Onderzeeboot Nekt Navalisme - Or: The Dutch Submarine Service during World War 2

Chapter 1: The Man on a Mission
  • The Man on a mission

    The weather was far from uncharacteristically for Scotland in November. It was cold and it was wet, exactly what the Man did not want, as it was plainly obvious that he was comfortable in neither his civilian clothes nor the European climate. Of course, a five-year stint in the Indies would do that with a man. These circumstances did nothing however, to diminish his cocky – if not arrogant – facial expressions.

    The Man could certainly have decided to wear his uniform, there was no law against it. On the contrary, regulations stipulated that he should in fact be wearing his uniform right now. The decision to wear this well-tailored – and yet ill-sitting – black suit did probably save him from quite some harassment though, or worse. The Dutch government’s decision to grant the Kaiser asylum had turned the Netherlands from a questionably neutral power into practically an enemy! No, this situation called for a bit of camouflage, as it had been out of the question from him to miss this momentous occasion.

    And momentous it promised to be, for this would be the largest gathering of warships in the history of modern warfare. Seventy of the most modern German warships would be escorted into internment by no less than 370 ships from the victors of the Great War. As if it had been preordained, right when the news of this coming event reached his billeting, so did the news of his promotion to Luitenant-ter-zee der 1ste Klasse [1], the later coming with a complementary two weeks of leave! It had not been easy to placate his wife after he broke the news that he was in fact not spending that leave with her in Amsterdam’s luxurious Amstel Hotel but that he was instead going to travel to Scotland, by himself.

    The Man did not really have much of a choice though, as he was a (or the) man with a mission. This mission wasn’t ordered by his superiors, nor officially sanctioned by the Ministry of the Navy. Not yet anyway. The past ten years had made him realise how weak the Koninklijke Marine’s[2] position in the East Indies actually was. From what the Man had seen there wasn’t much his comrades and he would be able to do in case of an attack, besides die that is. This would not do. Not for the Royal Netherlands Navy and certainly not for Johannes Theodorus Furstner. He was determined to find a way the Netherlands would be able to defend its ‘Emerald Empire’, a defence he would – naturally – lead himself.

    What bothered Furstner more than the cold and the wetness was the fog, as it obstructed his view of things to come. The shores of Edinburgh and surroundings were now useless as vantage point. Resourceful as always, Furstner wasn’t going to let trivial forces such as weather stop him from achieving his goals. If he could not see the ships from the shore, he would take to the sea. After all, he was a man of the sea, baptised by Neptune and all! To actually take to the sea the enterprising Dutchman required a boat or ship though. After first finding the weather gods against him, now he faced a more ferocious adversary: Scottish skippers. Anti-German and anti-Dutch sentiment worked against him once more, as he was brusquely dismissed by several skippers who were going to tour civilians around the harbour and the assembled fleets, in once case Furstner even had to leg it to avoid a physical altercation. Undaunted, Furstner would at the end get what he wanted. It took a passionate – though not entirely sincere – plea on the historical bonds between the Dutch and Scottish people and their religious similarities dating back to John Knox, to convince the staunchly Presbyterian skipper Douglas Alcorn to allow this peculiar Dutchman to board his ship, the Britannia.

    S1511-54-Britannia-1918.jpg

    The 629 ton Britannia [3] was supposed to be build as an patrol frigate but delays in construction meant that the decision was made to finish her as a cargo ship. Though ill-fitted to be a pleasure-cruise, the armistice threw transportation plans in disarray, leaving Britannia without cargo but more than capable of touring curious spectators around the Firth of Forth and the mighty fleets there assembled. There was no detailed list of passengers, but if there had been it would have shown a wide variety of characters: officers from both the army and navy, wearing their uniforms and also the triumphant smile of victors; older gentlemen and ladies, feelings of vengeance and sorrow over lost ones precluding celebrations; teenagers overawed with the sensations and slumbering disappointment that this great adventure was over before they could have made their mark on it. And Furstner of course. All upper-class, as Alcorn was both a Presbyterian and a businessman.

    As the Britannia pulled up the gangplanks and cast off from it’s place on the quay, Furstner positioned himself on the rail near the prow of the ships, on starboard side. This way he made sure that he would have clear vision on both sides of the ship. The Dutch officer had hoped that Britannia would have been able to witness the meeting of Allied and German fleets, at the mouth of the Firth of Forth near May Island. Unfortunately this was out of the question. The Royal Navy considered the surrender a military operation, and the vicinity of May Island something like an active warzone, banning all non-naval shipping. It was at Inchkeith, an island in the centre of the Firth, that Furstner and his fellow passengers would meet the Hochseeflotte and its jailors.

    1704472563909.png


    There! Through the light fog one could see the pride of the Royal Navy. The immensely powerful battleship HMS Queen Elizabeth to starboard, the light cruisers Pheaton and Cardiff (the last one towing an observation balloon of all things) to port, the battlecruisers led by HMS Lion, countless of other heavier and lighter units. For Johan Furstner (who had little trouble recognizing the ships, from the identification book he had practically memorized) it was like he was back to being ten years old and in a Jamin-shop [4]. Nearing Inchkeith, it became clear that the German fleet was corralled – in lack of a better word – at an anchorage in the form of a square. After having feasted on the Royal Navy, it was now the turn for the Kaiserliche Marine to be unabashedly ogled upon by the Dutchman. His eyes were immediately upon the Bayern, one of the newest battleships in the world even, clearly distinguishable because of her two funnels, being placed closed together. What a sight to see! Especially with the SMS Seydlitz next to her, a powerful battlecruiser that had had a very distinguished service during the war, fighting in at least four major engagements. As the first bouts of excitement subsided, Furstners mind turned away from these capital ships and to the ships of his own navy. In de Oost he had served on the Hr. Ms. De Zeven Provinciën. The most powerful Dutch vessel, named after the flagship of the famous admiral Michiel de Ruyter. Furstner had been proud to serve on the Zeven Provinciën but he knew that he could never be proud to serve on such a ship again. Compared to what he saw here in the Firth of Forth, the ships of the Koninklijke Marine were too under-gunned, under-armoured, understrength and, as far as he was concerned, too unbecoming. Not like the Seydlitz and the Bayern! If only Dutch government would build such ships for him to command! These kind ships would be able to defend the Dutch East Indies from the Japanese foe, these kind ships were worthy the Dutch history, these kind ships were….!

    ‘Useless.’ It was this word that pulled the young Dutch officer from his dream. Until that moment he hadn’t noticed the two men who stood to his right. They both wore the uniform of Royal Navy officers and clearly had an animated conversation with each other.

    ‘I’m telling you Jimmy, these vessels might look impressive, but they have been nothing but useless to the Germans.’

    ‘How the hell did you figure that? We have been fighting them for the past three years. Both of us have shed blood fighting them.’ Jimmy was obviously as rattled by the words of his companion as Furstner was.

    ‘Look old fellow, I’m not saying we fought for nothing. I’m also not saying we bled for nothing or our comrades died for nothing. I’m saying that these ships were useless to the Germans. The Kaiser invested millions of Marks in these ships, and what did he get in return for it?’

    ‘You and I both know that Jutland could have turned a whole lot worse than it did.’

    ‘Yes it could. But even if the Huns could have bloodied our nose, we would still have our fists ready to hammer them if they tried to get out. This is the faith of smaller navies. If you are outnumbered by this much you have two options: go out and fight and go down in a blaze of glory, or stay in and wait until the war is over. In both cases those ships are useless. Not that I’m complaining, imagine what the Kaiser could have done with all that money! He could have built hundreds more railguns, he could have built thousands of airplanes and zeppelins, hell he could have built a couple of hundred more submarines!’

    As his gaze returned to the naval spectacle in front of him, for Johan Furstner this was the end of a dream for sure. Even if – and he knew how big, or better said, how small of an if that was – the Rambonnet-plan of 1914 would be followed, the Koninklijke Marine would only have five battleships. Once that had seen to him as more than excellent. Now he realized that those five battleships would have to fight more than double their numbers. Glorious, yes, but doomed.

    Verdomme!’ The expletive was out before he knew it. The naval officers he had been listening to were to engrossed in their conversation to notice. This was very much so not the case for the two stokers (who had come up for a smoke and the sights) to his left though.

    ‘Verdomme? Verdammt? Did he say verdammt? I reckon he did mate! We got a bloody HUN over here!’

    Verdomme indeed.​



    1: Luitenant-Commander
    2: Royal Netherlands Navy, KM
    3: OTL The 629grt Britannia was built in 1918 by Smith’s Dock Co. at South Bank as the patrol frigate Killiney. She was rebuilt as the cargo ship Thropton for Joplin & Hull Shipping Co. in 1920. She joined the Leith, Hull & Hamburg SP Co. as Britannia in 1924. In 1960 she was sold to Biagio Mancino and renamed Angelina Mancino. She was broken up at Baia in 1976.
    4: Jamin is a Dutch candy company founded in the 19th century and had over 100 shops at this point in history.



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    And so, after decades of lurking, begins my first ATL!

    I have always been interested in history and as a young Dutch boy there were two periods that piqued my interest especially: the Dutch Golden Age and the Second World War. The first was naturally the period where the Netherlands was at its top regards to military and economic power. The last was the great war which still can be seen in the streets of Amsterdam and even with witnesses to that war still alive.

