"Schwarz-Rot-Gold für immer" A victorious Weimar Republic

[Bloodraven]

Congratulations, THorius , to a great chapter. I really like Ebert and the SPD pushing back against the stab-in-the-back-myth and look forward to where you take this idea. Hopefully it will change popular the narrative about the founding of the Weimar Republic in the middle- to long-term.
I'm interested what happens with the Centre Party in the late 1920's: hopefully in your TL the left-leaning wing of the Centre Party is strengthened enough so that somebody else than Ludwig Kaas is elected party chairman (who after his election as party chairman in September 1928 led the party in a more right-wing authoritarian direction) and the Centre Party continues to support the Republic.

... and with him as president there would very likely NOT being a presidential demand (as in OTL by Hindenburg or rather his entourage) declaring the question for plebiscite into a 'constitution-changing' law turning the necessary numbers of votes from relative majority of actual voters to absolute majority of all of the electorate.

Likely Ebert wouldn't make that demand but members of DVP and the BVP and possibly even some Centre Party politicians within the Second Luther cabinet (if it is still in power, more on that below) might push for such a declaration and Luther might be inclined to support it in order to keep the coalition together.

There is a possibility that Hans Luther isn't chancellor before the plebiscite if the SPD, more confident from winning the presidential election, proves to be more flexible and agrees to a Grand Coalition of SPD, Centre Party, DDP and DVP, which was discussed IOTL but talks fell through. This could also lead to earlier federal elections if the Grand Coalition falls due to differences about the plebiscite and the question of Fürstenenteignung and in a campaign dominated by this topic the SPD would likely gain votes which could lead to a resumption of the Grand Coalition under a SPD chancellor (an earlier Müller cabinet or if he isn't Ministerpräsident of Prussia Otto Braun might be more interested in becoming chancellor).

Even if there is no declaration that the plebiscite is 'constitution-changing law' such a question might come before the Reichsgericht and I'm not sure how such a case would go. If the Reichsgericht declares the plebiscite invalid because it deals with 'constitution-changing law' and the necessary majority wasn't reached and orders a new plebiscite which as IOTL fails, that would have interesting consequences. Possibly the SPD (with Ebert and co. also still pissed off about the Beleidigunsprozess) and other parties (maybe Centre Party and DDP) might decide to push for the appointment of new judges, that are more loyal to the Weimar Republic (which at least the DVP would bitterly oppose and fight), which would benefit the benefit the Republic.

If Fürstenenteignung happens what does the right-wing do? IOTL there were rumors about the planning of a coup (Heinrich Class and other members of the Pan-German League plus possibly ideologically close officers and Class' office was searched but trial for high treason against Class was abandoned due to insufficient evidence in 1927, so who knows to what degree the rumors were true), I doubt that there would be a coup attempt in 1926 or 1927 but there could be more intense right-wing violence than IOTL, possibly even a resumption of political assassination (this might happen regardless of Fürstenenteignung as the election of Hindenburg did a lot to make the political right-wing more accepting of the Weimar Republic and here Hindenburg lost plus the SPD is pushing agressively against the 'stab-in-the-back-myth' and even 'insulted' the hero Hindenburg in the process which would incite right-wing elements).

What happen to this deal ITTL ? ... with Brauns candidacy butterfied away ? ... will Marx become Prussian Ministerpresident instead ? ... what a Pandoras Box of possible butterflies 😜

Depending on where THorius wants to take the TL Marx might not stay long as Ministerpräsident and become chancellor after Luther's cabinett falls and depending on the composition of the third Marx cabinet (maybe the SPD supports him as a chancellor in exchange for Braun becoming Ministerpräsident of Prussia) either another Centre Party politician or Otto Braun would become the new Ministerpräsident. If Marx stays Ministerpräsident, which would change things in Prussia, Braun might decide to become chancellor either in 1926 or 1928 (in OTL Braun declared that he wasn't interested in the post in 1928).

