I. 699 - 702
Chersonesus
February 699


The emperor lay cold on the floor with a certain pallor and bluish fingers[1], and his mouth was agape. Myakes guessed that he’d been gone for at least a few hours. He inhaled deeply. His master’s sudden death - at such a young age - wasn’t something he’d expected. For a moment, he froze on the spot, solemnly watching the corpse of the deposed emperor he’d chosen to be exiled with lie unmoving on the stone floor. Covering the man’s face with a tablecloth, Myakes rushed outside, where a guard looked curiously at him.
“Anything wrong? Did the emperor tell you off?” asked the guard.
Myakes mumbled his response. “The emperor is dead.”
“What!?” replied the guard.
Myakes didn’t bother repeating himself. “You tell the archon. I’m going to the bishop.”

From the blog post “The second Heraclius and his forays into Italy

“…as I explained in my previous post, Heraclius defeated Abdullah’s attempt to capture Theodosiopolis in 700 and even raided deep into the caliphate’s territory, returning with loot, slaves and random Armenians, somehow. Tiberius is happy, and guess what - Heraclius gets a vacation to Italy!

Heraclius’ initial route from Constantinople practically matches with Constans II’s. He goes down to the Aegean, gets the Carabisians ready, then he sails to Italy. He doesn’t go straight for the Lombards, though. Tiberius just appointed a new exarch called Theophylact, so Heraclius heads to Ravenna to install him, arriving by the spring of 701. How did the people of Ravenna receive them? Who knows, but they must’ve been grateful for the extra troops, right?

Whatever this may indicate, Heraclius barely stayed in Ravenna, and marched towards Rome after only three days. You could say this was his first action against the Lombards… reinforcing the narrow corridor that connected the two ends of the Italian exarchate together. Not that the Lombards particularly cared… probably, since up north in the kingdom they were in the middle of a civil war. They would care later, but that’s for another post (that you should look forward to, by the way). Now, in Rome, things get interesting, in the sense that we don’t really know what happened because apparently no contemporary records survive, and so all we know comes from a kind of shady Sicilian historian called Photius two hundred years later (he worked for you-know-who).

Photius says that Pope Sergius welcomed Heraclius, despite having been snubbed and almost arrested by emperor Justinian within the previous decade. That gives him reason to despise whatever Constantinople throws at him, but apparently he didn’t, or so we’re led to believe. Heraclius coming with a sizeable army might have contributed to that friendliness. We can guess that the local Roman population is less than amicable, however, and they are hugely suspicious of Heraclius, who is the emperor’s brother. There’s no significant resistance, though, because Heraclius isn’t leading a bunch of ragtags like the exarch did, and they’re smart enough to let an army who isn’t trying to subjugate them be.

Heraclius stays in Rome for a whopping three weeks - that’s longer than Constans II did! Truly impressive. During those three weeks he resided on the Palatine Hill, home of the old imperial palaces, which I imagine must’ve been quite dilapidated. Photius mentions that Heraclius donated to the Papacy and the city of Rome ‘Arab spoils’, presumably the loot he gained from his raids against the Arabs. Then, apparently, he declares a two-day festival, which the Romans were probably happy about. For once the ‘Greeks’ aren’t coming to steal their taxes, land, or Pope. By the time Heraclius ends his three-week stint the Pope and people of Rome are happy, and Heraclius leaves the city with the Pope’s blessing and a few extra men, local volunteers.

The mystery is, was he doing this on Tiberius’ orders or on his own? Tiberius might have told him to keep the Pope happy but some of the actions here read as an attempt to garner support for him to claim the throne himself. And that would probably have been entirely possible after his victory against the Lombards, but he didn’t. Either way, I personally think this was a masterstroke on Heraclius’ part, and you readers are probably saying ‘ooooh’ at the sheer amount of foreshadowing here. But moving on…

Heraclius decides to march again, this time south to Naples, which is not what Constans II did (he went by ship). He meets with Dux Theodosius, who we know little about. The Carabisians arrive as soon as Heraclius does, having sailed all the way from Ravenna, and it’s not long before Heraclius leaves again with his troops. His destination: Tarentum, but not before they stop by in Syracuse to refuel, and Heraclius probably wanted to see that the Sicilian theme was doing their best to fend off potential Arab raids.

Tarentum was probably begging for the Romans to come back judging by how they instantly surrendered. So luckily for Heraclius, he gets a foothold in Apulia immediately, and within the next few weeks, he captures the coastal towns, like Brundisium and Barium, rather easily without any (meaningful) resistance from the Lombards. Heraclius was probably quite suspicious at the Lombards’ inaction, but the Roman populace seem to welcome and cooperate with them, and outside a few skirmishes with small bands of Lombard raiders, Apulia and Calabria are brought to the heel by the end of 701. At that point, they reach Salernum, where they encounter fiercer resistance…”

Constantinople
702


Apsimarus[2] often found himself wandering the golden throne hall in times of frustration. He would stare at the elevated throne, his throne, wondering just what he’d imposed on himself four years ago; those same four years that transformed him into a calculating, almost paranoid man. He’d sent his loyal brother to Italy. He felt almost guilty for it, but Heraclius had become too successful and too loved by the people of Byzantium[3] for Apsimarus to feel secure. Deep down, Apsimarus understood Heraclius: he was no usurper, interested only in battle; he was deeply religious and hateful of court practices.

He sat down on the throne. Just as soon as Heraclius was removed out of the picture, the Arabs had resumed their raids in earnest, terrorising especially the local Armenians. The west gleamed in comparison. Italy, for so long unfairly neglected by the empire, cosied quickly to Heraclius who showered them with gifts and placated their Pope. Apsimarus could have a good grasp of the situation there thanks to Heraclius’ frequent correspondence; they were apparently on the way to Salernum now, on the watch for large Lombard armies on account of the lack of retaliation thus far. Apsimarus prayed for their success, even as paranoia crept the back of his mind. These days, relief was a scarce find for him, and his meek son Theodosius[4] hardly gave him respite…

[1] Justinian dies of a sudden heart attack.
[2] I assume he would’ve thought of himself as Apsimarus, considering Tiberius was a regnal name that he adopted.
[3] Referring to Constantinople, not the empire at large.
[4] I’m taking liberties here, but I’ve decided to combine Apsimarus’ son Theodosius with Theodosius III, which is an actual theory.

Finally got the first chapter done! The next chapter will deal with the fall of Salernum and the battle between the Lombards and Romans. I’m admittedly not so confident about writing campaigns and battles because I know rather little of them. If you think the way Tiberius waltzed over Calabria and Apulia is strange, feel free to comment. Thank you!
 
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Chersonesus
February 699


The emperor lay cold on the floor with a certain pallor and bluish fingers[1], and his mouth was agape. Myakes guessed that he’d been gone for at least a few hours. He inhaled deeply. His master’s sudden death - at such a young age - wasn’t something he’d expected. For a moment, he froze on the spot, solemnly watching the corpse of the deposed emperor he’d chosen to be exiled with lie unmoving on the stone floor. Covering the man’s face with a tablecloth, Myakes rushed outside, where a guard looked curiously at him.
“Anything wrong? Did the emperor tell you off?” asked the guard.
Myakes mumbled his response. “The emperor is dead.”
“What!?” replied the guard.
Myakes didn’t bother repeating himself. “You tell the archon. I’m going to the bishop.”

***
From the blog post “The second Heraclius and his forays into Italy

“…Heraclius’ initial route from Constantinople practically matches with Constans II’s. He goes down to the Aegean, gets the Carabisians ready, then he sails to Italy. He doesn’t go straight for the Lombards, though. Tiberius just appointed a new exarch called Theophylact, so Heraclius heads to Ravenna to install him, arriving by the spring of 701. How did the people of Ravenna receive them? Who knows, but they must’ve been grateful for the extra troops, right?

Whatever this may indicate, Heraclius barely stayed in Ravenna, and marched towards Rome after only three days. You could say this was his first action against the Lombards… reinforcing the narrow corridor that connected the two ends of the Italian exarchate together. Not that the Lombards particularly cared… probably, since up north in the kingdom they were in the middle of a civil war. They would care later, but that’s for another post (that you should look forward to, by the way). Now, in Rome, things get interesting, in the sense that we don’t really know what happened because apparently no contemporary records survive, and so all we know comes from a kind of shady Sicilian historian called Photius two hundred years later (he worked for you-know-who).

Photius says that Pope Sergius welcomed Heraclius, despite having been snubbed and almost arrested by emperor Justinian within the previous decade. That gives him reason to despise whatever Constantinople throws at him, but apparently he didn’t, or so we’re led to believe. Heraclius coming with a sizeable army might have contributed to that friendliness. We can guess that the local Roman population is less than amicable, however, and they are hugely suspicious of Heraclius, who is the emperor’s brother. There’s no significant resistance, though, because Heraclius isn’t leading a bunch of ragtags like the exarch did, and they’re smart enough to let an army who isn’t trying to subjugate them be.

Heraclius stays in Rome for a whopping three weeks - that’s longer than Constans II did! Truly impressive. During those three weeks he resided on the Palatine Hill, home of the old imperial palaces, which I imagine must’ve been quite dilapidated. Photius mentions that Heraclius donated to the Papacy and the city of Rome ‘Arab spoils’, presumably the loot he gained from his raids against the Arabs. Then, apparently, he declares a two-day festival, which the Romans were probably happy about. For once the ‘Greeks’ aren’t coming to steal their taxes, land, or Pope. By the time Heraclius ends his three-week stint the Pope and people of Rome are happy, and Heraclius leaves the city with the Pope’s blessing and a few extra men, local volunteers.

The mystery is, was he doing this on Tiberius’ orders or on his own? Tiberius might have told him to keep the Pope happy but some of the actions here read as an attempt to garner support for him to claim the throne himself. And that would probably have been entirely possible after his victory against the Lombards, but he didn’t. Either way, I personally think this was a masterstroke on Heraclius’ part, and you readers are probably saying ‘ooooh’ at the sheer amount of foreshadowing here. But moving on…

Heraclius decides to march again, this time south to Naples, which is not what Constans II did (he went by ship). He meets with Dux Theodosius, who we know little about. The Carabisians arrive as soon as Heraclius does, having sailed all the way from Ravenna, and it’s not long before Heraclius leaves again with his troops. His destination: Tarentum, but not before they stop by in Syracuse to refuel, and Heraclius probably wanted to see that the Sicilian theme was doing their best to fend off potential Arab raids.

Tarentum was probably begging for the Romans to come back judging by how they instantly surrendered. So luckily for Heraclius, he gets a foothold in Apulia immediately, and within the next few weeks, he captures the coastal towns, like Brundisium and Barium, rather easily without any (meaningful) resistance from the Lombards. Heraclius was probably quite suspicious at the Lombards’ inaction, but the Roman populace seem to welcome and cooperate with them, and outside a few skirmishes with small bands of Lombard raiders, Apulia and Calabria are brought to the heel by the end of 701. At that point, they reach Salernum, where they encounter fiercer resistance…”

***

Constantinople
702


Apsimarus[2] often found himself wandering the golden throne hall in times of frustration. He would stare at the elevated throne, his throne, wondering just what he’d imposed on himself four years ago; those same four years that transformed him into a calculating, almost paranoid man. He’d sent his loyal brother to Italy. He felt almost guilty for it, but Heraclius had become too successful and too loved by the people of Byzantium[3] for Apsimarus to feel secure. Deep down, Apsimarus understood Heraclius: he was no usurper, interested only in battle; he was deeply religious and hateful of court practices.

He sat down on the throne. Just as soon as Heraclius was removed out of the picture, the Arabs had resumed their raids in earnest, terrorising especially the local Armenians. The west gleamed in comparison. Italy, for so long unfairly neglected by the empire, cosied quickly to Heraclius who showered them with gifts and placated their Pope. Apsimarus could have a good grasp of the situation there thanks to Heraclius’ frequent correspondence; they were apparently on the way to Salernum now, on the watch for large Lombard armies on account of the lack of retaliation thus far. Apsimarus prayed for their success, even as paranoia crept the back of his mind. These days, relief was a scarce find for him, and his meek son Theodosius[4] hardly gave him respite…

***

[1] Justinian dies of a sudden heart attack.
[2] I assume he would’ve thought of himself as Apsimarus, considering Tiberius was a regnal name that he adopted.
[3] Referring to Constantinople, not the empire at large.
[4] I’m taking liberties here, but I’ve decided to combine Apsimarus’ son Theodosius with Theodosius III, which is an actual theory.

***

Finally got the first chapter done! The next chapter will deal with the fall of Salernum and the battle between the Lombards and Romans. I’m admittedly not so confident about writing campaigns and battles because I know rather little of them. If you think the way Tiberius waltzed over Calabria and Apulia is strange, feel free to comment. Thank you!



I must say that as an introductory chapter it is really good, the part in which Heraclius wins the trust of the Italic populations ( in particular of the Romans, always very suspicious, bordering on hostility, towards those coming from Constantinople, is very interesting, I imagine that in addition to the donations, the good relations obtained with Sergio, the organized party, his discreet stay in the Urbe, he also had small renovation works carried out in the city, such as fixing an aqueduct, spa system or other ) reconsolidating Southern Italy is an excellent thing, certainly driving the Lombards out of the area definitively is almost impossible, but reducing the number of duchies is certainly feasible, given that you have Romans it would be necessary to obtain only the territories that can easily connect the Exarchate, Naples and Puglia and Calabria ( in practice Benevento and Salerno ) the rest would only be a useless waste of important ( and extremely limited ) resources so I hope that Heraclius is tactically and diplomatically astute to convince the Duke of Spoleto to assist him, in exchange for sharing part of the spoils with him ( so as to reduce losses in the clash and further weaken the resistance capabilities of the dukes and the Lombard population of Salerno and Benevento )


I imagine that with the Arab conquest of Carthage ( after the timid imperial attempt to take it back ), many African Romans sought refuge in Italy, a region close to them both geographically and in terms of language and culture; perhaps some of them could be resettled in areas recently reconquered from the Lombards to consolidate the imperial presence on site ( I assume that some of them also went to Rome itself )
 
Really cool to see a Byzantine regnal name change pop up!

Heraclius’ travels in Italy make sense for the moment considering Lombard succession struggles, but we’ll see how long this presence lasts once the lombards get their act together
 
Thank you ^^

I was a bit conflicted on how to handle Spoleto, so it’s a bit embarrassing that I hadn’t considered making the Duke side with the Romans. Regarding immigration - yes, I will be including the settlement of the Latin African population in former Lombard territories in a later chapter, and possibly (assuming more successes against the Muslims in the east) some Armenian and Arab (slave) resettlement in Italy as well as Hellas

Really cool to see a Byzantine regnal name change pop up!

Heraclius’ travels in Italy make sense for the moment considering Lombard succession struggles, but we’ll see how long this presence lasts once the lombards get their act together

Of course, which following OTL won’t be that much longer. The fight for control of Italy will very much be an uphill battle

The next chapter should come tomorrow.
 
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Thank you ^^

I was a bit conflicted on how to handle Spoleto, so it’s a bit embarrassing that I hadn’t considered making the Duke side with the Romans. Regarding immigration - yes, I will be including the settlement of the Latin African population in former Lombard territories in a later chapter, and possibly (assuming more successes against the Muslims in the east) some Armenian and Arab (slave) resettlement in Italy as well as Hellas



Of course, which following OTL won’t be that much longer. The fight for control of Italy will very much be an uphill battle

The next chapter should come tomorrow.

I imagine that considering the differently situation respect Otl, perhaps we could also see Pepin of Herstal decide to carry out a small raid in Italy ( using the Susa lock, the Brenner and the Aosta, in Frankish hands from around 575s ) so as to disturb the Lombards from intervening promptly in the south ( 1 ) and further increasing his prestige at home ( as a defender of the faith, fighting and winning for Christ both against the pagan Frisians and Saxons and helping the Pope ) just as I see that Heraclius, in the event of victory against the Duke of Benevento, wants to renovate the monastery of Montecassino ( in Otl which was semi-destroyed in 580 and which was rebuilt only in 718, thus starting to recover its role as a prestigious local cultural body ) how to re-establish the Roman bureaucratic system in Italy, which gradually disappeared with the introduction of the Exarchate ( which was an institution that very quickly became more focused on the military side than on the purely administrative side ) and the creation of the various semi-independent Lombard duchies ( who obeyed the sovereign only when he was strong and charismatic enough in dealing with them, therefore the desire to respect centralized rules was very fickle )


I hope to also see some settlement of proto-Vlachs by the imperial side in the reconquered Lombardia Minor lands ( or even of Bulgarians, since I imagine that some campaign against them will necessarily be carried out, so as not to allow them to strengthen their presence in Greece ) or in Istria - Dalmatia, so as to increase the Roman presence and control in the region ( with the aim of increasing connections with Venice and Ravenna )


1 ) without forgetting that Spoleto could be potentially hostile to royal intervention, which would prevent the duke from obtaining easy territorial gains, which would instead be guaranteed by the alliance with Rome
 
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II. 702 - 703
From The Comprehensive History of Romania, Vol. II: 600 - 1000 by Paulos Stouraitis.

“From Barium, Heraclius and the Roman army embarked on a rather uneventful march through the countryside. They encounter suspiciously few Lombards, who do not confront the Romans, simply watching them from the distance, and food supplies were acquired from villages and towns along the way, whether they cooperated or not. By either the end of 701 or the start of 702, Heraclius had reached Salernum, where the Lombards have seemingly concentrated their energy on: the city is much more tightly defended than the meagre (or lack of) resistance offered during the sieges of Tarentum or Barium.

Heraclius orders his units to ravage the countryside around Salernum in order to restrain supplies into the city, and some of the local inhabitants are also forcibly recruited into the Roman army to participate in the siege. Heraclius’ forces are bolstered by the arrival of troops led by Dux Theodosius of Naples (under Heraclius’ orders), and as a result, the Lombards are effectively encircled in Salernum. As the weeks go by, the Lombard defenders’ morale is declining, but the Salernitan civilians are starving, reduced to eating mice. Come spring, without any sort of aid from Beneventum, the Lombards, who are now beginning to starve as well, debate on whether to surrender.[1] Though the civilians are too hungry to stage an effective revolt, the pressure is there for their lords to surrender; they do so early in May. Heraclius stages a small triumph with the chained gastald[2] in tow, and food is brought into the city to relieve the famine. For the first time in more than a century, Roman Italy is connected by land, though narrow.

This easy victory inflates not only Heraclius’ ambitiousness, but also the morale of his troops. Against advice by Duke Theodosius to rest at Salernum in order to protect the army’s robustness and to plan the capture of Beneventum, Heraclius orders the soldiers to march straight towards Beneventum barely a few days after the fall of Salernum. As they approach Abellinum, Roman scouts report that a large army under Duke Gisulf is rapidly approaching. Heraclius orders his troops to get ready, but he underestimated the speed in which the Lombards were approaching, and Gisulf attacks while the Romans are preparing. Killing hundreds of men, it seemed as if the Lombards were gaining the upper hand, but Heraclius and Theodosius successfully regroup the Roman forces and turn the tide. The Romans inflict great losses on the Lombards, but instead of continuing the battle, Gisulf wisely retreats back to Beneventum. Gisulf probably wished to emulate his grandfather’s defeat of Constans II forty years ago - and he did succeed in inflicting considerable losses against the Roman army, delaying their campaign for a few more weeks.

It is estimated that the Romans lost at least one fourth of their troops at Abellinum. