14 August 2016, Braunov, Russian Empire
It had been an interesting 19 months that Robert Glenn had spent in Russia as part of the telemetry team in the joint US-Russian manned Mars mission, Project Nerio. As a collaborative project, certain parts of the project were based in Russia and others in the US. Much of the physical rocketry work as was centered here in Braunov, not far from Moscow in a city named for the great rocket pioneer von Braun, whereas much of the computing work was to be completed in the US. Once the trial module was actually test launched, construction would then commence in the US and the actual launch would take place from Cape Canaveral in 2019. The project here would wrap up in mid-2017 and Robert Glenn was not sure how he felt about that.
Glenn had found his time interesting and Russia had been a contrast to the US in both his chosen field and also his secondary interest, politics. His Grandfather John had been a Senator for many years for Ohio. He found the current drift of US politics to the right to be a disturbing trend, albeit one that was seemingly common world wide as the perceived threat of terrorism and dilution of culture by the very global mobility of people was another. Europe had moved to the right, disturbed by the influx of genuine refugees and also economic ones from the Middle East, but particularly Africa. It was a disturbing trend, one that had seen Russia reach out to her old friends in the last 12 months in particular, namely the UK, Romania, Italy and the Baltics.
He had found the differences in culture between the US and the Russian Empire to be quite an interesting study. In the US power was assumed to come from the people, flowing up, although recent speculation on the “Washington elites” that had seen Donald Trump sneak over the line to gain the Republican Presidential nomination had challenged that. In Russia power unquestionably flowed down from centralized structures. It was the way things had always been. Reaction to change worked much the same way. In regards to the rights of the individual and the capacity to hold diverse views, there was also differences. In the US individual rights were celebrated and tolerance was encouraged, despite the country’s racist past. In Russia, the rights of the individual had made great strides in the last 100 years, yet was still subordinated to the communal good and consensus of thought. If the government wished to build a highway through your home, rights of appeal in Russia were limited and people would be shocked to see someone do so. This was perhaps a cultural thing. Russia had suffered constantly with wars until the last 50 years, most of these causing great devastation internally. The US had also fought in wars, yet never been threatened domestically. The affinity for the group could be seen in everyday life, in group dating, and physical contact with strangers. Pushing and shoving in crowds brought no hard feelings in Russia and was considered the norm. In restaurants Russians would not hesitate to join a table with complete strangers rather than dine alone. Men kissed men to show affection, heterosexual women would hold hands while strolling. Russians would feel free to tell you if you or your child is not dressed warm enough. In general, in a collective society, it seemed everybody's business was also everyone else's.
America's commercial experience and Russia's lack until recent times of significant strides in this area seemed to give the two countries different world outlooks. Commerce was by its very nature conducive to compromise. Nations raised on it instinctively seek a common ground for agreement, that exact point at which the other side might be prepared to make a deal. Compromise seemed native to America, but not to Russia. The new was welcomed in America; the old was revered in Russia. Russians seemed more likely to be cautious and conservative defenders of the status quo. Russians valued stability, security, social order, and predictability, avoiding risk. The tried and tested was generally preferred over the new and unknown. For that reason, whilst Americans generally expected things to go well and become upset when they didn't, Russians expected things to go poorly and were prepared to be surprised if that was not the case. Their favourite form of humour was black, much like English comedians, whilst this was foreign to many American minds.
Glenn worked with many talented people who truly knew their fields. This was no surprise, as in Russia an extensive system of public schools blanketed the country, Russia having one of the lowest illiteracy rates in the world and education far cheaper than in America, in fact in most cases free. For all this creative thinking was seemingly an largely unknown term in Russian education until the highest level. Students were told what the answer was, not why the answer was what it was. "How did you arrive at the answer?" was not a question a Russian teacher would ask. It is simply right or wrong. Two plus two was four. The reason why was immaterial.
Time and respect for it was another differing aspect. Time is money to Americans, and punctuality a virtue. Meetings are expected to start on time, and work under pressure of the clock is a challenge routinely accepted. To Russians, with their agricultural heritage, time is like the seasons, with plenty of time for doing little in between bursts of frenetic activity. Russians were notoriously not on time, but were not abashed at being late. When they did arrive, there were a number of rituals before a meeting: first small talk, then tea or even vodka late in the day, then talk of family and personal problems, then finally the business of the day.