Would a democratic anti-Communist Germany pivot to the Entente in the 1930s? Seems improbable given the history of WW1 and yet there would be a common distrust of Bolshevism and Fascism so who knows? I'm not imagining peace in Europe ad infinitum - you'd still have a Spanish Civil War and tensions elsewhere.

The Spanish Civil war might not happen as IOTL (though there defintely would be a great deal of political violence and instability at least for some time) as with Weimar surviving and the Nazis not taking over the Comintern might not change their doctrine of social democracy being social fascism and thus no pivot toward the popular front model which would change things in Spain and France plus other countries (less cooperation with other left-wingers in the US for example and possibly less success for pro-Soviet penetration of these organizations and less success for Soviet espionage efforts in the US and possibly the UK).

In regards to Weimar foreign policy I would imagine a continuation of the 1920s: cooperatin with the UK and France in the West (especially if reparations aren't an issue anymore), cooperation with the Soviet Union (bargaining chips in any negotation with the UK and France plus military cooperation and cooperation against Poland) and trying to redraw borders in the East, especially with Poland, by peaceful means, though possibly more aggressive than in the 1920s (working towards Union with Austria might also be on the table). Fascist Italy would probably be a lot more diplomatically isolated (without Nazi Germany there would be no need for France or the UK to appease them) and might be less willing to go on foreign adventures (Ethiopia, Spain if the Civil War occurs, Albania...) as a result, especially if Germany, France and the UK work together to strengthen collective security in Europe (a more comprehensive sanction regime against agressors might be on the table, which sadly wouldn't deter Japan in China as the US wouldn't be party to such an agreement).

 

[ferdi254]

Great idea. I just wonder if such a change of candidates was possible in Weimar.

 

[THorius]

Chapter 4: „Officers, friends and results”



„Herr Präsident, I still must heavily protest against the accusations you threw at the soldiers of Germany. Has our honour not suffered enough under the humiliation that is Versailles? Was it not enough that all we could was watch while the French and their lapdogs plundered our nation, they still plunder it to this day”

Ebert had known that this would happen, he had expected exactly this reaction from the leadership of the Reichswehr. He could see how much Hans von Seekt was trying to keep himself under control, even if he had not been part of the German Oberkommando during the war, he still saw Eberts interview as an attack on himself. Seekt was accompanied by several officers and together with the current Reichswehrminister Otto Geßler, a politician of the liberal DDP and former General Wilhelm Groener they had all stuffed themselves into Eberts office.

“If I recall correctly, I did not accuse any of you of anything, since none of you were part of High Command during the war. Also, what does the Reichswehr have to do with politics? If I remember correctly soldiers can’t even vote”

Von Seekt puffed himself up a little and retorted

“That may be true, however by accusing the leadership of the military of incompetency you are accusing all German soldiers of this. That is a disgrace, you are sacrificing the honour of the German soldier for petty politics, you betray them so you can court the Bolshevik traitors”

Ebert slammed his large fists on his massive oak work desk, raising himself up and starring down von Seekt for a moment. Ebert wasn’t a very tall man, but he could have a strong presence if he wanted to.

“I did not accuse any of the German soldiers, they fought bravely for what they believed to be the best interest of their nation and people. Remember it was also German soldiers who ended this war, when they resisted the orders that accounted to nothing but suicide to save that honour you seem to be so focused on. If you believe, that me telling the truth about the war and why it was lost attacks your honour, that is your problem General, not mine. Now out of my office, all of you” Ebert didn’t scream, but thanks to his body size he could use a thundering, commanding voice that had even caused some of the more junior officers to flinch a little bit.

Von Seekt did not, he only starred at the president with anger and hatred, before he turned on his heels and stomped out, followed by the soldiers. Only Groener and Geßler remained, sitting in comfortable leather chairs, having only observed the situation till now.