    Reading about the Golden Age I was fascinated by the exploits of the Dutch Navy who, led by the likes of DeRuyter, Tromp and van Galen, ruled the seas. Reading about the Second World War it always struck me that the Koninklijke Marine hardly seemed up to the task of defending the Dutch East Indies, doomed to fight a gallant but futile last stand, the fleet-commander going to down the ship. The history books I read at that age all lamented that this was all the fault of weak interbellum governments choosing to cut the defense-budgets time and time again. If only the Royal Netherlands Navy had had battleships, everything could have been different.

    It was not until I was doing more in-depth reading for a response on @Astrodragons excellent timeline ‘The Whale has Wings’ that my view on the matter changed. I stumbled on J. Anten’s fantastic dissertation ‘Navalisme nekt onderzeeboot (Navalism kills submarine). In it Anten shows that for the larger part of the Interbellum the Netherlands wasn’t planning on fighting of a Japanese invasion with the light cruisers of OTL’s ABDACOM but with a fleet based primarily on submarines. For that purpose the Royal Netherlands Navy (RNN) build a relatively large force of submarines, with equipment and doctrine to support concerted, wolfpack-like, attacks on a hypothetical Japanese invasion-fleet. And yet, instead of a wolfpack attacking the two Japanese invasion fleets in 1942 we get the Combined Striking Force charging like the Light Brigade through the Java Sea. What happened?

    After reading ‘Navalisme nekt onderzeeboot’ I began planning this TL. Thing is, it turned out to be a bit more complicated as Anten made it look. In his book he points at Furstner as the sole culprit, something which is false. Not only were there more factors in play within the RNN, there are also the circumstances of the Second World War which led to submarines playing a secondary role in the East Indies campaign.

    What I want to explore in this alternative history, is what would have happened if the Royal Netherlands Navy had stuck to its submarine doctrine and used that to combat the IJN. Simply handwaving that feels wrong though, so we have to change history in such a way that this happens in 1942. Basically the TL will be somewhat of a alternative history challenge (AHC), meaning that sometimes the road taken is not because it’s more likely, but because it is necessary to get meet our challenge. That is not to say that I’m planning on making this anything like a wank though, so please hold me to that!

    The format of the TL will mainly be history book-like, as it took me the better part of a year to write the first part in prose!

    I very much welcome every comment. Especially because this is my first TL and English is not my first-language. So please give me all your feedback, nitpicks and grammar tips. They are very much appreciated!
     
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    Chapter 2: Sumus et for speramus: we are and hope to be
  • Sumus et for speramus: we are and hope to be [1]

    1280px-Den_Helder%2C_KIM%2C_175-01-01_%28J_David%29.jpg

    Main building of the KIM at Willemsoord, with ‘Van Speijk’ flagpole (Jules David, 1894)

    'Since its inception in 1829, the Koninklijk Instituut voor de Marine (KIM) has been the sole institute for the education of naval officers. It’s first location was at the West-Frisian city of Medemblik. The unhealthy climate of this region lead to a high rate of sickness among staff and pupils which lead to the decision to close the institute and merge it with the Koninklijke Militaire Academie [2] (KMA) in Breda. This situation was much to the chagrin of the Koninklijke Marine, not in the least place because the city of Breda is as landlocked as can be in the Netherlands. Because of this and other reason, the education of naval officers would soon be done independently and in a much more inspiring location: Willemsoord, the government wharf in Den Helder, epicenter of Royal Netherlands Navy in Europe. From 1870 on, the KIM has been permanently housed in its current building. '

    Heinz Wunderlich (1967), From boys to officers: Educational institutes of Navies around the World

    ~~~~~~~~~~~~

    25th August 1919

    As Furstner walked into the library of the KIM, he couldn’t help himself but smile. He had always been more inclined towards the first part of the institutes adage ‘knowledge is power, character is more’. To the young officer knowledge had always been a way to rise above his peers and be heard by those who were older or more experienced than himself. Where others in his class had despised the stuffy library and, if pressed, would only study the books that were in the curriculum, Furstner had made a point out of reading the newest books on technology and naval or military theory. It was a strategy that had helped him immensely, this was the 20th century after all, either one rode the tiger of progress, or got devoured by it!

    At the librarians desk, he cleared his throat to signal his arrival. On the clerks face a sequence of emotions. First there was irritation for he had been enthralled in his work, checking the due date of several loaned out books. Then there was recognition as he saw the familiar face of a commissioned officer and certainly not a lowly midshipman. This was concluded by slight horror. Which was the moment when Johan Furstner – somewhat – benignantly asked the clerk if he would be so kind and get his reservation.

    ‘G-Goodmorning Luitenant Commander Furstner. Your order sir?’ The clerk asked after the formal round of salutes.

    ‘Yes yes, my order. I reserved the only copy of Von Tirpitz memoires Erinnerungen. So where is it?’

    ‘Von Tirpitz….yes…of course…well I’m afraid there is a problem with that sir.’

    The icy reply ‘I better hope not kwartiermeester [3]. I am spending the next two weeks on holidays with my wife and her family. This in itself is not a problem. I love my wife. I think she is the most beautiful creature in the world. And smart, you know she is a doctor?” And without waiting for a reply “So I am very happy to spend two weeks with her. What would make me very unhappy is if I can’t spend at least part of those two weeks to prepare for the classes of the Hogere Krijgsschool [4] and especially unhappy if I can’t do that because a book I specially reserved in advance isn’t there for me to pick up if I travel all the way from Amsterdam.’

    By the end of this monologue the blood in the corporals veins was as cold as the tone in Furstners voice.

    ‘I am terribly sorry commander Furstner sir, one of my colleagues at the library loaned Erinnerungen out to adelborst Tulp [5] sir.’

    ‘And where is this midshipman corporal?’

    ‘Eh, aboard Hr. Ms. Zeeland sir.’

    ‘And where is the Zeeland berthed corporal.’

    ‘Bergen sir.’

    ‘Bergen?’ Furstner brought his hand to his brow out of sheer exhaustion from the conversation. ‘That would not be Bergen, Noord-Holland would it?’

    ‘Eh no sir, I’m sorry. Bergen, Norway.’

    Maybe it was the summer weather, maybe it was nostalgia, but uncharacteristically, Furstner didn’t explode in anger.

    ‘All right corporal. What do you have that might interest me?’

    ‘Well, we got a copy of this book just this morning sir.’

    1704652159182.png

    U-39 Auf Jagd im Mittelmeer [6], Walter Forstmann, 1918

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    DutchEnglish
    Adelborstenlied

    Waar De Ruyter eens moest sneven
    Waar een Tromp zijn roem behield
    Staan wij aan ’t begin van t leven
    Maar met hoop en moed bezield
    Wordt nog eens in later dagen
    Neêrlands vlag ten strijd ontplooid
    Stervend zullen wij haar schragen
    Stervend zullen wij haar schragen
    Maar die vlag verlaten, nooit
    Maar die vlag verlaten, nooit

    Slaat de luipaard eens zijn klauwen
    Naar het vrije Neêrland uit
    Mocht de adelaar ’t beschouwen
    Als gemakkelijke buit
    Tromp, De Ruyter zal herleven
    In ’t vrije Nederland
    ‘t Voorbeeld door Van Speijk gegeven
    ‘t Voorbeeld door Van Speijk gegeven
    Volgen wij met hart en hand
    Volgen wij met hart en hand

    Ja, wij slaan het oog naar boven
    Waar zij wappert dag aan dag
    En wij zweren, wij beloven
    Eeuw'ge trouw aan Neêrlands vlag
    Wordt nog eens in later dagen
    ’t Rood wit blauw ten strijd ontplooid
    Stervend zullen wij het schragen
    Stervend zullen wij het schragen
    Die gelofte schenden, nooit
    Die gelofte schenden, nooit
    Midshipmans song

    Where De Ruyter[7] once fell
    Where a Tromp[8] kept his fame
    We stand at the beginning op live
    But full of hope and courage
    If once more in later days
    The Nederlands flag is unfolded for battle
    Dying we will scaffold her
    Dying we will scaffold her
    But leave that flag, never
    But leave that flag, never

    If the leopard extends his claws
    Towards the free Netherlands
    If the eagle sees it
    As an easy catch
    Tromp, De Ruyter will be reborn
    In the free Netherlands
    The example given by Van Speijk[9]
    The example given by van Speijk
    We will follow with heart and hand
    We will follow with heart and hand

    Yes, we look upwards
    Where she flutters every day
    And we swear and we promise
    Eternal loyalty to Netherlands Flag
    If once more in later days
    The Red White Blue unfurled for battle
    Dying we will scaffold it
    Dying we will scaffold it
    Violate that promise, never
    Violate that promise, never!
    Song of the Corps of Midshipmen

    ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

    'In the aftermath of the tragedy that was the First World War, many in the German political and military leadership felt the understandable need to put their experiences to the pen and explain their role in the German defeat. The scale of the defeat and the short distance in time made it obviously difficult for the writers of these histories to be objective. There were certainly some that were indeed able to be so, Alfred von Tirpitz was certainly not one of them. For this Grossadmiral and - in essence - politician, his Erinnerungen (published in English as My Memories) was a way to defend his actions and opinions, instead of clear and objective analysis. In The American Historical Review, Christian Grauss called ‘[h]is work […] an astonishing mix of arrogance and childish petulance.’ [10] The omissions in the published correspondence are obviously aimed at painting the best picture of the architect of the Hochseeflotte. In that sense Grauss is right to dismiss Tirpitz’s memoires. More should not be expected from the reviewer as he was no military historian, let alone an expert on naval theory. Grauss was in fact a literary critic and can thus not be blamed from overlooking the fact that Tirpitz not only defended his actions but also his risk-theory. With profound consequences.