Things seldom went as planned with Russians. They would often say, "In principle, it can be done," but in practice, it may be another matter. Moreover, in trying to please and be good hosts, they often promised much more than they could actually deliver. A "yes", or "of course" did not always mean the same to Russians and Americans. For Russians it may mean they agree with your goal, even if they actually have no power or intention to deliver it.
Perhaps the most unusual feature of society was the concept of nyekulturny, which, so he had been informed quite quickly, is the wrong way of doing things, an uncultured, bad-mannered way of behaviour. Examples were endless: wearing coats in public buildings that have a cloakroom, standing with your hands in your pockets, sprawling in chairs, placing feet on tables, crossing legs while seated so as to show the sole of a shoe, sitting with legs spread wide, crossing arms behind the head, draping an arm over the back of a chair, eating lunch on park lawns, whistling at home or on the street, whistling during applause, telling a Russian that you have to go to the restroom, even lounging or sitting on the steps of a public building. Nearly all of these things seemed rather normal to him as an American.
Robert Glenn had been clueless in regards to such matters when he had first arrived and had therefore often put his foot in it. This had gradually changed as he had met locals he had liked and as he had been drawn into their inner socialising he had been educated in what was acceptable what was not. This process had been accelerated when he had met Marina and their relationship had developed. She had dragged him out into the country to see her home village and the "real Russia", whilst at the same time taking him on trips to St Petersburg, which although the smaller of the two cities vis a vis Moscow was definitely the fashion capital of Russia and a leading light in the world. Rail transport in Russia was quick and efficient, as well as cheap, as opposed to other forms of transport. He had gradually picked up other aspects such as: not smiling to much("only simpletons or liars smile for no reason"), never joke about one's family( "why would you disrespect them that way?)", never show up empty handed at someone's place("that is simply disrespectful"), never sit in a corner table("you will never find your lover"), never agree to vodka unless you are prepared to drink the bottle, when giving flowers, always an odd number("even numbers are for funerals"), apologise only once and mean it(“constant apologies is being obsequious”) and the like. There had been some rocky moments. In Russia "going Dutch" was unheard of. Of course the man would pay for the date, he was the one who asked the lady on it and to not do so was insulting. Opening car doors, carrying luggage, this was to be expected. Russian women were also very concerned with fashion and always looking their best and could simply not understand why one would not dress well. With Russians, perhaps even more so Russian women, there was an initial icy wall. Once it melted away, it was another matter. Russians in general had little concept of personal space but when in a relationship showing intense PDA in public was quite the norm.
He had met Marina's parents, who approved and taken her the naming of Columbus International Airport after her grandfather, where she had met his family. Marina's father was a Democratic Party politician, much like her own grandfather. In Russia the Democratic Party and it's main rival, the Socialists, had started a long way apart but now seemed closer together than many Republicans and Democrats in the US. The Russian Democratic Party’s roots stretched all the way back to the Kadets in the first Duma, the party always being slightly to the right of centre. The Socialist Party of Russia was a slightly different beast, it’s main genesis in the original Trudoviks, however, along the way the SR’s and Mensheviks had all been absorbed and rolled into the party. Once containing a wide variety of views, including many extreme left wing, under the guardianship of Victor Chernov it had weathered the tough times and as prosperity had truly arrived in the 1950’s the party had drifted ever more to the centre. More extreme views greatest enemy was always prosperity and so it was with those on the far left of the Socialists. The most left wing party was now the Green Alliance. Russia had in essence become a two party state, with elections fought between the Democrats, or “blues” as they were commonly known and Socialists, or “oranges”, after their respective party colours. There were a number of smaller parties, namely the Libertarians, their roots based in objectivism and the philosophies of Alisa Rosenbaum. Also the Greens, who were the furthest to the left, their policies based on social justice and respect for the environment, as well as inclusiveness for minorities. Lastly, there was the Union of the Russian People, a right wing nationalistic party that made the furor Trump had caused in the US seem like a tea party. Thankfully, their support was low and they drifted in and out of the Duma, only occasionally electing a member after the Duma moved from proportional representation to a system of electorates in the 1950’s. The State Council was, however, elected by proportional representation, making the smaller party’s more likely to gain representation. However, the largest third party was the Turkic Peoples Party, which was committed to gaining as much influence and autonomy for Russia’s central Asian republics and regularly swept Duma elections in these areas.