“This will make Seekt even harder to control and you know that” Geßler commented, but Ebert only huffed and answered with a short “He never listened to you anyway”, which Geßler only answered with a shrug, it was true after all.

Groener on the other hand just observed Ebert for some time. He had had retired several years ago, but as the last de facto commander of the Imperial Army he still had quite some influence in the military. It was wanning and getting weaker, but it was still there. Groener had never loved the Republik, he had accepted it as an accomplished fact, mainly because he had no loyal troops to stop it, when it was created.

And while he was soldier of the Imperial Army through and through, he was also not a Prussian, he had been born in Württemberg (funnily enough in the same city as minister of defence Geßler), he had served in the army of Württemberg and while Prussian militarism had been ingrained in him, it had never been as deep and rabid as in many other generals.

He sighed, as a former professional soldier he couldn’t even really argue against what Ebert had said, even if the less rational part of him wanted to jump over the desk and strangle the president. Instead he took a few more moments to collect himself.

“Von Seekt will scream and cry, just like many others. But, as long as our agreement still stands, Reichspräsident, I don’t see him as a problem for now. You do still intend to honour our agreement, don’t you, Herr Ebert?”

Ah yes the agreement, the Ebert-Groener-Pakt as the press like the call it, after Groener had leaked it to the public during the “Dolchstoßprozess”. Back then Ebert and Groener had come to a compromise. The army would not resist the new government and would help in putting down the Bolshewiks and in return, the politicians would leave the army alone. Ebert had not had any real alternative to this back then, unless one saw civil war as anything but the worst case imaginable, but still this agreement came back to bite him ever time there was an issue with the Reichswehr.

“Of course I still intend on honouring it” for now, he added in the back of his head “after all, the entire nation now knows of it” Groener ignored the jab at him, as Geßler interjected.

“Von Seekt wouldn’t even listen to you, Herr Groener and he his made the Reichswehr into a force mostly loyal to him. Sooner or later we will have to deal with him”

Groener sighed, in the end the minister was right in that regard. A commander unwillingly to even consider following the governments orders was bad, even from his own perspective, but for now, there were different problems. As he had said, for the moment, von Seekt could wait.



“Weg mit den Verrätern, Weg mit dem ROTEN PACK!!!“ the screams of the crowd filled the street, but they wouldn’t be left unchallenged for long. An equally large group from the Reichsbanner was opposing them and returned with “Weg mit den Reaktionären, für die Freiheit!!”.

For the moment they didn’t escalate to violence, mostly because several companies of police men were present and the police had shown that right now they didn’t care to which party you belonged. If you caused violence, they would return it tenfold. So the two groups just blocked each others routes, screeching at each other, until finally they started to disintegrate. This now, was a chance for those out for blood. This time Joachim was not stupid enough to walk alone, with the DNVP people around with Nazi groups probably laying in wait for easy prey he made sure to not get isolated from his friends. Ten Reichbannermen were much less of a target then a single one or two.

The closer the election was coming, the stricter and stronger the police presence got. It was the same here in Nuremberg as it was in Berlin, Munich, Hamburg and most other major cities in the Reich. Reichsbanner, Stahlhelm and sometimes Nazis and communists were clashing, but for now the police kept the violence to a minimum, with overwhelming violence.

Cologne was actually the only city to be rather quiet, at least that’s what Joachim had heard. The local Zentrum mayor, Adenauer was his name, had for the moment stopped his constant struggle with the Prussian government and had instead pretty much imposed total peace upon the city. With it mostly being dominated by the democratic parties, that had been rather easy. But Cologne was not the Reich and in the rest of Germany the situation was tense beyond belief. Then, a bombshell hit.

