Sparta's illyrian debt

Hecatee

Donor
In 222 B.C. Antigonos III Doson, king of Macedonia and father of Philip V, had decided for quite some time to intervene in the war between the new Sparta of Kleomenes III and the Achaean league and was trying to confront the spartan army in open battle. The amount of allies Antigonos had managed to rise was enough to persuade Ptolemy III of Egypt to stop sending money to Kleomenes, finally deciding Kleomenes to risk a major battle despite being hugely outnumbered by the macedonian army. This battle happened at Sellasia, just north of Sparta, and led to the first parading of an enemy king inside the warrior city. But the triumph of Antigonos did not last since he learned just days later that his kingdom was being invaded by illyrian forces, forcing him to go north will all speed.

Here's the twist : this illyrian invasion will now happen one month before it actually took place (in June instead of July) and force Antigonos to turn north earlier, thus giving Kleomenes some breathing space.

While the Macedonian army crosses the isthmus at all speed, Kleomenes decides to use this time to reunite the Peloponnese under his control, taking as first target the city of Argos. It had always been the campaign's goal of Kleomenes to take that city which had rebelled against him, in the hope that it would subdue all the other cities south of the isthmus. The Argives, terrified by the sudden appearance of 6000 spartan heavy infantry and some 15 000 light infantery, opened their city, remembering the sack of Megalopolis two months before. Still, Kleomenes needed money to pay his forces and wanted to make an example : he thus let his men pillage Argos, from which he took about 250 talents of silver to go into his warchest, leaving him with a total sum of about 500 talents.

After this, Kleomenes marched toward Corinth, wanting to secure the isthmus : he hoped that gaining a position of force would lead Ptolemy III to reconsider his position and restore his support for Kleomenes by lending him his fleet to protect the coast and giving him gold, not a stupid view.

In Corinth the Spartan were easily able to storm the ill defended city but had to face a strong garrison of about a thousand men in the impregnable Accrocorinth citadel. Leaving behind a force of some 3000 light infantry, Kleomenes retired to the interior of the Peloponnese to keep pacifying his rear.
 

Hecatee

Donor
While Kleomenes set his affairs to order and tried to gain help through various diplomatic actions and worked on better training his men, Antigonos had a completely different problem ahead of him.
The illyrian bands were pushed by the pressure the Roman republic had been putting on them since 228 BC when they had taken Dyrrachium during their attempts to curb the illyrian piracy promoted. Also the attack was led by illyrians unhappy with the alliance of Demetrius of Pharos with Antigonos III and the conflict has thus sometimes been called a illyrian civil war.

Taking mainly his cavalry and his light infantry, including Demetrius and the 1600 illyrian warriors he had taken with him, Antigonos went north as fast as possible to stop the invasion before it could make too many damages. The strong reaction of Antigonos and Demetrius prevented that too many damages were done to the Macedonian kingdom but Antigonos was wonded by an arrow during one of the skirmishes and became ill. Despite the best efforts of his surgeons and doctors the king would die one month later, leaving his kingdom to the hands of Philip V, aged 16.

In accord with the young king, Demetrios took command of the combined Macedonian and loyalist Illyrian force and launched a campaign to unify as much of Illyria as possible in order to strengthen himself enough to repel the Romans, whom both he and Philip considered with mistrust. With some 5000 heavy phalanx pikemen, 10 000 light infantry and 1500 horsemen Demetrios began what would mainly be a campaign of skirmishes and sieges against the various tribal hill forts of the area.

During this time Philip V raised new forces to confront the spartan threat. But soon he had to turn his head toward a new threat. The aetolian league, a union of cities of central Greece and a long standing foe of the Macedonians, had decided to once again raise in revolt, prompted both by diplomatic incitations from Ptolemy III and Kleomenes III as well as by the youth and inexperience of the new Macedonian king.

Meanwhile the powerful Roman republic and Seleucid empire both looked with increasing worries at the situation in Greece and began thinking about entering the fray...

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So what do you people think of the situation as of now ? We are now on the edge of the second romano-illyrian war, less than 5 years from the second Punic war, with a weaker Philip V and a still strong Sparta... What direction should I take ? Sparta's allying with Rome, with latter on a spartan force fighting with the Romans against Hannibal ? A bigger second Punic war with more fightings in Greece, including Seleucid and Ptolemaic forces landing or using their fleets ?
 
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Cool stuff - I like classical TLs, and so far am finding this one interesting, too.

Don't forget to include calculations of what the Achaean League will do. It was the rising power of its day; it was consistently the best-led institution in the region, because it was the first real representative democracy. And it had one of its betst leaders "in" - Philopoemen, who OTL had most to do with do with the Spartan loss and Spartan failure in general.

Cleomenes III probably hacked the Spartan constitution to become unchecked monarch.e If so, we can expect Sparta to have later problems not too different from OTL's Spartan failure to the Achaeans, because Cleomenes will grow arrogant and stupid in power, and he'll have succession problems, as all unchecked monarchies do.
 

Hecatee

Donor
@jkay : Thanks for the vote of confidence :) I did not forget the Achean league, whose forces were also present at Sellasia next to Antigonos, it's future strategos Philopoimen commanding the cavalry forces of the Macedonian army. Yet here I did not introduce him yet because I to introduce him in my next part, which comes right behind this answer to your comments :)

About Kleomenes, I understand quite well that he probably broke through several laws to get to power and that it may lead to troubles down the road, but right now he's on rather firm ground and getting better control of the Peloponnese with each passing month. Also the recent period has allowed him to stand back and think a bit, something he had not much possibility for at the time. So we'll see what I'll do with him...