    The Tirpitz Plan entailed a gigantic German naval building plan to create a fleet of battleships that would be so large, that defeating it in a defensive battle would damage the Royal Navy to such an extend that it would lose its supreme position on the seas of the world and thus its empire. The Britons wouldn’t allow that and come to terms with Germany instead. Through the use of nationalist agitation, and the far-reaching powers of the German emperor, by 1914 the Kaiserliche Marine was the second-largest naval force in the world, approximately 40% smaller than the Royal Navy. Millions and millions of goldmark had been thrown in an arms race with Great Britain, only for it to end in dismal failure. There were several problems with the Tirpitz Plan: a) it didn’t account for the fact that British diplomacy could and would (through the 1902 alliance with Japan and the Entente with France) be able to diminish it’s naval obligations outside the North Sea; b) the British industrial and financial potential to win the arms race outright and c) the geographical reality of the North Sea meant that the Royal Navy did not have to start an offensive towards the German coast (as Tirpitz expected) but could ‘close’ the German trade routes the Channel and what was later dubbed the GIUK Gap. In fact, it was Germany that was forced to an offensive to open those trade routes.

    Militarily and diplomatically the Tirpitz plan was a disaster for Germany and a good case can be made that it indirectly caused Germany to loose the Great War. Where the German army was strictly analyzing it’s actions during the war, in an attempt to solve any shortcomings, the Navy does – under influence of Von Tirpitz and his Erinnerung – does not. It’s official position was that the Tirpitz Plan and it’s risk-theory were sound, but sabotaged by the civilian government which refused to allow a decisive battle. It is nothing short of impressive that Von Tirpitz was able to actually redeem this risk-theory in the eyes of not only the German navy but even abroad, as publications in the Dutch navy’s Marineblad show. The German-American naval historian Herbert Rosinski shows that this failure to truly analyze, precluded any real understanding of seapower within the German Navy. This caused the German naval policy of the Interbellum to be build on wrong and confused assumptions, just as it's predecessor. The result was the fundamentally unsound theory of 'anarchy at sea', which we will further discuss in the next chapter.'

    Bernard Henderson (1992), Ruling the Waves: Navalism in the Interbellum.

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    Notes:
    1: Motto of the Koninklijk Instituut voor de Marine (Royal Institute for the Navy)
    2: Royal Military Academy
    3: Corporal
    4: Higher War College. Tertiary education for staff officers.
    5. Midshipman, couldn’t help to insert myself as somewhat of an alien space bat 😉
    6: U-39, Hunting in the Mediterranean. Commanding U-39 Forstmann sank five steamers (over 20,000 GRT) in two days in the Strait of Gibraltar and is the second highest scoring submarine commander in history.
    7: Michiel Adrianszn De Ruyter is the greatest admiral in Dutch history, commanding the Dutch navy during the First and Second Anglo-Dutch Wars (during which he commanded the Raid on Chatham) and the Franco-Dutch War (during which he practically saved the Republic and would ultimately fall in battle).
    8: Maarten Tromp was the commander of the Dutch navy at the end of the 80-years War (during which he destroyed the Second Spanish Armada in the battle of Downs) and the First Anglo-Dutch War (in which he was killed). His son Cornelis Tromp is also a (lesser) famous admiral who would be an adversary of De Ruyter.
    9: Jan van Speijk (or Speyk) was a Dutch orphan turned naval officer. After serving in the Dutch East Indies for a few years he became the commander of gunboat No. 2, tasked with the blockade of the rebellious city of Antwerp. A strong north-western wind and a badly functioning anchor pushed his ship to the hostile shore. As rebels stormed his ship Van Speijk blew up the ship, with himself, his crew and a few Belgians, on it.
    10: As OTL
     
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    Chapter 3: Protecting the Emerald Empire
  • III. Protecting the Emerald Empire


    800px-1916_Dutch_East_Indies_-_Art.jpg

    The Netherlands’ most precious jewel


    The 17th century is known in the Netherlands as the Golden Century and with good reason. Though the Netherlands – or the Republic of the United Provinces as it was called in that period – lacked the territorial size or population of powers like Spain, France or England, it was very much a great power which was often envied by them. It’s merchant fleet were omnipresent while the Dutch navy was more than a match for it’s competitors. Though the Netherlands didn’t face economic decline as such in the following 18th century – or Silver Century [1] –, until 1830 it was the richest country in the world, there certainly was stagnation compared to other countries. The resulting decline in economic and diplomatic status would continue during the 19th century and it’s Industrial Revolution, as the Kingdom of the Netherlands lacked the population and natural resources to be an earlier adopter of steam-powered industry.

    As the United Kingdom of the Netherlands came to a dramatic end, the choice was made for the geopolitical anonymity of neutrality. This would remain a broadly supported policy for over a hundred years. At least, in Europe. Because there was something that separated the Netherlands from other geopolitical minnows like Belgium, Denmark or Sweden: the Indies. For with the Dutch East Indies, the Netherlands possessed the third largest colonial empire (in terms of population) and one of the few truly profitable colonial possessions. The Dutch were certainly not being neutral and aloof in the ‘Girdle of Emerald’, as the colony was affectionally nick-named. The possessions of the once-omnipotent VOC[2] had been transferred to the Dutch state after it’s bankruptcy and would be more and more expanded throughout the 19th century.

    Tropisch Nederland.png

    The size of the European Netherlands (the windmill) compared to the size of ‘Tropical’ Netherlands (the palmtree).

    verovering-nederlands-indiee-19de-eeuw.large.jpg

    Expansion of the Dutch East Indies

    During the expansion, the Dutch initially didn’t have much to fear, militarily speaking. Dutch military technology or arms production was far from a frontrunner, but it’s technological advantage over native powers was significant enough that the outcome of a military conflict was almost [3] never in doubt. European powers, against which the Netherlands did not enjoy any technological advantage, were dissuaded from interfering in the East Indies by the policy of neutrality and British economic interests. The security of the colony was further enhanced by the fact that the situation in Europe forced the great powers to keep their capital ships mainly in their home waters, to guard against each other. Because of this, it could be argued that in around 1880 the Royal Netherlands Navy was in possession of the most powerful ship in the region, the Zr. Ms. Koning der Nederlanden[4]! This couldn’t be argued for long though.

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    Lithographic of Zr. Ms. ramtowership Koning der Nederlanden, 1876

    The Netherlands wasn’t the only country that was expanding it’s empire in Asia. The same can be said for the British, French, American and even the Japanese at this point. As more and more of Asia was colonized, competition for the remainder increased. As a consequence of that competition between great powers, the arms race increased. In an attempt to gain dominance over the others, new, and increasingly powerful, ships were build. This had the side effect that there were now second-rate capital ships available for service overseas. The navy in the Dutch East Indies was becoming outgunned and outpaced, and with it the defense of the prized colony. That defense, and any solution to its weakness, was further complicated by the fragmentation of its organization. The Dutch naval forces were divided in three separate commands:
    • The Auxiliary Squadron. Formed by ships of the Koninklijke Marine that were detached to the Indies. This force was under control of the Ministry of Navy and meant to guard the colony against an external enemy.
    • The Indische Military Marine, or Indian Military Navy. Controlled by the Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies, with the ships being paid for by the Ministry of Colonial Affairs, while the personal was in service of the Navy. The Indian Military Navy assisted in the efforts to expand Dutch authority in the archipelago.
    • The Gouvernementsmarine, or Governmental Navy. Naval police force paid for and under control of the Governor-General.
    Including the Koninklijke Nederlands-Indisch Leger, the Royal Dutch Indian Army [5] (KNIL), there were four military organizations reporting to two separate ministries (the Ministry of Navy and the Ministry of Colonial Affairs), each with their own wants and interests. This fragmentation made the question of how to defend the Indies a problem of enormous proportions. To solve this gordian knot two commissions were convened, one on the question of how the naval forces should be organized, the other for the defense of the Indies as a whole. As we shall see, while the solutions of these commissions were not without merit, the Dutch government proved not to be an Alexander.


    ‘Coups de main’

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    Frederik Herman Pieter van Alphen, Commander of the Navy in the Indies 1883-1885

    In the discussions regarding the defense of the Netherlands, it is clear that neither the KNIL nor the Navy were inclined to see the problem as something they should solve together. Both organizations were afraid that the other would make them a secondary or even auxiliary force and thus made all possible efforts to achieve their own primacy. This way of thinking clouded their perception of the casus to be solved, as both the KNIL and the Navy saw only those types of conflicts as likely, which put their own service in the center of it’s defense.