After Ludendorff and the Völkische had openly supported Hindenburg and after they had escalated their aggressive and downright offensive rhetoric after Eberts interview, there had been massive turmoil inside the DVP. While many of the moderate members were offended by Eberts interview, they were even more disgusted by the complete escalation that some parts of Hindenburgs supporters had begun. The amount of respect and decency in German politics wasn’t that high to begin with, but they had managed to go so far below even that, that many could no longer ignore it. Hindenburg himself was also rumoured to be one more minute problem away from giving up, with only his son apparently keeping him in the race.

By stabbing the Hornets nest, Ebert had figuratively caused the Hornets to go so haywire, that even some of the hornets themselves were disgusted by their kind, while the normally more pro-hornet factions became very annoyed by their constant stings. And the hornets did not calm down until the election day.

“Streesmann endorses Ebert. Stressemann says Ebert would provide a more stable and secure position for Germany in the world”

The screams of the paperboy still ringed in Joachims head, as he made his way to the polling station. Stressemann endorsing Ebert just the day before the election had caused another earthquake and apparently the entire DVP was currently going up in flames. Not that he cared, he was about to vote for the president. On his way he saw how a few Nazi thugs tried to intimidate voters, only to get their heads smashed in by the police and it filled him with an almost morbid satisfaction. He of course made his cross for Ebert and proudly pushed his vote into the box. He was sure the right candidate would win.



Ebert and his wife were waiting for the results, together with most of the SPDs leadership and most of the leadership of the Zentrum and DDP. Even by the end, even with the DNVP going berserk and with Stressemann setting his own party ablaze only a day before the election, it was close. It had even overshadowed the situation in the federal government, where the enraged DNVP had left the government after Eberts interview, leaving Chancellor Luther with a minority government, that was completely at the mercy of the SPD.

Finally, it knocked at the door all the eyes were on it. It was certainly not news of the results, the carrier of those would not have knocked, so an aide hurried to the door and opened it. There stood Gustav Stressemann and his wife, asking
“Since many of my party and the DNVP don’t want me at our gathering, I had hoped you would let join yours” there was silence for a few moments.

Then, Ebert walked towards the door and held out his hand to Stressemann, who shook it quite happily. The hand shake turned into an embrace, as an aide came down the hallways screaming the first results.

“THE PRESIDENT HAS WON. 48,7% for Ebert, 47,3% for Hindenburg!!”

They had won.

OOC talk: Before somebody asks how I got the votes, I followed this logic. Voter participation is the same as OTL. While Thälmann did not leave the race, he lost about 2,5 % to Ebert, willingly. The KPD isn’t stupid and knows, that openly supporting Ebert would have doomed his candidacy. So instead the more moderate KPD voters voted for him instead of Thälmann. Also, Stressemann endorsing Ebert last minute caused a split int the DVP. The DVP being the much more centre/centre-right liberal party was, as I said, not very happy with how the DNVP and its allies turned crazy after the interview. Also, some of them were not happy that their candidate had to make room for Hindenburg. While Ebert could mobilize about as many SPD, Zentrum and DDP voters as Marx OTL, he got about 1 % from the DVP voters following Stressemann, allowing him to win.​

 

[TimTurner]

good work! watched.

 

[embo]

Hitler and the NSDAP in 1925 just wasn't a relevant part of national politics, so it seems rather weird how heavily the are around in your street conflicts.

 

[THorius]

I mostly have them appear in Nuremberg, where they had had their Parteitage. Also they were reasonably strong in Bavaria in the 1920s. And the final also, the Reichsbanner here is mostly just branding all Völkische as Nazis, to degrade them.

 

[KingSweden24]

This is great stuff. Watched and eagerly anticipate more!

 

[Deleted member 94680]

Will there be a new party formed? A collection of the DVP, Zentrum and DDP that move towards Ebert’s SPD? There’s no way they’d join the SPD, but I don’t think they’d be strong enough to take over their previous parties. Possibly coalescing around Stresemann as the ‘figurehead’ who’s not part of the SPD and a nationally recognised personality.