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The Aetolian league was a big confederation of cities holding the sanctuary of Delphi and the lands of central Greece with the exception of Athens, a wedge between Macedonia and the Peloponnese. Unhappy with the Macedonians, the Aetolians decided to use the perceived weakness of the kingdom to free themselves from the northern influence. Intense diplomatic exchanges with various parties including the Spartan and Egyptian kings led to the birth of a powerful army of some 5000 heavy infantry, 10000 light infantry and 2000 horsemen, huge numbers paid with Egyptian money but lacking in training and thus less powerful than it appeared.

The league was surrounded by enemies for the Macedonian still had one powerful ally in the area, the Achean league. This league of cities was mainly centred around the northern Peloponnese and was led by the cunning Aratos, a fierce enemy of Kleomenes who had been defeated by the Spartan king five years earlier at Megalopolis and wanted revenge. Thus the first preoccupation of the Aetolian was to get reinforcements from Sparta and to find new allies, which they found in the city of Athens which decided to bring it's force of some 2500 heavy infantry, 5000 light infantry and, more importantly, it's port facilities to the anti-macedonian side. This latest addition decided Ptolemy III to engage fully in support of the league and to resume his support for Sparta because it gave him an excellent base where to place his powerful fleet, with the Cyclades and Euboea as is main objectives.

Many in Alexandria thought this policy to be dangerous and Ptolemy III had to make a purge of his royal court, one of his latest big decision before he died in the spring of 221 B.C., less than six month after deciding to help reinforce the league and less than one month before the Egyptian fleet left Alexandria for Athens.

In Greece proper Kleomenes met the Aetolian league in Delphi and explained that in order to help them with his full forces he had to first definitively crush the Achean league once and for all, something for which he needs help. A plan for the 221 spring and summer campaign is drawn with envoys of Ptolemy III designed to achieve this victory while keeping the army of Philip V too busy to intervene in the North : the main spartan and aetolian armies will crush the acheans while the egyptian fleet will launch raids against the macedonian islands and their main coastal cities of the Egea, Kleomenes being appointed overall general of the allied forces. Thus the fall and winter of 222 are used to train armies and make preparation for the coming campaign, a detachement of 500 spartan heavy infantry even spending the winter in Aetolia to train their allies.
 

Hecatee

Donor
The 221 B.C. campaign season began early when, to the great surprise of Philip V, a powerful egyptian fleet sailed in the Aegean and began to take various islands including the sanctuary of Delos, the heir to the egyptian throne Ptolemy IV making his military debuts with the best military commanders of Egypt around him to make sure he does no big mistake.

At around the same time the main spartan forces begin their campaign against the Achean league, generally playing a rematch of the campaign of 227 with Kleomenes going for the main cities of the alliance. But thanks to his alliance with the Aetolian it was also a rematch of the 225 aetolian campaign.

Understanding he could not let one force rampage in his back while he fought the other and that Macedonian help would'nt be forthcomming for a while due to the egyptian operations, Aratos of Sicyon, leader of the Achean league, decided to play time against his ennemies for he knew that the Aetolian could'nt hope to keep the field for too long. But his attempt failed and he found himself trapped at Caphyae in june, a wide plain born of the patient draining efforts of the inhabitants of the small town. There he found himself against some 10000 heavy infantry and 20000 light infantry, his own force being a mere 4000 heavy infantry and 10000 light infantry. Surprisingly no side had any cavalry present at the battle, which explains the rather low losses of the loosing achean army : 1000 achean heavy phalanx men and 600 javelin throwers were killed, amongst whom Aratos himself.

While the losses had been few, the battle had momentous consequences for the league was dissolved and all the cities had to pledge obedience to the spartan state, putting the Peloponnese firmly under Kleomenes' fist.
Following the battle, the Aetolian went home with a spartan force of some 2000 men to reinforce them, Kleomenes' main force going to Corinth were the siege of the Accrocorinth was still going on.

At sea the forces of Philip V were unable to stop the egyptian invasion and soon the lagid forces were able to take control of Euboea and all the major islands of the Aegean sea. Desperate to get his lands back, Philip V decided to ask for the help of another young king, Antiochos III of the Seleucid empire. The seleucid king was at the time fighting in Media to get the area back under seleucid control and was unable to provide as much help as he wanted but he still gave orders to his fleet to hamper the movements of the Ptolemaic forces, and he personnaly took control of what troops were available to launch an offensive against Syria, in effect coming at war with Egypt with civil war still dividing his country...

Such was the state of affairs when Ptolemy III died and his young son had to get back to Egypt, leaving most of his forces in the Aegean with order to protect their gains and take no risks. Coming home through Cyprus and Syria, he met there Theodotos, the very competent governor of ptolemaic Syria, with whom he defined the strategy that would be followed. So when Antiochos came in the area he felt the sting of a strong defeat at the hand of Theodotos, greatly pleasing Ptolemy IV.

In Illyria a young achean cavalry officer of Demetrios' army named Philopoimen was anxious to get back to his home country but could'nt due to the fightings in which his command was implicated. When he learned of the defeat of Caphyae and of the death of Aratos, he sent a message to Philip V telling him that he and his men would now fight for him, thus providing him with a well led veteran cavalry force that would later prove it's qualities in numerous battles.

But in this late summer of 221 Philip V would not yet call upon this force, first going south with his main infantry army to crush the Aetolian in a late campaign during which he wanted to surprise his enemies and burn as much of their recolts as possible to make them suffer during the coming winter.