    For the commander of the Navy in the Indies, schout-bij-nacht [6] Fredrik van Alphen, the only two likely scenarios were (a) violations of the country’s neutrality in the outer regions of the colony and (b) coups de main, a surprise attack on one or two ports on Java. Both scenarios offered different advantages to the Navy in their struggle against the KNIL. The first (a) stressed the importance of the Outer Regions, where the ships of the Navy with all their mobility could operate, and the, pretty much Java-based KNIL, could not. A coups de main meanwhile, had the advantage that such a operation by a foreign power, unable to concentrate forces without giving away the element of surprise, would be within the realm of possibilities for the KM to defeat.

    The position of Van Alphen was welcomed by the Ministry of Colonial Affairs, which struggled with the question how to pay for the defense of the enormous archipelago. If the only threat would be from relatively weak forces, the military apparatus wouldn’t have to be build up to greatly either, with all its financial challenges that would entail. For this reason there were many in the Navy and certainly the KNIL, which opposed the views of Van Alphen. Despite that, the idea of the coups de main as the principle scenario to be defeated, would cast a long shadow on the defense of the Dutch East Indies.



    The ‘Fundamentals’ of 1892

    As the 19th century was nearing its end, Dutch expansion in the East Indies was nearly at completion. With that, the internal threats to the colony lessened, but the external threats grew larger. It was clear that a concerted and revised effort to defend the Dutch possessions in Asia was necessary. Two successive state-commissions were appointed by the government of the Netherlands to lay the groundwork from which that defense could be formed. The first (or naval) commission would look into the Navy’s organization and role in the defense of the Dutch East Indies, while the second (or defense) commission would see into the defense of the colony as a whole. The composition of the defense commissions is interesting to note, as it consisted of not only representatives of the Navy and KNIL, but also of the Inspector of Engineers, lieutenant-general Joachim Kromhout, of the Dutch Army. This last addition is curious, as the Dutch Army had practically nothing to do with the defense of the Indies. In case of a war against a foreign enemy, there were plans to send officers and maybe a brigade of men to aid in the defense, but nothing more substantial than that. In fact, Dutch conscripts were constitutionally banned from deployment to the colonies. The participation of Kromhout only makes sense when one considers the bad relationship between the KNIL and the Navy, as those two needed a neutral arbiter!

    800px-Joachim_Hendrik_Kromhout.jpg

    Lieutenant-General Joachim Kromhout, peacekeeper avant la lettre

    If there had been the hope that these two commissions would result in a firm bedrock for the military power of the Dutch East Indies to grow on, those were dashed, with the two commissions and the government all sharing in the blame.

    The naval commission was soon split in two groups, with a majority wanting to keep the Indian Military Navy and with that, a focus on internal security, while the minority warned for the increasing external threat. In spite of that there was still a unified advice to the government: The Indian Military Navy would phase out over time, with the Aceh War winding down. With that, the two remaining naval structures would the Auxiliary Squadron and the Governmental Navy, with the colonial administration paying more into the former. This constituted a tacit acceptance of the coups de main as the main threat to the colony as was stated by the minister of Colonial Affairs.

    Unexpectedly the defense commission was act more unified than expected. It could be the work of ‘peacekeeper’ Kromhout but that hasn’t been proven. Regardless, the commission came to a military (meaning army and navy combined) union of purpose in case of war against a foreign power. In that case the main defensive effort would be focused on the island of Java, and more precisely Batavia as the center of Dutch colonial administration. The Navy would act directly against the invasion forces close to their landing zones. The KNIL would do the same but only once internal stability and colonial authority was certain. Here we clearly see the role of the KNIL as a police-army. The Navy should consist of a mixed fleet in two parts:
    1. Four ‘strijders’ or ‘fighters, meaning large slow-moving armored ships supported by fast but unseaworthy torpedoboats. The characteristics of these ships made stationing near their expected area of operations (West-Java) necessary.
    2. Six cruisers to defend the Outer Regions against coups de main, protect neutrality and escort troop shipments from the Outer Regions to Java. They could also be used to scout against the enemy force moving towards Java but that wasn’t deemed as necessary, the commission had already decided where that was going to land!
    As the role of the two commissions was only advisory, their recommendations had to be turned into policy by the government. This policy became know as the ‘Grondslagen’ or ‘Fundamentals’ for the defense of the Indies against a foreign enemy. These were broadly the following:
    • Centre of this defense would be West-Java but only in a late stadium would KNIL forces be concentrated there to avoid internal instability.
    • There would be a second naval base at Tjandong Priok (near Batavia) to accommodate naval forces countering an enemy invasion nearby.
    These two fundamentals are not surprising to us by themselves. The devil is in the details however. Where the defense commission wanted all efforts to be made for the defense of West-Java, was this less pronounced in the final policy. Soerabaja (on East-Java) was the main base of the Navy and building up Tandjong Priok to that level was to costly for the liberal government. This also weakened the union of purpose between the KNIL and the Navy as stated in the report of the defense commission. Besides that, there was a glaring error in both the work of the commissions and the fundamentals: the position of Java as the only part of the colony that was truly important. For slowly but surely, the importance of the Outer Regions relative to the capital island grew and grew.[7]



    1. Also named because of the large sums earned by lending money to foreign powers.
    2. Vereenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie, United East India Company.
    3. Almost is the right word, for the Netherlands would fight a bloody guerilla war in Atjeh (or Aceh) from 1873. Though the last major engagement would be in 1914 (more than 40 years later!), one could argue that the area was never truly pacified. Even before the Japanese would land on Sumatra in 1942 (OTL of course 😉 ) there was a popular uprising which ended tenuous Dutch rule forever. Might do a chapter on Atjeh if it becomes relevant.
    4. King of the Netherlands.
    5. While the Dutch Indian Army received the title of ‘Royal’ in 1836, when it was added to its standard, colloquially it was called the Dutch Indian Army or Indisch Leger/Indian Army. Only in the 1930s would the abbreviation KNIL become widespread.
    6. Rear-admiral. Literally: sheriff-by-night, though it is also thought that schout is from the Dutch word schouwt or to survey..
    7. Everything in the update is as OTL.

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    I first planned to write an update up to the First World War but fear that it might make it too long in time and length. Feedback on the latter very appreciated, just like feedback on anything else!
     
    Chapter 4: Decade of the Four Ministries
  • IV. Decade of the Four Ministries

    In the last quarter of the 19th century, the Dutch government, acknowledging that its defence of their premier colony, the East Indies, was lacking a coherent policy, formed two commission to rectify this situation. These two commissions were composed of persons of high military or administrative rank and public office, and in 1892 formed Grondslagen, or Fundamentals, upon which defence policy should be based. It must be concluded however, that this did not in fact happen and the Dutch defence of the East Indies remained incoherent and disjointed.

    The incoherency in policy was the most clear in the Dutch navy, which – as an institution - failed to plot a clear course in the period directly after the Fundamentals were formulated. Different factions within the service had different visions on the defence of the Indies, with corresponding differences in what they saw as the most likely scenario for that defence to counter and which kind of ships were needed to do so. The conquest-scenario assumed that a large enemy invasion fleet would launch a deliberate attack with the aim of conquering the whole of the Dutch East Indies. The coup-de-main scenario assumed a lightning fast attack by a comparatively small invasion-force (to keep the element of surprise) on a port on Java, or (and this was another point of contention) somewhere else in the archipelago. Beside these two main scenario’s there was also the neutrality-scenario in which two foreign powers were at war and had to be dissuaded from prosecuting that war inside the territorial waters of the colony, lest the Netherlands got involved in that conflict. The neutrality-scenario was generally accepted but discussion centred on the importance of that scenario for formulating policy.

    In the decade that followed the Fundamentals, three different ministers (not including acting ministers or minister Kruys, who became minister in august 1901 and died in December of that year) presided over the Ministry of Navy in four different periods:

    1. J.C. Jansen (1891-1894): Naval engineer by trade. Jansen sees the task of the Navy to stop a conquest of Java, but thinks the most likely scenario is a coup-de-main on one of it’s ports. For that reason, and in line with the Fundamentals, he builds a force of three ‘strijders’, basically armoured coastal defence ships. His tenure ends when the cabinet falls over the expansion of suffrage.

    2. H.M. van der Wijck (1894-1897): Former lieutenant in the navy and secretary-general of the Minister of the Navy. Agrees with his predecessor that a coup-de-main attack is the most likely, but thinks such a scenario – coupled with threats to the Dutch neutrality – is more likely outside of Java. Jansens’ coastal defence ships are useless in those areas because of their lack op seaworthiness. Instead, Van der Wijck orders a force of cruisers to be constructed, which can operate throughout the archipelago, breaking with the army and the Fundamentals.

    3. J.C. Jansen (July-December 1897): In his second tenure Jansen tried to turn back the clock to the situation during his first, by putting the focus back on armoured coastal defence ships. The threat of large battleships was discarded because those were probably needed elsewhere. This was not the case with the armoured cruiser, a new and fast ship type that was excellent for coup-de-mains. The cruisers of Van der Wijck were too light to counter those. Jansen’s alternative was denied by parliament however, causing him to resign.

    4. J.A. Roëll (1898-1901): Vice-Admiral and former commander of the navy in the East Indies. Wants a heterogeneous fleet with both cruisers and armoured coastal defence ships, to succeed in most of the possible scenario’s. Political and economical circumstances make that impossible but Roëll does manage to build ships that are able to match the foreign armoured cruisers in guns and armour, though not in speed. Minister during the First Sino-Japanese War he sees the Japanese as growing threat. This is a problem that the Netherlands would have to solve by itself or through an alliance. In both cases that would mean heavier naval units.

    The different tenures by different ministers with – sometimes fundamentally – different opinions regarding policy, made the Dutch navies procurement of material walk around like (please forgive the pun) a drunken sailor.

    The challenges for policymakers were very difficult in this period. The preceding Second Industrial Revolution had caused a subsequent revolution in naval warfare. Inventions and developments in this period included the torpedo, the naval mine, the cruiser (in all its varieties), the battleship, the submarine, the turbine-engine, radio and the airplane. These inventions changed the landscape (or seascape if you will) continuously. To the effects of the Second Industrial Revolution could also be added the continuous scaling up of naval ships. The Dutch building program was one step behind the curve, hampered by the fact that the county’s wharves and locks were simply too small. Funds were lacking efforts to remedy this, caused by economic woes and an almost cultural tendency by parliament to be frugal, especially in military spending. To illustrate: between 1880 and 1913 the budget for the Royal Navy grew from 126 million to 643 million guilders, or 510%. In the same period the Dutch budget for the navy grew from 12,6 million to 19,8 guilders, or 157%. Was the Dutch budget in 1880 10% of the British budget, in 1913 it had shrunk to 3,1%.

    While the context of Dutch policymaking in the described period was clearly demanding, this article will explore in more depth what lessons can be learned for the current age, in which the Digital Revolution can be the cause of similar challenges….


    De Vries, A. (2020). Decade of the Four Ministries: lessons for building coherent policy. Politics of the Low Countries 19, 62-77.


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    Sorry for the long wait! It has been pretty busy at school and writing didn't go as smooth as I had hoped. Thankfully last week was a school holiday so I was finally able to get some things in order. I had to move some bits and piece around which made this chapter neither spectacular nor long, but now I do still have two chapters in reserve so to speak, which will hopefully allow me to have a more steady update-pace of a chapter every week at least. All comments, feedback and spelling tips very welcome as always :)
     
    Chapter 5: Another Man, Another Mission
  • V. Another Man, Another Mission

    I am a Calvinist, through upbringing and conviction[…] It has never been a characteristic of the man of the Calvinistic confession to seek his strength in sitting still or lamentingly sighing. – Hendrikus Colijn

    Sabang, May 1904

    ‘Parrrrdon kapitein[1].’

    Concentrated as he was on his papers, the words clearly startled the young officer as he looked up at native servant who had disturbed him in his work.

    ‘Parrrdon kapitein Colijn, but toean[2] Kugelmann want to offer toast and gift you this jenever.’ Said the servant in far from unaccented but passable Dutch, while point at the bar. As Colijn’s eyes followed the servants gesture, they met those of Gerhard Kugelmann, the proprietor of the establishment. Nodding his head in salute, the captain stood up, straightened his blue Marechaussee[3] uniform and accepted the glass.

    ‘Gentlemen! A toast! To her Majesty Queen Wilhelmina, to the Indische Leger in Sabang and her commander captain Hendrikus Colijn! Hiep, hiep! Hoera!’ Had Hotel l’Europe been situated in Batavia[4] or Surabaya it would have barely been reputable but in the far from developed hospitality sector of Sabang it was the creme de la creme. Of course, with Aceh being as far from Java as could be and only recently in the later stages of pacification, its clientele was still a pretty rowdy and masculine mix of colonials: army and navy officers, adventurous businessmen and civilian administrators. Even though only a slim majority of them were actually of true Dutch descent, they all stood and toasted the Queen, and him.

    After the commotion – involving more than a couple of slaps on his shoulders – had subsided somewhat, Hendrikus Colijn sat down in his chair again, barely being able to suppress a grin over what the Lord had brought the young farmers boy from the Haarlemmermeer[5].

    1709364326469.png

    Hotel l’Europe, 1892. The man in carriage on the left is G.J. Kugelmann, owner of the hotel. Standing in the middle of the picture is captain R. MacLeod. MacLeod would be divorced from his wife, Griet Zelle, in 1897. The latter would become better known under her pseudonym: Mata Hari.

    Whether it was the work on the farm itself, or the fact that it separated him from his parents as he grew up with his grandparents to help them on their farm he – honest to God – did not know. He did know from a young age that the Lord had a different plan in store for him. As if it had happened yesterday he remembered when he had read the article about the Siege of Kars[6] and how it had lit an adventurous flame into his spirit. God didn’t mean for him to stay in the polder forever, he was destined to be more than simple Rooie Driekus[7] as he was called back then. He didn’t only want to read about history, he wanted to make it!

    1709364346262.png

    The Colijn-Groenenberg farm, in Uitwijk, where Hendrikus Colijn lived from age six to age 12 with his grandparents.

    ‘There in the Indies something great could be achieved.’ Those were the words of Coen [8] in the Golden Seventeenth Century, and they were true then as they were now. For the Dutch East Indies were the place to be for young and ambitious men looking for fortune and fame, and Hendrikus Colijn was one of those. It had been quite a journey, from the farm in Uitdijk – or Uttek as the locals would say – to Sabang, a journey in which he was tested by his maker. If the Lord hadn’t brought his loving wife Helena on his path, would he have found His? Twice he had been medically rejected for service in ‘De Oost’, twice he had persevered, the second time through a painful and dangerous operation no less. Certainly no one could claim that all that did not result in accomplishing something great. Had he not forced the surrender of Panglima Polèm IX, the last of the great Acehnese resistance-leaders? Had he not received the kingdoms highest military decoration? Wasn’t he adjutant and right-hand of none other than the country’s greatest leader and hero Jo van Heutsz[9]? Yes, was the answer to all those questions, he concluded with supreme satisfaction.

    1709364364517.png

    The surrender of Sultan Mohammed Daoed of Aceh, January 1903. To the right of the portrait of Queen Wilhelmina is general J.B. van Heutsz. Directly in front of the portrait captain Colijn.

    And now here he was in Sabang, handpicked by Van Heutsz to take command in times of great peril! Sabang, being situated on the shipping routes through Asia and thus having the great potential to rival Singapore as a coaling station and transhipment port, also caused it to have the great potential of being a geopolitical flashpoint. Colijn was send here because war had come to the Far East and the latter of Sabangs great potentials was feared to come to fruition. He couldn’t help but smirk as he thought back at the consternation he had encountered when arriving at the port city. Nay, as he thought back at the consternation he had encountered within himself! The Japanese attack on the Russian fleet at Port Arthur and their subsequent – didn’t those Japs have any honour? – declaration of war against the Russian Czar. If the latter would want to reinforce his navy in the Far East he would need coaling stations along the way, that was clear to anyone, just as was clear that Sabang would do very nicely in that role! Clear to the Dutch residents and obviously also clear to the British who were nearby on the other side of Strait Malacca. What did the British have to do with this Russo-Japanese squabble? Everything! The British were the adversaries of the Russians in the Great Game of Central Asia and had thus concluded an alliance with the Japanese. By taking Sabang the Royal Navy could help their ally and take out a competitor of Singapore in one fell swoop, and with nothing that Colijn, the Indian Army or the Royal Netherlands Navy could do. Hendrikus’ fears had subsides after the first week but not because the defensive strength of the colony convinced him, far from it. Neither the paltry forces the Indian Army could muster at such short notice, nor the naval squadron that was hastily assembled, consisting of outnumbered and outgunned vessels, would be able to give more than a token defence of the city and Poeleh Weh, the island that was situated on. It was the realisation that the United Kingdom was going to be officially neutral that eased his fears instead.

    Colijn didn’t like himself when he was afraid, as fear clouded judgement. Fear without subsequent analyses was worse though, it was foolish and Colijn wasn’t the man to abide with foolishness, least within himself. The past years he had seen the world mostly on a smaller scale. Organizing the taxation system in a small town, cleansing a province of rebellious gangs, the governance of Aceh. This was not something uncommon, in fact he could now see that this line of thinking was endemic in the Dutch nation. For the young officer the next step was obvious: he had to start thinking on a larger, more geopolitical scale. He had spend his adult live up to now enlarging and strengthening the Dutch colonial empire in the Indies. Colijn had always believed that roving bands of treacherous Acehnese and other natives were the great threat to that empire, he now realized that he had been wrong all that time. Sure, local stability and security could be threatened but there was no way that those roving bands could ever seriously hope to stop the juggernauts of Western civilisation. No, the real threat to the Dutch East Indies was external instead of internal, and that threat was seriously underestimated by his countrymen. They were ruling an emerald empire of islands, separated from the motherland by thousands of kilometres of sea, and the British, French, Russian and – even – Japanese navies all had ships that were capable of destroying the total Dutch navy by themselves! Here he was, sitting at a bar, writing up a lecture on the importance of Northern Sumatra for the economy of the colony while knowing fully well that in case of war the Netherlands would only try to defend the island of Java! This, this would not due.