 

[Gendarmerie]

Hopefully the military don't try to invalidate the election with a coup to install Hindenburg or the Kaiser specially since Ebert made the military leadership more hostile that it already was with the interview

 

[NoMommsen]

Hopefully the military don't try to invalidate the election with a coup to install Hindenburg or the Kaiser specially since Ebert made the military leadership more hostile that it already was with the interview

As long as Ebert still keeps things as before :

leaving the Reichswehr do 'its' thing(s)​

and the Reichswehr won't act in domestic politics​

leaving the Reichswehr untouched ragarding its structures​

and the Reichswehr won't act in domestic politics​

leaving the Reichswehr organizing its personnel (esp. top brass) by itselfs​

and the Reichswehr won't act in domestic politics​

The v.Seeckts Reichswehr would not act in domestic politics at all. The Reichswehr officers of that time were rather 'fed up' with any and esp. domestic politics at all.
All I would/could rather see ITTL is that v.Seeckt might try some prestige-strongarming earlier as he did IOTL with the participation of the son of the crown-prince on a maneuver that led to his dissmissal.

 

[Salvador79]

Seven more years! Yes!
This is very good news.
Speaking of Stresemann's potentially new Party, maybe his Wing of the DVP merge with the DDP? Maybe an early "Freie Demokratische Partei"?
Btw, what about the SPD's Heidelberg Congress? Do they adopt a defiant but more realistically reformist program or do they stick with verbal Marxism that has nothing to do with their parliamentary and government behavior Like IOTL? Heidelberg or Godesberg?

 

[THorius]

@Salvador79

Sounds of Ebert shreeding the Heidelberg programm in the background, while he also chases the SPD left wing with a pitchfork

We will see what the through and through Realpolitiker Ebert who originally wanted a Parliamentary Monarchy will do with the Marxist rhetoric, the man who said "I don't want the revolution, I hate it like the Sin". We will see

 

[Salvador79]

@Salvador79

Sounds of Ebert shreeding the Heidelberg programm in the background, while he also chases the SPD left wing with a pitchfork

We will see what the through and through Realpolitiker Ebert who originally wanted a Parliamentary Monarchy will do with the Marxist rhetoric, the man who said "I don't want the revolution, I hate it like the Sin". We will see

I thought as much. Now honestly, the SPD left wing had capable and pragmatic politicians, too (I'm just thinking of Hilferding who would never have wrecked German Economy like Brüning's cabinet later did), but the contrast between their rhetoric and their actual policies was almost hilarious and certainly neither helped electorally, nor strategically.

 

[THorius]

Chapter 5: A new government


„Herr von Hindenburg, President Ebert is here to speak with you” Hindenburg sat in his comfortable office chair, but he was about as uncomfortable as he could be. He hated Ebert, he hated everything Ebert stood for and he hates the man for what he made him go through during this stupid election. But Ebert was also the Reichspräsident, so not letting him in was out of the question.

He did not stand up or show any reaction when the man entered, silently observing him, as Ebert just stood in the room, waiting.

“I didn’t expect a warm welcome, nor would it have been appropriate” Ebert said, but again, Hindenburg did his best to not show any emotion. He wanted to be left alone and he would show Ebert that he was not welcome here. It was the only little bit of power he had left, here in his house he was the highest authority, it was his.

“Let’s make this short, neither of us wants to be near the other, however this does not mean that there has to be bad blood. Our world views are opposite to each other and can never be compatible. I came here to offer you peace and respect, nothing more and nothing less. You were a worthy opponent and had it not been for Stressemans decision, I surely would have lost”

Hindenburg still remained silent, hateful eyes focused on the bolshvike parasite in front of him. This man and his lackeys would surely soon come to take away his home, after all he was one of the princes they wanted to disown. They wanted to steal what was rightfully his.

“Thank you for your time, Herr von Hindenburg. I wish you a nice day” anymore talking seemed fruitless, so Ebert turned, and his hand reached for the door.