Hoping not to find any spartan force alongside the Aetolian but taking no chances, Philip V took some 15 000 heavy infantry, 20 000 light infantry and 2000 heavy horsemen with him. Unfortunately for him the Spartan learned of his invasion just after taking the Accrocorinth from it's famished defenders, allowing Kleomenes to take his full army to battle.

The allied thus put some 15 000 heavy infantry and 30 000 light infantry along with some 2000 light cavalry and 1000 heavy cavalry. The two armies would meet in september at Cheronea, the exact place where the macedonian domination of Greece had begun...
 
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Hecatee

Donor
This battle looked from the outset as the largest fought in Greece since the time of Alexander the Great, with some 85 000 men facing each other. The area of the battle was a well known battlefield called Cheronea, the exact place where the Macedonian under Philip II had broken Thebes and Athens in 338 B.C., 117 years earlier.

The valley was large in the north and getting shorter in the south, it's flank steeps and preventing any enemy move. The macedonian army formed in the north in a massive phalanx with a line of light infantry to it's front and two troops of light infantry to it's flanks. A force of some 500 horsemen was also put on the left flank to preserve it from enemy cavalry operations while the mainstay of the macedonian cavalry was put on the right flank under the personal command of Philip V who thus took the place Alexander the Great had so famously held for his first major battle. The young king could simply not imagine taking another position...

Opposing them where the allied forces from Aetolia, Athens and Sparta, under the personal command of Kleomenes. The king did not lead his men personally, a fall from his horse preventing him to go with the troops, and he had taken a position a bit behind his lines, on a small height which accorder him a good view of the field, an information that Philip only learned of after the battle.
The right of the phalanx, place of honour, was naturally given to the Spartan heavy infantry, 5000 strong, a veteran force wearing the famous red cloak and carrying in front of them the famous name of their city. Still they were not using the weapons of their ancestor but rather a gigantic 20 feet tall sarissa and a small shield, the famous spartan sword xiphos at their side as secondary weapon. Next to them on their left came the main aetolian phalanx, 5000 men with a high morale who had been training a lot under spartan guidance and had blooded themselves against the achean league's phalanx and were thus confident in their abilities. Then came the athenian phalanx, possibly the worst part of the allied line, the 2500 Athenian not having fought a major battle for a long time. Yet, thanks to the ptolemaic gold, they were stiffened by a force of 2500 veteran mercenaries and they were anchored to the side of the mountain so there was few chances that they could be turned by the enemy's right. Also they were protected by a larger force of light infantry than their counterparts on the right, in order to negate the power of the 1500 horsemen to their front. 500 of the allied light cavalry was also on their left flank to protect them, the 1500 other mounted javelin thrower and horse archer being kept with the heavy cavalry next to the spartan phalanx, under the orders of Eukleidas, Kleomenes' son and deputy commander.

In such a strong defensive position, the objective of the allied was to keep the line, exhaust the enemy forces by holding their ground while the macedonian had to walk under a storm of javelin, stones and arrows, until the cavalry could charge and hit at any weakness on the macedonian's front. All the allied leaders also remembered that Philip II and Alexander's victory in 338 B.C. had come from the overzealous Athenians pursuing the defeated Macedonian left flank, which had broken the front of the phalanx and allowed the victorious cavalry charge of Alexander : here they well intended not to move and not to pursue with heavy infantry as long as the Spartan king did not give the order to all the units.

A secret trick had also been prepared by Kleomenes for his enemy : masked by the huge numbers of light infantry, two shallow parallel trench had been dug just in front of the allied phalanx and some caltrops droped between the two lines in front of the left wing and of the center in order to break any cavalry charge. Thus prepared, the battlefield had been transformed into a death trap for the Macedonians, similar to what Ptolemy I and Seleucos had done to defeat Demetrios at Gaza in 312 B.C.

The battle started early in the morning, about one hour after the sun had arisen on the horizon. The weather was rather cloudy, sparing the men of the usual heat of greek battlefields. Philip V, understanding that his enemy would not move from it's position, ordered the advance of his men. The youthful king wanted this battle to be a major boost to his reputation, already seeing himself as a new Alexander.

First the light infantry of Philip engaged the first line of the allied light infantry, with men running to throw their javelin toward the enemy lines or troops of archer darkening the sky with their arrows or groups of slinger sending their deadly stones and lead projectiles toward the hostile force, the objective of both group being to go through the opponent's screen to be able to pelt the phalanx. Here numbers made themselves felt and the allied first line was repulsed, streaming slowly toward it's lines and regrouping on the flanks on the hills, where they stood their ground, confident that no cavalry would be able to charge them and that the higher ground would allow them to repel the enemy's infantry.

Cheered by this first victory, the Macedonian light forces came against the second line of light forces screening the allied phalanx and stopped. Indeed Kleomenes had mainly put his javelin throwers in the first line, keeping his archers and slingers behind to act as a fixed defence and allow his men the time to pick their target, which they did with deadly efficiency. Soon the battlefield began to cover with the writhing bodies of the wounded or the still corpses of men pierced by arrows or having had their skull broken by heavier projectiles.

Seeing this, Philip V ordered his phalanx to march, confident that this screen of light infantry would not want to be pinned between the two lines of sarrissae. The sight of those 15 000 men walking at a steady pace, in rhythm, their feet raising column of dust into the air, made more than one veteran sweat with fear, but the line held and the light infantry kept firing until the last possible moment. Then came the order to lower the sarrissae and the twenty feet long pikes went to the horizontal as a great cheer came from the lungs of the two armies, and the macedonians accelerated for the last few meters. And there the two trenches, only 50 cm deep and 1m wide, began their destructive office, men stumbling and falling forward under the weight of their ungainly weapons, not having even seen the trap set before them due to them being focused on their enemies and their weapons. Other fell due to the caltrops, cripled, and were tramped by their fellows.