    ‘Parrrdon kapitein.’ Once more Colijn was disturbed from his thoughts and looked up, half-expecting yet another drink from another grateful civilian.

    ‘A letter has arrived for you sir.’

    After accepting the letter and dismissing the servant Colijn opened the letter and started reading.

    …will travel to Holland….interviewing for post of Governor-General…..position adjutant on trip open….interested in attending?’

    As Colijn folded up the letter, he couldn’t help but look upwards for a moment.



    Kleioboeken[10]

    Op de Grens van twee werelden, deel II: de Olieman/On the border of two worlds, part II: The Oiler, Herman Langeveld[11]

    The first instalment of ‘On the border of two worlds’ was both the breakthrough of the genre of historic novels in our country, as well as that of the writer Herman Langeveld. This second part of the series is a worthy successor. Langeveld manages to paint an impressive picture of the live of Hendrikus Colijn, one of the country’s greatest – though not uncontroversial - statesmen of that period, but also of the period itself. Historic novels lent themselves quite handsomely for use in the classroom as the texts are considered by students to be less dry than non-fiction books and – if done right – can foster a sense of historical empathy. Fiction also allows the author the freedom to fill in the blanks so to speak. We know that Colijn dined two times at the Royal Palace during his first leave back in the Netherlands, what we don’t know is what was discussed at those dinners. Langeveld takes us to those dinners and allows us to hear what could have been said by Colijn and Queen Wilhelmina, though in reality we can be quite sure that the actual conversation didn’t quite go as described in The Oiler. That particular scene is very suitable for use in a lesson on modern imperialism though, so we will forgive the writer. As we will also have to forgive him for a few other elements in the book that don’t quite stroke with the historical sources. The Hotel l’Europe from the start of the book wasn’t situated in Sabang but in Kota Radja[12] and it was Colijn who requested to be part of Van Heutsz’ journey back to the Netherlands in 1904, not Van Heutsz who requested Colijn’s presence. Are these actual mistakes or literary license? The beauty, or problem depending on your point of view, with historical novels is that it doesn’t really matter. Either way The Oiler is another success from Langeveld and we can’t wait for him to complete the trilogy!





    [1] Captain.
    [2] Sir or lord in Malay.
    [3] The Korps Marechaussee te Voet (or ‘Constabulary Corps on Foot’) was a contra-guerilla force formed during the Aceh-War. Not to confused with the Koninklijke Marechaussee (or ‘Royal Constabulary’) which served as the military police of the Netherlands.
    [4] Present-day Jakarta.
    [5] Reclaimed land (or polder) in the province of Noord-Holland. The reclamation was only completed in 1855 and the parents of Colijn were part of the first generation of colonists.
    [6] The Battle of Kars was a decisive Russian victory over the Ottoman Empire during the Russo-Turkish War (1877–1878)
    [7] ‘Red Hendrik.’
    [8] Jan Pieterszoon Coen was between 1619 and 1623 the fourth Governor-General for the VOC (Dutch East India Company) in the Indies. He is seen as the founder of the Dutch East Indies. Far from uncontroversial as he ordered the genocide in the Banda-islands in 1621.
    [9] Joannes Benedictus (Jo) van Heutsz was known as the ‘Pacificator of Atjeh’. He published a brochure in which he outlined a way out of the quagmire that was the war in Aceh, got appointed governor of Aceh and managed to do exactly that. Would later on become Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies and remains that only non-royal person to receive a state-funeral.
    [10] Literally: Kleio Books. The Kleio is the periodical of the Dutch association of history teachers.
    [11] OTL Herman Langeveld isn’t a novelist but wrote the most recent biography of Colijn. On the border of two worlds was the brochure Colijn wrote after the German conquests of 1940, in which he argued that an understanding should be reached with the Germans, as did many conservative politicians in Western Europe at that time. Butterflies change these somewhat. Colijn would later change his opinion on the Germans and die in German internment for his support of the resistance.
    [12] Literally: city of the King, present-day Banda Aceh.
     

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    Chapter 6: The Fleetlaw of 1914
  • VI. The Fleetlaw of 1914

    ‘We can do anything we want, and if the Dutch people would only start with saying that, we can look at the future with confidence.’ Hendrikus Colijn, 1912.

    The gamut of polemic articles in the Marineblad[1] attest to the lack of harmony, about what course the KM should plot, within the officer corps of the Koninklijke Marine (or KM) in the early decades of our century. The divisions were mainly – but certainly not limited to – about what threat the navy should focus on, a surprise attack on ports in the East Indies or a full-scale invasion of the colony as a whole, and how that threat should be countered, through a force build around the weapon of the torpedo (the Torpedoists) or guns (the Artillerists). These divisions made it impossible for the KM to make a fist in the debates about the defence of the Dutch East Indies, which spilled over into the political arena as a result of that.

    While the debates raged, it became increasingly clear that the stakes were only becoming higher and higher. The economic importance of the Asian possessions of the Netherlands grew in relative and absolute sense, especially in the areas outside of Java (de Buitengewesten or Outer Regions), while possible adversaries increased their naval presence in the region. The disbalance in naval power grew larger as the strength of the Dutch navy barely increased, while French, British and, most importantly, Japanese ships increased in size and numbers. Since the First Sino-Japanese War (1894-1895) the Empire of Japan had begun to feature in possible war scenario’s concerning the Dutch East Indies. With growing Japanese industrial and military, Dutch fear for a possible confrontation grew as well. This increased with the shock of the crushing Japanese victory over Russia in 1905, while the Anglo-Japanese alliance also robbed the Dutch East Indies of a possible protector and ally.

    As tense and as dangerous as the geopolitical situation was fast becoming, one cannot overstate the influence of Hendrikus Colijn in turning the ship of state towards a new and highly ambitious naval expansion program. By 1911 this scion of an orthodox-Calvinist family had already had quite a remarkable career as a military officer and colonial administrator, when he was appointed minister of War in the confessionalist[2] cabinet of Theo Heemskerk. True to his nature and reputation, he would waste no time with indecisiveness about which road to take. That road had already been prepared somewhat by the minister of the Navy, vice-admiral Jan Wentholt, who was nicknamed Jan Kanon (John Cannon) because of his proposals to build a large, heavily armed and armoured ship, being inspired by a relatively new – for the Netherlands – political movement: navalism.

    Picture-2.png

    Alfred Mahan, naval officer, historian and theorist.

    Navalism was inspired by the works of the American naval officer and theorist Alfred Mahan, who’s book The Influence of Sea Power Upon History, 1660-1783 became an instant international bestseller when it was published in 1890[3]. Analysing the work of Mahan in depth is outside of the scope of this publication, but in Seapower and later publications he emphasised the (growing) importance of sea lines of communication. Having the power to control the seas was paramount for every great power, without which global trade would grind to a halt and colonial possessions would be lost. Naval power thus became a matter of national survival. Naval power always being relative made the Marineblad write in 1911: ‘No, for us the fleet could never be powerful enough.’ How to get the most naval power? Through building the biggest, heaviest armoured and armed ships: battleships.

    In comparison with countries like the United States, Germany or the United Kingdom, navalism was initially didn’t make many inroads into Dutch society. The country lacked the deposits of raw materials for a heavy industry to build battleships (or other capital ships for that matter) and thus also lacked a strong industrial lobby in favour of navalist policy. Furthermore, liberal parties maintained a strong presence up until the First World War. The Dutch liberals were in favour of keeping government-spending reduced, promoted the Ethical Policy in the Indies – stressing the need for social programs instead of military power – as well as an internationalist and free-trade view on foreign affairs. Other factors were the resistance of the KNIL and a lack of tabloid magazines. The only institution where navalism did have a strong presence was, unsurprisingly, the Koninklijke Marine. This presence was initially not strong enough to overcome societal inertia though. For that, navalism needed a former KNIL officer to shake things up, namely Hendrikus Colijn!

    As mentioned earlier, minister of the Navy Wentholt planned to build a relatively – for the KM – heavy ship. When that plan failed (because one half of parliament was of opinion that the plan didn’t go far enough and the other half that it went too far) John Cannon resigned and who took his place as minister? None other than Colijn. Not more than three weeks after his swearing in as minister of the Navy did Colijn set up a state-commission which was ordered to ‘examine the organization of the defence of the Netherlands Indies, on land and on sea, from a political, technical and financial point of view and advise [the government] how to improve and finance it.’

    The state-commission of 1912 was far from the first of its kind, since 1890 there had been four of those concerning the same subject, but it certainly was the ‘heaviest’, dubbing Colijn to call it a ‘super-state-commission’. The chairman was Prime Minister Heemskerk, with Colijn and minister of Colonial Affairs De Waal Malefijt as vice-chairmen, meaning the government was practically advising itself. The further composition of the state-commission heavily tilted it towards the conservative-Christian side of politics, with the Thesaurier-Generaal, or head of the General Treasury, Van Gijn being the only Liberal.