“So, when can I expect you lackeys to size my house?” hate dripped out of Hindenburgs voice, so much it made Ebert flinch for a moment, before he straightened himself and answered.

“Do not worry, neither your house nor your few acres of land are of any interest. In the end we will probably be doing both you and all east-elbian Junker a favour, if we take away their debt-ridden farms. If you and your friend’s management skills are any indication for how fit you are for government, the nation dodged a disaster this election.

Ebert hit the bull’s eye with this and after a moment in which he tried to gather himself, Hindenburg fell into his chair.

“Get out of my house” he grumbled, but there was no strength or threat behind his words, just an tired, defeated old man begging to be left alone. Ebert followed this wish and without any further words left.

Two days later, hoping to gather the right wing opposition under itself, the DNVP overthrew Luthers cabinet with a vote of no confidence, one which the SPD agreed to, to the DNVPs shock. They had hoped to force a split in the Weimar Block, but instead they faced new elections.

These new parliamentary elections proved to be relatively calm, compared to the presidential ones. The DNVP, Stahlhelm and Völkische were still somewhat paralysed by their defeat, while the democratic parties rode on a wave of confidence and the overall improving economy.

The DVP was torn apart, with Stressemann and his loyal followers forming the new “Deutsche Freiheitliche Partei”, a party pretty much focused on the fact that Stressemann was its leader.



On the 16th of June, as new Parliament was elected.



SPD: 28,5% (formerly 26%)

Zentrum/BVP: 16% (formerly 17,3%)

DNVP: 17% (formerly 20,5%)

KPD: 10% (formerly 8,9%)

DDP: 6,5% (formerly 6,3%)

DVP:5,8% (formerly 10,1%)

DFP:2,5%

The remaining votes split between the NSDAP (2,5%) and several small economic and fringe parties.

For the first time in five years, the Weimar Coalition had a majority, and it would form a government, together with Stressemanns DNP. With Hermann Müller as their candidate and Ebert as their president, the SPD entered coalition negotiations with its head high. Only for Ebert himself to immediately beat it down again.

The new Reichskanzler Hermann Müller

“We do not need Marxist rhetoric. Just because we finally have managed to get a majority with the other democratic parties, does not mean that we can immediately start to scream about nationalization and Marxism. We lost our last majority and the trust of the other parties because of these mistakes. WE WILL NOT REPEAT THEM”

Ebert was usually calm, but the stubbornness of his own party was one of the few things that could enrage him. He himself hated revolutions, he hated the idea, he hated the suffering they brought and he hated the fact that revolution always only ended with dictatorships. The French did, the American didn’t count since it was more of a secession than a revolution and the less words lost about the Russians the better. He would, under not circumstances destroy what little stability and strength they had managed to gain out of this election by having his party scream of revolution.

“This does not mean that discussion and disagreement are forbidden. BUT we need to continue what we started and stay calm. If we leave our path, we’ll only get grinded down between the reactionaries and the liberals”

There was mumbling and rumbling among the gathered members of the party. They had gathered here in Heidelberg to discuss a new party program, now that they were in charge of the government again and had secured their position. Ebert and the moderates and “Realpolitiker” of the party were reacting pretty much allergic to any socialist rhetoric.

For the first time since the creation of republic, they had an actual chance to create a stable government, one that could maybe even last the full four years until the next regular election. Combine that Ebert still in office and they had an actual chance for change and progress.

And now, at least from their perspective, the left wing was immediately going nuts again, starting dreams of revolution and nationalisation of industry and property. It was madness in Eberts mind, madness that could cost them this very precious chance. He would not allow that and at least for now he knew that the most influential of his Genossen were on his side. Müller, Braun and Wesel all stood behind his “Realpolitik” and he would keep his party in line as long as he could.

“Genosse Ebert. The monarchists and reactionaries are in disarray and confusion and have lost standing in the publics eye. This is the perfect chance to strike and finally finish the revolution” one of the more radical delegates argued, but this time Müller interjected.

“The Revolution was finished when we achieved the Republik! The economy has barely started to recover from the war and now we have a single chance to finally do some good. And you speak of revolution? It’s madness”

There was more rumbling from the radicals, but no more interjections. They were a minority and there weren’t many other options for them at the moment. The KPD was all but a USSR puppet and splitting the SPD now, now when they had finally managed to gain some stability was suicide. Even they could not deny that logic, at least for now



In the minister conference a few days later, one of the main point of the last election was heavily discussed.



“To get back to the topic on hand, the Enteignung. The idea is rather popular and would make both political and economic sense for us. Ever since the war started, most of Prussia agriculture had been in a crisis, one the Junkers obviously are unable to solve. Instead they demand more and more subsidies to keep their archaic model running”

Nobody argued against Müllers words and that was a refreshing experience. Both DDP and Zentrum politicians were supporting the initiative, Stressemann as the only minister of his own party also had no problem and they had achieved an agreement with the BVP rather easily.

The Bavarians had already achieved a compromise when it came to their nobles and how to treat their properties, one all factions in Bavaria were satisfied with. For this reason, Müller and the BVP had reached an agreement to add a clause to any law regarding the “Fürstenenteignung”, which would exempt any member states that had already achieved solutions to this problem.

“For the solution to this, we could take the Baltics as an example. After the war they seized the land of their nobles” he left out the fact that most of these nobles had been Germans, many of whom had already migrated to Germany “They gave this land to small farmers, who them managed to organize and produce much more efficient. That is the reason why we are currently importing quite a lot of food from them”

This had not been the original idea behind the “Fürstenenteignung”. Originally this topic was all about the formerly governing monarchs and their property. However, during the presidential elections discussions and opinions had changed to the point, where many members of the Republican parties now also desired to break apart many of the large estates still owned by nobles in the Prussia. Esspecially the left-wing of SPD had talked itself into a frenzy of the “Junkerfrage” and many within the SPD leadership rather liked this idea. The Junker had always been the foundation and support of the DNVP, weakening them could also weaken that party permanently.

“Talking about the Junker and Ostelbien is beside the point” Stressemann finally interrupted the SPDs daydreams.

“We must find a solution to the proper Fürstenenteignung first. We must not let fantasies about other topics stop proper work on this problem. For some of the smaller states, this question is one of economic survival. Use the Junkerfrage to scare the DNVP if you must, but lets focus on what is important first”

The SPD members of government mumbled, unhappy about them being called out by their colleague. But the Außenminister was right, although Chancellor Müller had one more, a minor idea, on that topic. It could also be done much faster than the Enteignung.



“Government declares an Entschuldungsprogramm for Ostelbien. They want to buy out indebted estates and redistribute the land. DNVP calls it a farce” the newspaper boys screamed the next day.​

 

[Dolf]

 

[Salvador79]

So, what DOES the SPD write into their Heidelberg Program?

And if that paperboy has it half-right, how on Earth is the government going to get the necessary money for that East Elbian agricultural policy of theirs?

 

[New Cleo Genesis]

I think that some of the German just being in plain English might improve textual cohesion -- of course some terms will not have a one-on-one translation (e.g. Reichspräsident), but something like Außenminister not being translated doesn't really make sense to me. I personally do have a decent enough grasp of German to understand most of what is being said, but some other users might not.

Not to say that I don't like this, to the contrary.

 

[HalfRottenHerring]

Really cool timeline, well written.

 

[NotBigBrother]

For the solution to this, we could take the Baltics as an example. After the war they seized the land of their nobles” he left out the fact that most of these nobles had been Germans, many of whom had already migrated to Germany “They gave this land to small farmers, who them managed to organize and produce much more efficient. That is the reason why we are currently importing quite a lot of food from them”

So true!🤩

 

[Deleted member 117308]

Can't wait for the next part.