Finally the two lines met and the pushing contest began. Some 30000 men began to try to stab the other with the points of their pikes, almost unable to reach the enemy, taking their two hands to try to control the massive weapon, with the allies having a bit more of an easy time due to the disorganization of the enemy phalanx during the last few meters.

During this time the cavalry of both side had kept quite, no side seeing any opportunity to strike. The plain simply wasn't wide enough to allow a flanking manoeuvre at this point. It was about to change.

Indeed when coming to the contact, the Macedonian phalanx had the natural move toward the right caused by the will of the men to get some protection from their friend's shields : this caused a slight space to open which gave an opportunity for a charge that Eukleidas did not fail to seize, sending his heavy cavalry at the front of his move to open the ranks of the enemy's flanking light infantry and cavalry, his light cavalry following with order to escape from the melee as soon as possible and to strike the back of the enemy phalanx.

In front of them the 500 heavy horsemen Philip had left to protect his flank did their best to keep the allies from breaching their line but failed under the sheer enthusiasm of Eukleidas and his men, also being harassed by allied light infantry coming down from the hills. Breaking under the pressure, they gave the allied cavalry the room to rearrange themselves, the 2500 horsemen intending to strike on the back on the enemy infantry. This was without taking Philip V into account. The king, with his cavalry impotent on the right of his force, was a bit behind his lines and saw what was happening on his left flank. Immediately he ordered his 1500 heavy horsemen to charge to the help of their beleaguered friends and bore down onto Eukleidas and his men. With only about 1000 heavy cavalry on already somewhat tired horses with whom to face them, Eukleidas had to win time and to disorganize their charge. He thus ordered his 500 horse archers, Scythians who usually did the police inside Athens, to attempt to break the enemy force while the 1000 light cavalrymen he still had would attack the rear of the force opposing the spartan infantry, giving the agreed signal for the general push of the allied phalanx, while his outnumbered force would try to neutralize Philip's cavalry with the help of some light infantry.

Immediately the plan was put into motion and thousands of horses began riding toward the fight. The Scythians fired arrows at almost point blank range into the Macedonians and then the two heavy cavalry forces collided in a clash of steel and flesh, horses and men clamoring to the sky.

Nervous macedonian pikemen from the rear files phalanx turned nervous heads toward the momentous clash and saw the masses of allied light cavalry falling down on them, making many panic. As news of the struggle happening in their back came to the ears of the phalangist many let their weapon fall and began to run, hoping to reach the safety of their camp before the cavalry or the fearsome spartans became free to run them down. First a trickle, the move became a flood, a torrent of infantrymen falling back and abandoning their king, the whole left flank of Philip collapsing in a matter of minutes.

Seeing this Kleomenes ordered the general progress for all his line. With a great booming cry the allies took a step forward, then another, pressing into the back of their comrades to help them overcome the enemy phalanx. The pressure grew onto the beleaguered Macedonians of the firsts few ranks who then collapsed, many falling on their back before being trampled or stabbed with the back pike of allied sarrissae.

The general movement could not be checked anymore and the whole macedonian army collapsed, followed by the allied who did not even need to watch their step when they came to their traps because the trampling of thousands of men had raised enough dust to fill the ditches and put the caltrops underground. The light cavalry of Kleomenes went through the fields killing hundreds of fleeing Macedonians.

Seeing the disaster during a brief lull in the heavy cavalry fight, Philip V understood he had lost and ordered the retreat before fleeing north. The victory of Kleomenes was total but still the king did not feel joy in his heart. Indeed his own son had fallen to the Macedonian swords and lay dead on the field, plunging his spartan father in a deep grief.

The massacre went on for hours, the grieving king ordered that no quarter be given to the vaincquished foe, their blood being to flow in sacrifice for his dead son. At the end of the day Philip had lost 300 horsemen, 4000 light infantrymen and 5000 men of his phalanx, a disaster of enormous proportions. Kleomenes had lost some 100 cavalrymen, 1000 light infantrymen and about 500 pike-welding soldiers of his phalanx, among whom only 10 spartan homoioi.

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Still no more comments right now ?
 

Hecatee

Donor
The victory of the Greek coalition was a stunning blow to the Hellenistic world, especially when the numbers lost by Macedonia became known. For a time the rumour of the death of Philip V even circulated, prompting a certain number of cities or local governor to proclaim their independence.
The victors were not the least surprised of all and for a time no one knew what to do. With Kleomenes mourning his son the alliance had lost momentum and the proximity of winter meant that all went home for the bad season.

Among the main winners of the battle were the Athenians, who had not fought and won in a pitched battle for about a century and had become a quite city renowned for it's culture and replaced in trade by Rhodes. The battle really rejuvenated the city whose citizens first began by restoring a full democracy, re-enacting laws going back to Pericles, the great fifth century politician, and deciding to rebuild it's fortifications, among which it's long walls, as a sign of it's newfound independence. Also they decided that they should not depend too much on the Ptolemaic and Rhodian fleets to preserve their trade from the widespread piracy of the time, especially since they wanted to re-open the trade routes with Thrace and the Black Sea area, coming dangerously close to the still powerful Macedonian kingdom.