Russia’s current Prime Minister Boris Nemisov was highly visible and popular and the Democratic Party had won the last election comfortably. Tsar Alexander IV was also well loved. Russia had hit a high point of prosperity until an economic slowdown these last two years as oil and gas prices had fallen, hurting her economy.
The country as a whole seemed to view the last few 2-3 years with some alarm, as the first tiny ripples of instability appeared in a Europe that since the 1950’s had been a bastion of stability. These had been fanned by hard economic times in America where the poor had been left behind in many cases and trickle down economics had proven to be largely a myth. The problem that this had created was that in the US the social security nets that were in place in many European countries did not exist. This was also a rising issue for Russia which also lacked a cradle to grave social security net, although ameliorated by the fact that Russians in many cases still lived in extended families, making those that were more vulnerable looked after.
Russia had become much closer to the members of the Baltic Trade organisation since the 1960’s, especially when the Socialist party was in power when many of their policies matched these Scandinavian “cradle to grave” socialist philosophy. In fact, Sweden, Denmark, Norway, Finland, Estonia, Iceland, Lithuania and Latvia had formed such close ties that they had adopted a common currency, no border restrictions and even adopted flags that all featured the Scandinavian cross. With their Kronor based economies, they formed a competing trade block to most of the rest of Europe, which used the Euro(aside from the UK, Russia, some Southern European states and Switzerland).
However, Russia’s most enduring partnership was with the UK, at least in Europe. In Asia, it was certainly Korea. With the UK, royal marriage was certainly only another expression of the cementing of such alliances. It was not a concept Robert Glenn really understood. He was more worried about the drift towards the right in his own country. The Clinton years had not been a time of coming together, seemingly a time that had reopened divisions that existed in domestic society. Despite all that, he expected Barack Obama as the Democratic nominee to win out over Trump, who had already committed a number of electoral gaffes. Obama himself had not won the Democratic nomination by as much as some expected, Bernie Sanders coming very close, a remarkable event considering the aversion to socialism that had long been the norm in US politics.
It had been an interesting 19 months that Robert Glenn had spent in Russia as part of the telemetry team in the joint US-Russian manned Mars mission, Project Nerio. As a collaborative project, certain parts of the project were based in Russia and others in the US. Much of the physical rocketry work as was centered here in Braunov, not far from Moscow in a city named for the great rocket pioneer von Braun, whereas much of the computing work was to be completed in the US. Once the trial module was actually test launched, construction would then commence in the US and the actual launch would take place from Cape Canaveral in 2019. The project here would wrap up in mid-2017 and Robert Glenn was not sure how he felt about that.
Glenn had found his time interesting and Russia had been a contrast to the US in both his chosen field and also his secondary interest, politics. His Grandfather John had been a Senator for many years for Ohio. He found the current drift of US politics to the right to be a disturbing trend, albeit one that was seemingly common world wide as the perceived threat of terrorism and dilution of culture by the very global mobility of people was another. Europe had moved to the right, disturbed by the influx of genuine refugees and also economic ones from the Middle East, but particularly Africa. It was a disturbing trend, one that had seen Russia reach out to her old friends in the last 12 months in particular, namely the UK, Romania, Italy and the Baltics.
He had found the differences in culture between the US and the Russian Empire to be quite an interesting study. In the US power was assumed to come from the people, flowing up, although recent speculation on the “Washington elites” that had seen Donald Trump sneak over the line to gain the Republican Presidential nomination had challenged that. In Russia power unquestionably flowed down from centralized structures. It was the way things had always been. Reaction to change worked much the same way. In regards to the rights of the individual and the capacity to hold diverse views, there was also differences. In the US individual rights were celebrated and tolerance was encouraged, despite the country’s racist past. In Russia, the rights of the individual had made great strides in the last 100 years, yet was still subordinated to the communal good and consensus of thought. If the government wished to build a highway through your home, rights of appeal in Russia were limited and people would be shocked to see someone do so. This was perhaps a cultural thing. Russia had suffered constantly with wars until the last 50 years, most of these causing great devastation internally. The US had also fought in wars, yet never been threatened domestically. The affinity for the group could be seen in everyday life, in group dating, and physical contact with strangers. Pushing and shoving in crowds brought no hard feelings in Russia and was considered the norm. In restaurants Russians would not hesitate to join a table with complete strangers rather than dine alone. Men kissed men to show affection, heterosexual women would hold hands while strolling. Russians would feel free to tell you if you or your child is not dressed warm enough. In general, in a collective society, it seemed everybody's business was also everyone else's.
