writing the battle of St Albans.

I would not be named that way if wasn't spanish, would be something else, New London, Albus, Argento, something more original

Sorry if I wasn't clear in the notes. In TTL French explorers founded what is OTL Buenos Aires and called it 'Fort St-Denis'. I went with 'Aberavon' for the Commonwealth name due to the English-Lotharingian army being led by a Welshman. 'Aberavon' more or less translates from Welsh (albeit anglicised) as 'Mouth/Estuary of a river' so I felt it was a good fit. OTL Buenos Aires is definitely not called Buenos Aires in TTL.