Thus the era was one of intense rebuilding, with all the citizens becoming a part of this collective effort. But the city was not yet back to the height of it's power and still needed friends and allies before it could get autonomous and if they wanted to be something else than a secondary nation after the Spartans. Two powers were fighting to get the help of the Athenians : the Seleucid under Antiochos III, who wanted to expel Ptolemy IV from the Egean at the same time they fought for control of Syria, and the Egyptian king who wanted to keep enough forces in the area to prevent the help of the mainland Greeks for Antiochos.

In this fight for influence it was the fact that Ptolemy had been a good ally and had an enormous treasury that won the day, with hundreds of silver talents coming for Alexandria to Athens, enough to rebuild a 100 ships warfleet and keep it manned for 6 months, or a full naval war season.

The Aetolian league did also benefit from the victory but much less than could be expected. The threat of Macedonia still existed and the long terms plans of Kleomenes toward the league were still unknown. Also the resurgent power of Athens made some wonder if the city of the owl might want to get back it's old claims on Beotia.

Finally the Spartans themselves did not win much with this battle, except for much needed time. With Corinth under their control they feared no land assault and their main enemy, the Macedonian kingdom, was unable to land on their coast due to the presence of the Ptolemaic warships. Thus secure on the foreign front and with a still comfortably stocked treasury, Kleomenes could see to a better stabilization of the Peloponnese. Also the recent warfare had taken it's demographic toll as exemplified by Eukeidas' death. Thus the king hoped for some years of peace and sent envoys to Pella to ask Philip for peace, not telling his allies about his plans.

Philip was only too happy to comply. With rebellions to quell and wounds to lick, he too wanted peace. The young king had understood that the combined forces of his enemies was too strong to break alone and that as long as the ptolemaic gold would flow to their coffers he wouldn't be able to defeat them. The peace was thus signed, Macedonia recognizing the primacy of Sparta over all lands in the Peloponnese. Nothing was said on Aetolia and Athens, but all knew that Philip was currently too weak to do anything about it.

In the north, the Illyrians under Demetrios of Pharos had been able to give birth to a good sized kingdom and launched many raids on the neighbouring lands, especially those the Romans had seized some years before. They also practised piracy with a renewed enthusiasm because no fleet was in the area to chastise them.

But in Rome many were now openly calling for a new illyrian war and the capture of the ship on which was a Roman delegation en-route to Delphi provided a perfect occasion for the Senate to officially declare war on Demetrios. Only the bad season prevented any initiative but one of the consuls for 220 was to be tasked with the war : Lucius Veturius Philo was given command of the usual consular force of two legions of Roman soldiers and two legions of allies, Lucius Aemilius Paulus being commander of his naval forces.

In the north the Roman were also at war with gallic tribes living in the Po river's area while some businessmen established in Spain talked of more and more aggressive actions by a young Carthaginian commander by the name of Hannibal. But no one was listening to them yet for Spain appeared as a far away part of the world.

In the east the second battle of Chaeronea also had many consequences. The young king Antiochos III, thrown out of Ptolemaic Syria by the general Theodotos and having failed to expel the Egyptians from the Egean or to help in any meaningful way his ally Philip V, decided to launch a new offensive into the area as soon as practical. But first he had to defeat a rebellion which had sent his men reeling at about the same time he was personally loosing to Theodotos. He thus decided (on recommendations from Philip V who would have wanted to attempt such operation himself, had he had the resources to do it) to attempt to disturb the Ptolemaic forces by supporting the Cretan piracy since neither he nor Philip had any commerce going on in the Aegean. Giving money and sending some officers of his fleet to cities like Lyttos, Eleutherna and Hierapytna, Antiochos unleashed a large fleet of pirates on the Cyclades, Rhodes, the Peloponnesian coast and the cities of Anatolia depending from Alexandria.

Such was the situation as the year 220 B.C. began...

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@New Patomic : I do indeed intend to keep on with this timeline, thanks for supporting the effort :)

Otherwise, does anyone have comments/critics/suggestions ?
 

Hecatee

Donor
The action on this year 220 B.C. was mainly done on the periphery of the Greek mainland and involved non greek populations. In the east first, Antiochos III would spend the year pacifying his eastern provinces, finally crushing the rebel persian nobles who had arisen against his reign and defeated the forces he had sent against them the previous year. Striking early in the campaign season, he fell on an unprepared enemy and easily regained control on his lands. Still the pacification of the eastern provinces took him some time and he saw the whole campaigning season go by without any opportunity to strike at the Egyptian kingdom except by proxy, using the Cretan pirates to harass trade and cities of the Egea.

At first Ptolemy IV did not really feel he needed to intervene, confident that the Rhodian navy combined with the Egyptian fleet he had left and the resurgent Athenian navy would be enough to crack down on the pirates. Even if Rhodes had been weakened by the terrible earthquake of 226 B.C. which had toppled it's colossus, the city's fleet was still an effective police force of more than 100 ships and the ptolemaic dominance over the islands meant those had ports where to replenish and make halt whenever they needed.

But the sheer scale of the pirate activity supported by the Seleucid soon made it clear that more important activities would be needed : the first Cretan civil war had begun. Egypt controlled a number of cities on the eastern coast of Crete, among which Itanos was it's chief base and the siege of a 300 men strong garrison. Ptolemy ordered this force to go to the territory of Hierapytna to try to intimidate this strong bastion of piracy.
But soon the men turned back when confronted by about a thousand pirates and inhabitants of the town who pursued them and laid siege to Hierapytna, getting supplies from ships landing on the coast.
When news of this came to the town of Knossos, another ptolemaic allies, they sent an expedition to Hierapytna in order to have the siege of Itanos lifted. They also sent word to both Sparta and Alexandria that they needed help.

Kleomenes was spending the year peacefully in Sparta, further reforming the state in order to increase it's power, granting citizenship to some 6000 periekoi to increase the number of homoioi he could call upon in case of war. The call for help from Crete took him by surprise and annoyed him a bit since he understood well that an intervention would please the Egyptians but would also cost him a lot without many benefits. Also he lacked ships with which to carry his force to the island. But then, as the cretan envoys were still in Sparta, a message came from Gytheion, the port of the city, some 40km away : a fleet of pirates had come and attacked the port, taking 5 ships and numerous product with them.

This enraged the assembly of the citizens who forced Kleomenes to take action. Not wanting to go there himself, he appointed Nabis, a up and coming officer of his army, to take command of a force of 500 homoioi and 1500 periekoi, the first equipped in full heavy infantry gear while the other were trained as psyloi, or javelin throwers. Contracting some Corinthian ships to ferry his forces, Nabis landed in Itanos in July and immediately proceeded with the breaking of the siege and the pursuit of the enemy force, harassing them with his light forces which were well suited to the terrain. Helped by some 250 archers from Itanos, he then led his force toward Hierapytna where he re-united with the forces from Knossos of which he took control.

Knowing he wouldn't be able to reduce them by hunger due to his lack of naval forces, Nabis resolved to take the city by direct assault, which he succeeded but at the cost of about 200 dead among his men. Wanting to make clear he was serious on the issue of piracy, he then ordered all the male habitants of the city put to death and all the women and girls sold as slaves, the territory of the city being divided between the neighbouring cities. He then organized a meeting of all the Cretan cities in Knossos for the month of September, suspending any military operation for the moment.

The reason was not any lack of supplies or military forces but the arrival of a new egyptian force led by a general called Theophilos sent by Ptolemy IV : 20 ships and 2000 soldiers come to reinforce the garrison forces. Nabis and Theophilos immediately disliked each other. Also their objectives differed : whereas the Spartan was in the area to pacify it and stop piracy, an objective he thought he'd be able to reach through some examples of extreme harshness, the Egyptians had come with the idea of conquering the whole island to reinforce their position in the Aegean and, ultimately, as a step to forbidding the Mediterranean to the Seleucids.

The Cretan free cities, seeing the dissensions between the two allies, decided to play for time, confident that soon one or the other of the two foreign power would withdraw and leave the other to their mercy. So nothing was gained in the meeting of September and the situation looked like it was deadlocked.

In the north the Roman forces were fighting Demetrios with great success. Their strong land forces were able to secure Dyrrachium and then proceeded with the capture of the various strongpoints of Demetrios, including his home town of Pharos. The illyrian king, leading a fleet of some 60 ships, tried to raid the Roman outposts and also attacked a number of ports of the Aetolian league to get supplies, even capturing a further 50 ships in the process. But the power of Rome was too strong and Philip V was unable to give enough support to his allies to counterbalance the strenght of the Republic. The forces arrayed against Demetrios were even more in his disfavour because of his raids on the Aetolian league which had decided to ally with the foreigner from the other side of the Adriatic, which they knew to be a major player controlling all of Italy, Sardinia and Sicily.

Then Demetrios made a mistake by dividing his fleet in two, sending half of his forces to raid the Italian port of Brundisium, the main Roman naval base on the Adriatic sea. The force was defeated by Lucius Aemilius Paulus who then led his ships toward the last known position of Demetrios, whom he also defeated and forced to flee to Philip for protection. Rome had won and the whole of Illyria was now under it's control, bringing back peace in the Adriatic. Also the new ties between the Romans and the Aetolian league also meant that trade flourished between the two nations. More importantly it had, for the first time, led Rome into the complex alliance system of the Hellenistic world.
 

Hecatee

Donor
The year 220 had ended with a stalemate in Crete, a decisive illyrian defeat at the hands of the Romans, a pacified Seleucid Empire ready to strike at Egypt, a quite Greece, a seething Macedonian king and an overall tense situation in the eastern Mediterranean. 219 would see this tension explode in a major war between the various Hellenistic powers while the western Mediterranean would see new tensions rise, foreshadowing a coming clash of titans.

Antiochos had pacified his rear and spent most of the winter honing his forces for a major campaign in Anatolia where he wanted to expel the Ptolemies and gain complete access to the sea in order to be able to threaten the islands the Egyptian had stolen from the Macedonian in 221 B.C. Antiochos had planned for a war of sieges, his fleet having to blockade maritime cities while the land forces tried to get inside the walls through bribery, treachery or open assault. He did not want to loose too much time or money in long sieges and wanted to keep mobile enough so that his fleet would not be crushed by Egyptian, Rhodian of Athenian forces. He had also tasked one of his generals with an invasion of Syria, which was to act as a decoy and keep the Egyptian generals occupied. Taking 12 000 men, he began his campaign early in the spring, as soon as the passes from Syria to Anatolia had opened, while a 15 000 men strong army went south to the ptolemaic realm and another forces were called from all over the empire to prepare for the full invasion of the area. As a trump card, Antiochos had also bribed the Jewish populations of Coele Syria and Alexandria to rise in arms against the Egyptian, in order to throw the kingdom into chaos, promising among other a free state based upon Jerusalem.
The move was very intelligent and forced Ptolemy IV to react swiftly. First he took back his forces from Crete and sent them to Judea where they reinforced the troops of Theodotos, the Ptolemaic commander who had beat Antiochos two years before.
Theodotos' strategy was to make a certain number of strategic cities secure by ordering the massacre of the Jewish population there, before defeating various Seleucid raiding parties in a number of small battles. The Seleucid force being under strict order to avoid any big battle, he was able to reduce slowly but efficiently their forces before going on the offensive and invading Seleucid Syria. This latest move, executed in late June, had been made possible by the arrival of further reinforcements sent from Egypt where Ptolemy IV had dug into his coffers to pay for a large mercenary force which had crushed the jewish rebellion in Alexandria before going north under personal command of the King who destroyed the city of Jerusalem on his way to Syria, ordering all male habitants to be beheaded and all the women and girls sold into slavery. Most of the priestly cast of the Jewish cult was destroyed in this massacre. This led to a massive jewish exode toward the Seleucid kingdom, many going to Babylon in a voluntary exile. They would later provide a specific corps of troops to the Seleucid that would be known for it's ferocity and dedication to killing the enemy.
Theodotos had been prudent with his forces and waited for his king before going north toward Antioch on the Oronth, the main Seleucid city in the area, to which they set siege.
During this time Antiochos was having a very hard time on the southern coast of Anatolia where most cities would not yeld to his power and where his fleet was constantly harassed by Ptolemaic and Rhodian ships operating from that island's ports. Also Gauls from Galatia and forces from Pergamon had come south to contest him the mountain pass and disturb his moves.
In August, as the Ptolemaic forces were setting siege before the powerful walls of Antioch, the Seleucid fleet suffered a crippling blow when it was forced to battle and repulsed on the coast where locals fell on the sailors like bird of prey, men and women butchering them as they came out of the water, at least for those who had been able to reach the coast.
This convinced Antiochos to go back to his own land, not even leaving garrisons in the few cities he had taken because he knew he'd need all his men for the coming battle of Antioch.
It was in late september, during a nice autumn day, that the two kings met in battle. The forces arrayed on both side were impressive : Ptolemy fielded 80000 infantry, 5000 cavalry and 75 African elephants. Among his forces were Libyan, Egyptian and Greek cavalry, 50 000 phalangites of various origins and different levels of training, among them some 25 000 soldiers of Greek or Macedonian origin and 30 000 light infantry of mainly Libyan origin.
On the other side Antiochos had raised everything he had : 7500 horsemen, including a force of some 500 Arabs from the desert, 1500 heavy Persian horsemen and 1000 horse-archers, 105 battle elephants of Indian origin, 40000 phalangites and 20000 light infantry among whom were some 2000 Jews intent on revenge.
With his larger cavalry, his better trained and more experimented phalanx, his more powerful elephants, it seemed to the young Seleucid king that he could win despite the more numerous forces arrayed against him. Using his superior mobility, Antiochos went on the offensive : ordering about half his elephant forward, he drove for the Egyptian left, where Ptolemy was leading some 3000 horsemen. His elephants had been thrown as a curtain in front of his force, supported by about one fourth of his light infantry. But the larger beasts of Antiochos frightened the African animals who began to flee, disrupting Ptolemy's lines right before the mass of some 5000 of Antiochos cavalry hit them, shattering them and forcing Ptolemy to flee with his own horsemen, Antiochos riding hard behind him.

While the flank had collapsed, most of the rest of the army had stayed where it stood, most soldiers unaware of what happened on the other side of the field. Yet soon the news that Ptolemy had been killed began to go through the lines. Theodotos, who commanded the right wing of Ptolemy's army, decided that waiting would see the morale of the men go down and thus ordered the attack of the right wing. The center, without orders, decided not to move. Theodotos went round the elephants guarding the left wing of Antiochos and struck hard with his cavalry, being able to make his opponents flee. They too lacked confidence because they had no news from Antiochos.

It is then that the battle definitively turned in favor of the Ptolemaic force for the king had been able to separate himself the his main cavalry force and go back toward the battle, hiding in the dust to escape the pursuing Antiochos and get back in time to order a general charge by his center. Galvanized by his comeback, his men went against the enemy phalanx with a great sheer, the long sarrissa in front of them. Meanwhile Theodotos force, not pressing the enemy's cavalry on the right, turned around and fell on the back of the Seleucid phalanx, exactly what Antiochos should have done but had not in his will to kill Ptolemy.

Thus ended the battle of Antioch, the city promptly opening it's gates to the Egyptian once its habitants learned of their king's defeat. Antiochos signed a treaty of peace with Ptolemy in which he formally renounced his claims in Syria and Anatolia, and went back east to lick his wounds.

During this time, in Crete, Nabis' forces had gone back to their campaign of reducing the pirate cities, free to do as pleased them by the Egyptian absence. Ravaging the countryside and defeating various forces in the field, Nabis finished the pacification of the east and of the center of the island but had not enough forces to go in the west. Still the piracy levels had dropped, among other because the Athenians patrolled the see with vigilance and the Seleucid could not provide money to convince them to go to see in face of such patrols.

In Greece proper peace reigned for the whole year. Philip V had turned north toward the Balkan and the Black Sea to increase his power base and both the Aetolian league and the Spartans wanted peace. Trade from the western coast toward Italy was going well and all beneficed from it.

The Romans, on the other hand, were once more at war with Gallic tribes in the north of Italy but were becoming more and more worried by the actions of a young Carthaginian general called Hannibal Barca who had begun a campaign of conquest in northern Spain which threatened Roman allies like the city of Seguntum.

Such was the state of affairs at the end of the year 219 B.C.
 

Hecatee

Donor
So here I took the battle of Rafia from 217 B.C. with the same people, slightly more troops (Egypt still has control of the forces of Theodotos who, OTL, defected to the Seleucid in 219 because he was attacked by members of the Alexandrian royal court, peoples who here have been purged at the end of Ptolemy III's reign), and had the same events as at Rafia : if it happened there it could have happened here, especially as Antiochos did the same mistake latter on at Magnesia against the Romans in 190/189 B.C.

So, we have :

- Crippled Seleucia (2 years earlier than OTL and with bigger damages here)
- Rejuvenated Ptolemy (where it was rather stagnant in this period OTL, just before it's decline under Ptolemy V)
- Sparta not beaten and in full control of the Peloponese (instead of almost destroyed OTL)
- Achaian league dismembered (instead of major power of the Peloponese OTL)
- Aetolian league reinforced and in relationship with Rome (a bit more powerful than OTL)
- Athens once again a player in the affairs of Greece (instead of a Macedonian city OTL)
- Philip V occupied in the north after being thrown out of Greece (instead of plotting in Greece and Crete with Antiochos against Ptolemy IV)
- Illyria gone to the Romans (as OTL)
- Rome involved in the affairs of Greece, having made Philip V an enemy, fighting Gauls in Cisalpine Gaul, looking toward Spain where Hannibal is building his power base (as OTL)

What do you think so far ?
 

Hecatee

Donor
The asian animals of Antiochos were larger because the animal Ptolemy had gathered for his forces were small african forest elephants. Also Seleucid war elephants usually carried towers on their back, even though it isn't known if they wore such contraptions at the battle of Raphia (from which I inspired myself for this battle of Antioch). All the ancient sources agree on the larger size of the Asian elephants and their more aggressive attitude which caused the african beasts to flee.
The larger african savana elephants won't be used in mediterranean warfare before the Carthaginians begin to use them.
Anyway thanks for the comment :)
 

Hecatee

Donor
The year was 218 B.C. From the Spanish western coast to the Bactrian regions armies were walking the earth and feeding it with their blood. In many battlefields the crows and vultures were becoming fat, with fish also getting their fair share of human flesh from the disabled trirems of many nations. From Seleucia torn by civil war to Carthaginian war elephants shaking the ground of the Pyrenees, from the Cretan cities burning under the spartan torches to the thracian tribes feeling the enormous power of the macedonian phalanx, no place around the Mediterranean feeling safe for it's inhabitants.

In 219 the Carthaginian forces under Hannibal Barca had laid siege to the spanish city of Saguntum, formally a roman ally. When the city was besieged by the african force, Rome had no other possibility than to declare war despite being already engaged on both the Gallic and Illyrian front, the latter mainly for pacification operations.

With an army of some 55 000 infantrymen and 9000 cavalrymen, and also a force of some 37 elephants, the army raised by the Carthaginian leader was huge, rivalling with most hellenistic forces of the time. Yet it's quality was not as good for many of these soldiers were spanish and gallic mercenaries, not equals to the roman in either training or discipline. Yet the force was still a massive threat to the roman interests, leading to the italian city's mobilization of a 50 000 men forces, to be devised in two groups : one was to be raised in Sicily and land in Africa while the second was to be raised in Northern Italy and intercept the invading army before it crossed the Alps. Yet a new gallic revolt prevents the application of the plan.

Finally in October the Carthaginian army crosses the Alps and, with about one third of it's initial forces, goes into battle against the northern roman army. The battle of the Pô valley turns out to be a carthaginian victory, forcing Rome to recall it's southern force. In fact the force was already on the move and rather close by but unable to intervene in the course of the battle. The two roman armies latter fusion but are still defeated at the Trebia battle, a massive failure that leads to the death of some 30 000 romans.

Hannibal, exhausted, is granted food and land in northern Italy by the gallic tribes which, at first dubious of his potential, are now firmly supporting him, providing him with fresh recrues.

In the south, Rome is able to take Malta from Carthaginian forces, it's fleet still superior to those of the African city. But this is a meagre victory in face of the crushing defeats of the north.

East of Italy, Macedonia is still rebuilding it's forces but Philip V needs gold and men, both ressources he intends to grab north of his kingdom, still not powerfull enough to get back to war with the Aetolian and the Spartan.

In the Aegean the seas are now fully patrolled by the new athenian fleet which has re-openned the old naval road to the Black Sea, leading to renewed trade with the distant lands. Through an agreement with the Egyptian, control of the Eagean islands is given to the city which rebuilds it's Delian League under a new form. This third Delian League gives much more voice to the representatives of the islands. Still Athens is clearly the league's main city, with all league meetings taking place in the city.

Athens also lauch itself in a massive fortification program of Attica, to prevent the invasions of foreign powers that had happened during the Peloponesian war.

This was not seen keenly by Sparta and the Aetolian League, who feared renewed imperial ambitions by the city. Still neither Kleomenes III, who'se forces were still in Crete, nor the Aetolian, still fearful of the Macedonian, wanted to launch a new war.

In Anatolia, the Gauls from Galatia were ravaging the land, pillaging the city of Troy and various others cities, fought by the small kingdom of Pergame.

Further east, Antiochos had to quell new revolts and lick his wounds while the Egyptian were strengthening their positions by building new fortress, especially in Judea were the surviving jews were still burning with rage.

Arès was smiling widely in this year 218 B.C., and would for the next ten years...
 
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