    It took the state-commission a little over a year to produce its report and present it to Queen Wilhelmina on the 21th of May 1913. True to its assignment, the state-commission put the defence of Dutch East Indies in a greater geopolitical context. It asserted that the loss of the Indies would be a colossal disaster for the Netherlands, because Dutch investments had reached over a billion guilders and a great part of the national economy was reliant on its trade. Further noted was the shift in economic importance from Java to Sumatra – and to a lesser extent the other parts of the Outer Regions. The combination of internal pacification and geopolitical developments meant that the greatest danger to the colony were now external. These external threats were the great powers in Asia and – as was written in a secret chapter of the report – especially Japan. A battle for control of the Indies was undoubtedly going to be about control of the seas, necessitating a powerful force of battleships and other vessels supporting that force. The state-commission went so far as to advise on the composition of the Navy in the coming period:
    • 9 battleships of 21,000 ton
    • 6 torpedocruisers
    • 8 destroyers of 500 ton
    • 44 torpedoboats of 300 ton
    • 22 submarines of 380 ton
    • 6 minesweepers
    To make this shipbuilding program happen, it was further recommended to confirm it in a Fleetlaw to prevent it from being axed if a different political wind would blow. The costs were estimated on 45 million guilders, with a 6 million budget cut for the Royal Netherlands Indies Army (KNIL). As the state-commission didn’t want to raise taxes on companies, as was suggested by some, a quite unorthodox payment scheme was devised. It was therefore not surprising that the only liberal member, Van Gijn, wrote a dissenting opinion on the financing of the plan, in which he also estimated that the plan would probably cost twice as much as budgeted. The Thesaurier-General rather spend that money on an ‘ethical defence’ of the colony, in which social programs would legitimize Dutch rule. Nevertheless, the report was signed unanimously by all member, including Van Gijn.

    The hard work of the commission notwithstanding, it was impossible to get the Fleetlaw through parliament before the elections of July 1913, which the government parties lost. Was this the end of the Fleetlaw? In its current form it became clear that the social-democrats and the liberals, which constituted the majority of the new parliament, were not going to be swayed. The new cabinet didn’t retract the whole law however. The tide was in that sense clearly with the navalists. The Rambonnet-plan entailed the following fleet composition:
    • 5 battleships of 24,605 ton (four build in the next five years and the fifth one ready in 1927)
    • 5 cruisers of 4,000 ton (bigger than the torpedo-cruisers of the previous plan)
    • 24 destroyers
    • 7 submarines of 570 tons.
    This downsized force was still a great improvement over the current forces - and more balanced than the original plan - but couldn’t overcome the navy’s greatest enemy: the Ministry of Finance. Minister Bertling would only allow a single battleship (paid for by the Dutch East Indies!) to be build, torpedoing the Fleetlaw.

    Bertling had failed to consider how much stronger the forces of navalism had become though. Onze Vloot (‘Our Fleet’), was an association not unlike the German Navy League, which supported naval expansion. It had only been founded in 1906 and tried to be a-political, but saw that it was now or never for the Fleetlaw. It hired journalists to write navalist articles and spread 100,000 copies of their brochure: ‘’sLands Welvaart in Gevaar!’, ‘Our Country’s Prosperity in Danger!’ Which painted a hellish picture of what the Netherlands would befall, if the Indies were lost.

    ‘And slowly but surely, our nation will sink to the level of one of the least significant
    little states of Europe,- to a country with some agriculture and some livestock
    and some domestic industry, with a fourth of its trade of yesteryear – that will lack
    any power of its own and is ready to be incorporated into one of the stronger
    Powers. And then, then the time might not be far, that the Netherlands will have
    ceased to exist.’

    1709977063801.png
    1709977071491.png

    The Demise of the Netherlands, a subsequent brochure published by ‘Onze Vloot’. To the right a cartoon captioned: the unarmed idealist and the well-armed molester. ‘The Idealist: We shouldn’t see the Indies as a commercial, but as an idealistic possession.’ ‘The other: completely right! If he stays inadequately armed, I will carry out those ideals – on MY terms.’

    Scores of industrials, bankers and businessmen were quoted in the publications of Onze Vloot, which all supported the same message: No Indies, no future! The navalist propaganda was very successful, among politicians but also among the business-class. A new payment scheme was devised, with a special ‘fleettax’ for assets above 50,000 guilders, a direct tax on profits of companies in the Dutch East Indies, export taxes on oil, rubber, sugar, tobacco and tea, a tax of shipping and a tax on railroad companies. The strongest shoulders would to the heaviest lifting. Minister Rambonnet could be pleased with himself, there was nothing that could stop the Fleetlaw now.

    Translated from: Teitler, G. (1988). Slagschepen voor Jan Maat! Het vlootplan van 1914. Marineblad, 100, 34-39.[4]




    Delftsche Courant, Monday 29th of June, 1914[5]

    THE AUSTRIAN HEIR MURDERED

    Archduke Franz Ferdinand was shot and killed on yesterday’s morning in Sarajevo, the capital of Austrian annexed Bosnia. (...) Yesterday morning the following signal arrived us: Sarajevo, 28th June. - When this morning the Austrian heir, Archduke Franz Ferdinand with his consort arrived at the station, an unknown individual fired several pistol shots at them; the archduke as well as the princess were killed. Other reports say that the archduke was killed, the princess heavily wounded.
    (...)
    For several years, the prince Hohenlohe, former German Chancellor in his DANKWURDIGKEITEN asked: how long will it go on in Austria and will the dead of Emperor Franz Joseph not mean the end of the monarchy. Russia would like to divide Austria after Franz Josephs dead and it will depend on the new heir if that will mean war or if that will mean peace.
    (…)
    BERTHA VON SUTTNER – The remains of Bertha von Suttner have been burned at the crematory at Gotha. The coffin was draped with velvet and at it foot end laid a large wreath captioned: “To our beloved great leader! The German Peace movement!’ All ceremony has been dispensed with and…[6]






    [1]Literally the ‘Navy Gazette’, the periodical of the Marine-Vereeniging (or Naval Association) which membership was mainly composed of naval officers.
    [2]Dutch politics was divided in roughly four, loose, groupings: Catholics, Protestants, Liberals and Social Democrats. The first two hated each other religiously but as the 19th century progressed they got a lot closer politically.
    [3]Wentholt actually send a birthday-telegram to Mahan in 1910: Gratefully acknowledging the great merits of your famous works on naval history and strategy I beg to accept of myself and the officers of the Royal Netherlands Navy the warmest gratulations with your 70th birthday.
    [4]Professor Teitler is probably the greatest authority on 19th and 20th century naval and military history of Netherlands. The text is all mine but based on his book Anatomie van de Indische Defensie.
    [5]This is the original article in the Delftsche Courant, translated by yours truly.
    [6]Bertha von Suttner was the leader of the German pacifist movement. I had never heard of her before I read the article about the murder on the Austrian royals, but found the juxtaposition of these two news items deeply ironic.
     
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    Chapter 7: False Start
  • VII. False Start

    ‘De hele vaderlandse slagvloot naar de kelder gejaagd, zonder dat het ook maar een enkel schot gelost had. Tot zinken gebracht niet door den vijand, maar door den eigen volksvertegenwoordiging. Sinds Pichegru’s ruiters had den Marine geen schandelijkere nederlaag gesmaakt.’

    ‘The entire national battlefleet plunged to the bottom of the sea, without having fired even a single shot. Sunk not by the enemy, but by it’s own parliament. Not since Pichegrus hussars[1], had our Navy tasted a more bitter and shameful defeat.’
    Captain C.E.L. Helfrich, January 1939.[1]



    ….there was nothing that could stop the Fleetlaw now. Nothing, but for an all-encompassing world war that is.

    As Allied and Central armies marched to the fields of battle, the main priority of government and parliament were with keeping the country neutral and out of the war. As it became clear that the war would not be over by Christmas, the situation in the Netherlands normalised somewhat. In October 1914 the ministers of navy and colonial affairs did, however, notify parliament that the Fleetlaw-proposal would be put on hold. The first, and stated, reason was that the government wished to learn lessons from the war and adjust the proposal accordingly. The second, and unstated, reason was more important though: it was impossible to order the battleships in Germany or Great-Britain, as the latter had confiscated the Ottoman Empire’s Reşadiye (commissioning it as HMS Erin) and the former hit even closer at home by confiscating the Dutch Z-class[3] torpedoboats (commissioning them as V105 to V108) being build at AG Vulcan Stettin. Minister of the Navy Rambonnet nevertheless tried to keep the momentum of navalism going by requesting funds from parliament to build three cruisers. In the Tweede Kamer [4] he now finds heavy opposition to the cruisers, in favour of submarines. What had happened to the enthusiasm for the Fleetplan of 1914?

    Influence of the First World War on the Fleetplan of 1914

    As we have seen, Dutch navalism had faced an uphill battle from the start. In early 1914, that battle did seem to have been won. Naval warfare during the Great War quickly negated that victory however.

    The war had only been going on for less than two months, when German submarine U-9 sank three British armoured cruisers in an action that took just over an hour. This event made even more of an impact in the Netherlands because it took place close to the Dutch coast and a large number of British seamen were rescued by Dutch shipping. These sinkings, as well as the successes against Allied merchant-shipping, made it clear that the submarine was a weapon which potency shouldn’t be underestimated. Meanwhile the battleships, that had been seen as great symbols of national strength and indispensable to every serious navy, made barely an act-de-presence. The Grand Fleet of the Royal Navy was driven off to Scapa Flow in the north by the German U-boats, while the Hochseeflotte was being unmasked as not much more than the Kaisers toy duck, with which he could only play in the bathtub that was the Helgoland Bight (under protection of those same U-boats no less!).

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    Steamlaunch of HMS Cressy in the port of Scheveningen, after it was found drifting at sea by the Dutch authorities

    It were these developments which opened up the debate between Artillerists and Torpedoists once again, by providing the latter with much needed ammunition. In this, they received support from the KNIL. The battlefleet-plan had, as mentioned before, entailed a drastic reduction of the Indian Army, which could now see an opening to reverse that defeat. In fact, plans were now being made for an expansion of its size and role, through the adoption of conscription in the East Indies. Initially this would concern the European subjects but why not for the natives as well? Didn’t the Ethical Policy[5] make colonial rule beneficial to them, and eager to defend that same colonial rule? This plan even received support from an unlikely place, as Indonesian Nationalists happened to be very much in favour of this idea. Their demands spooked the colonial establishment however, as the Nationalists demanded native participation in government to be included. In spite of colonial hesitancy, a Volksraad or Peoples Council was instated in 1918 as a first step, only for that development to be halted with the end of the First World War. Besides the native conscription, the KNIL had another ace in their sleeve. The position of Soeroebaja as the main naval base in the colony had been disputed ever since the discussion regarding the Fundamentals of 1892, and arguably even before that. The base was in East-Java, while West-Java (with the capital Batavia) was the centre of gravity for the KNIL-manned defence of the island, and her harbour was too shallow for large ships. Several proposals for a different base of operations were made, with the KNIL being especially interested in the construction of a new base in Soenda-Strait. Even the most ardent anti-KNIL naval officer had to agree that this idea had its merits. The location of the base would mean that a fleet based there, could only be blockaded if the enemy would divide its forces, and even in that case, the enemy fleets wouldn’t be able to jointly engage the Dutch one. More importantly for the KNIL however, was the fact that the base would allow unobstructed movement between the islands of Java and Sumatra. This would mean that the Army wasn’t bound to Java alone! This possible ascendance of the KNIL, and the fact that the construction of the new headquarters of the fleet would cost literal battleships of money, made the Navy’s opposition to this plan understandable, yet unfortunate[6].

    Within the Koninklijke Marine the main venue of discussion was the Marineblad. In the wartime editions we can discern roughly four different variants for what the post-WWI navy should look like.

    • Original Fleetlaw-plan of 1914.
    • ‘Harmonic’[7] or balanced fleet.
      • Four battlecruisers that would have to be faster or stronger than any Japanese ship.
        1. These would be able to use their speed to scout in a wide area and attack the enemy where it is the weakest.
        2. Would also be able to weaken the enemy anti-submarine units.
      • Submarines to form lines in the small straits of the Indonesian archipelago.
        1. Tasked with taking out the enemy transport-fleet.
        2. Could weaken the enemy battlefleet.
      • This plan would be more encompassing and more expensive than the 1914 Fleetlaw-plan.
    • Submarine fleet.
      • No heavy ships.
      • Instead more (up to 78) submarines.
      • Concentration of forces against the enemy transport-ships.
      • There would be no (attempt at) hegemony of the sea, meaning the Japanese Kongo-battlecruisers would be able to penetrate the archipelago.
      • Most supporters of this plan also advocate heavy cruiser-submarines for an offensive against the Japanese ports.
      • Would be less dependent on (swift) support from possible allies.
      • Barely less expensive than the previous two variants.
    • Neutrality fleet.
      • Cruisers, assisted by destroyers.
      • Only purpose is neutrality enforcement, as in any other scenario the Netherlands can’t influence the outcome anyway.
    As the world war progressed, the obsolescence of the Fleetlaw-plan became more and more apparent, with most of its supporters joining those of the balanced fleet. Jan Maat[8] was not getting his battleships.

    Translated from: Teitler, G. (1988). Slagschepen voor Jan Maat! Het vlootplan van 1914. Marineblad, 100, 34-39



    Java-class light cruisers


    During the First World War the Royal Netherlands Navy had a problem. Its battleship-program could not be executed, as foreign shipyards started building for their own navies. This opened up the floor for new discussions on the composition of the fleet, within parliament and navy. Minister of the navy J.J. Rambonnet, tried to do his upmost best in these conditions to effectuate some form of fleet expansion. He tried to convince the members of parliament that light cruisers should be useful in any of the fleet compositions proposed. The former commodore envisioned tactical units of (light) cruisers, destroyers and submarines, where the surface-ships could lure the enemy to a line of submarines.

    The proposed Java-class (named after the lead ship and most important island of the Dutch East Indies) had to be stronger than the strongest of Japanese cruisers, the Chikuma-class (see p.36). At first a Dresden-class (see p.58) look-a-like was proposed. When SMS Emden was sunk by HMS Sydney (which was very similair to the Chikamu) during the Battle of Cocos though, the design was expanded.

    Rambonnet managed to get three Java-class cruisers accepted in parliament with the tiniest majority possible. The building of Java and Sumatra started in 1916, with work on Celebes starting in 1917. The building proces would be wrought with issues and delays, caused by inexperience of the shipyards (the Java-class being the largest naval ships ever constructed in the Netherlands), hindrance from the belligerent countries when obtaining equipement, and incidental bad luck such as a fire at the engine supplier and industrial actions from unions. All this would result in Hr. Ms. Java only coming in to service in 1925, Hr.Ms. Sumatra in 1926 and in 1923 Celebes being cancelled all together.

    The two Java-class cruisers that did come into service would see extensive service in the Second World War however, starting in 1940 when….

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    Hr.Ms. Sumatra in 1926, the year it was launched after a building-proces of 10 years.

    Shaw, D. & Hendricks, T.Y. (2002). Warships Illustrated XVII. Annapolis, MA: Naval Warfare Publications



    Socio-scientific explanation of the failure of the Battlefleet-plan


    Why did the military-industrial complex failed to implement its aggressive Battlefleet-plan? For this we turn to the theory of the well known pacifist-theoretician, L.F. Richardson. According to him the succes any armament-expansion-proces is the result of (a) the level of armament of the opponent, (b) the level of the already carried armament-load and (c) the measure of enmity against the opponent. The higher (a) and (c) are, and the lower (b) is, the greater the expansion of armaments can be. Of course if (a) and (c) are low, while (b) is high, the effort to expand the military will most likely fail. How does that fit in the situation in the Netherlands before and after the start of the First World War? In the analysis below Japan will be the opponent, because that was the vision of the military-industrial complex in the Netherlands at that point in time.

    Before the First World War: Japan had a high level of armament (a), the economy of the Netherlands had high numbers of wealth accumulation (b), while the level of emnity towards Japan was high (c). (a) and (c) were high, while (b) was low.

    During the First World War: Japan still had a high level of armament (a), the economy of the Netherlands tanked (b), while the lack of a Japanese attack (as ordered by the United Kingdom) on the colony of Indonesia, coupled with a change of government[9] meant that the emnity towards Japan was low (c). This explains the failure of the Battlefleet-plan. One

    This explains why the Battlefleet-plan was gaining traction with the bourgeoisie before the start of the First World War, while also explaining its loss of momentum after the beginning of overt hostilities. I do want to add that it is very well possible that if the Netherlands had a domestic industrial base that could provide the battleships, the Battlefleet-plan could very well have kept up the momentum and come to fruition, with all consequences that would entail. Indeed, we will see in the next chapter that it would not take long for the military-industrial complex to make another push for a expansion of the fleet.

    Translated from: Van der Spek, A.G. (1973). Het Pacifisme in Nederland. Amsterdam, Netherlands: Antimilitaristische Uitgeverij.[10]



    [1]On the 23th of January, a force of French cavalry commanded by general Pichegru captured the Dutch fleet at Den Helder. The fleet was iced in and had no way to escape. This is seen by many as the only time a unit of cavalry defeated a naval squadron, though when the French arrived at Den Helder, the decision to surrender had already been made.
    [2]Very much ATL. Actually this is the first actual butterfly in this TL, as Helfrich was OTL a schout-bij-nacht or commodore at this point in time.
    [3]Z standing voor ‘Zeer grote’ or ‘Very large’
    [4]The Lower House of Dutch parliament
    [5]Collection of policies that aimed to improve life of the colonial citizens of the Dutch Indies. Because it did nothing to stop the racial divide in society, and was wrought with paternalization, it did in fact not endear the population to their colonial overlords.
    [6]If I would be doing a Dutch-wank this would be my starting point. The Sunda-strait base would have been fantastic for the allied defense of the Malay Barrier, allowing for a more substantial force to be stationed near Palembang, as its lines of retreat to Java would be secure. Pity.
    [7]AFAICS the term isn’t used in English.
    [8]Nickname for the navy.
    [9]During WWI the Netherlands was ruled by a liberal minority cabinet. As we will see the Liberals were pretty much in favour a defense of ethics, instead of arms.
    [10]Fred Van der Spek was a Dutch politician and one of the founders of the PSP, the Pacifistic Socialist Party.
     
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