America's commercial experience and Russia's lack until recent times of significant strides in this area seemed to give the two countries different world outlooks. Commerce was by its very nature conducive to compromise. Nations raised on it instinctively seek a common ground for agreement, that exact point at which the other side might be prepared to make a deal. Compromise seemed native to America, but not to Russia. The new was welcomed in America; the old was revered in Russia. Russians seemed more likely to be cautious and conservative defenders of the status quo. Russians valued stability, security, social order, and predictability, avoiding risk. The tried and tested was generally preferred over the new and unknown. For that reason, whilst Americans generally expected things to go well and become upset when they didn't, Russians expected things to go poorly and were prepared to be surprised if that was not the case. Their favourite form of humour was black, much like English comedians, whilst this was foreign to many American minds.
Glenn worked with many talented people who truly knew their fields. This was no surprise, as in Russia an extensive system of public schools blanketed the country, Russia having one of the lowest illiteracy rates in the world and education far cheaper than in America, in fact in most cases free. For all this creative thinking was seemingly an largely unknown term in Russian education until the highest level. Students were told what the answer was, not why the answer was what it was. "How did you arrive at the answer?" was not a question a Russian teacher would ask. It is simply right or wrong. Two plus two was four. The reason why was immaterial.
Time and respect for it was another differing aspect. Time is money to Americans, and punctuality a virtue. Meetings are expected to start on time, and work under pressure of the clock is a challenge routinely accepted. To Russians, with their agricultural heritage, time is like the seasons, with plenty of time for doing little in between bursts of frenetic activity. Russians were notoriously not on time, but were not abashed at being late. When they did arrive, there were a number of rituals before a meeting: first small talk, then tea or even vodka late in the day, then talk of family and personal problems, then finally the business of the day.
Things seldom went as planned with Russians. They would often say, "In principle, it can be done," but in practice, it may be another matter. Moreover, in trying to please and be good hosts, they often promised much more than they could actually deliver. A "yes", or "of course" did not always mean the same to Russians and Americans. For Russians it may mean they agree with your goal, even if they actually have no power or intention to deliver it.
Perhaps the most unusual feature of society was the concept of nyekulturny, which, so he had been informed quite quickly, is the wrong way of doing things, an uncultured, bad-mannered way of behaviour. Examples were endless: wearing coats in public buildings that have a cloakroom, standing with your hands in your pockets, sprawling in chairs, placing feet on tables, crossing legs while seated so as to show the sole of a shoe, sitting with legs spread wide, crossing arms behind the head, draping an arm over the back of a chair, eating lunch on park lawns, whistling at home or on the street, whistling during applause, telling a Russian that you have to go to the restroom, even lounging or sitting on the steps of a public building. Nearly all of these things seemed rather normal to him as an American.
Robert Glenn had been clueless in regards to such matters when he had first arrived and had therefore often put his foot in it. This had gradually changed as he had met locals he had liked and as he had been drawn into their inner socialising he had been educated in what was acceptable what was not. This process had been accelerated when he had met Marina and their relationship had developed. She had dragged him out into the country to see her home village and the "real Russia", whilst at the same time taking him on trips to St Petersburg, which although the smaller of the two cities vis a vis Moscow was definitely the fashion capital of Russia and a leading light in the world. Rail transport in Russia was quick and efficient, as well as cheap, as opposed to other forms of transport. He had gradually picked up other aspects such as: not smiling to much("only simpletons or liars smile for no reason"), never joke about one's family( "why would you disrespect them that way?)", never show up empty handed at someone's place("that is simply disrespectful"), never sit in a corner table("you will never find your lover"), never agree to vodka unless you are prepared to drink the bottle, when giving flowers, always an odd number("even numbers are for funerals"), apologise only once and mean it(“constant apologies is being obsequious”) and the like. There had been some rocky moments. In Russia "going Dutch" was unheard of. Of course the man would pay for the date, he was the one who asked the lady on it and to not do so was insulting. Opening car doors, carrying luggage, this was to be expected. Russian women were also very concerned with fashion and always looking their best and could simply not understand why one would not dress well. With Russians, perhaps even more so Russian women, there was an initial icy wall. Once it melted away, it was another matter. Russians in general had little concept of personal space but when in a relationship showing intense PDA in public was quite the norm.
He had met Marina's parents, who approved and taken her the naming of Columbus International Airport after her grandfather, where she had met his family. Marina's father was a Democratic Party politician, much like her own grandfather. In Russia the Democratic Party and it's main rival, the Socialists, had started a long way apart but now seemed closer together than many Republicans and Democrats in the US. The Russian Democratic Party’s roots stretched all the way back to the Kadets in the first Duma, the party always being slightly to the right of centre. The Socialist Party of Russia was a slightly different beast, it’s main genesis in the original Trudoviks, however, along the way the SR’s and Mensheviks had all been absorbed and rolled into the party. Once containing a wide variety of views, including many extreme left wing, under the guardianship of Victor Chernov it had weathered the tough times and as prosperity had truly arrived in the 1950’s the party had drifted ever more to the centre. More extreme views greatest enemy was always prosperity and so it was with those on the far left of the Socialists. The most left wing party was now the Green Alliance. Russia had in essence become a two party state, with elections fought between the Democrats, or “blues” as they were commonly known and Socialists, or “oranges”, after their respective party colours. There were a number of smaller parties, namely the Libertarians, their roots based in objectivism and the philosophies of Alisa Rosenbaum. Also the Greens, who were the furthest to the left, their policies based on social justice and respect for the environment, as well as inclusiveness for minorities. Lastly, there was the Union of the Russian People, a right wing nationalistic party that made the furor Trump had caused in the US seem like a tea party. Thankfully, their support was low and they drifted in and out of the Duma, only occasionally electing a member after the Duma moved from proportional representation to a system of electorates in the 1950’s. The State Council was, however, elected by proportional representation, making the smaller party’s more likely to gain representation. However, the largest third party was the Turkic Peoples Party, which was committed to gaining as much influence and autonomy for Russia’s central Asian republics and regularly swept Duma elections in these areas.
Russia’s current Prime Minister Boris Nemisov was highly visible and popular and the Democratic Party had won the last election comfortably. Tsar Alexander IV was also well loved. Russia had hit a high point of prosperity until an economic slowdown these last two years as oil and gas prices had fallen, hurting her economy.
The country as a whole seemed to view the last few 2-3 years with some alarm, as the first tiny ripples of instability appeared in a Europe that since the 1950’s had been a bastion of stability. These had been fanned by hard economic times in America where the poor had been left behind in many cases and trickle down economics had proven to be largely a myth. The problem that this had created was that in the US the social security nets that were in place in many European countries did not exist. This was also a rising issue for Russia which also lacked a cradle to grave social security net, although ameliorated by the fact that Russians in many cases still lived in extended families, making those that were more vulnerable looked after.
Russia had become much closer to the members of the Baltic Trade organisation since the 1960’s, especially when the Socialist party was in power when many of their policies matched these Scandinavian “cradle to grave” socialist philosophy. In fact, Sweden, Denmark, Norway, Finland, Estonia, Iceland, Lithuania and Latvia had formed such close ties that they had adopted a common currency, no border restrictions and even adopted flags that all featured the Scandinavian cross. With their Kronor based economies, they formed a competing trade block to most of the rest of Europe, which used the Euro(aside from the UK, Russia, some Southern European states and Switzerland).
However, Russia’s most enduring partnership was with the UK, at least in Europe. In Asia, it was certainly Korea. With the UK, royal marriage was certainly only another expression of the cementing of such alliances. It was not a concept Robert Glenn really understood. He was more worried about the drift towards the right in his own country. The Clinton years had not been a time of coming together, seemingly a time that had reopened divisions that existed in domestic society. Despite all that, he expected Barack Obama as the Democratic nominee to win out over Trump, who had already committed a number of electoral gaffes. Obama himself had not won the Democratic nomination by as much as some expected, Bernie Sanders coming very close, a remarkable event considering the aversion to socialism that had long been the norm in US politics.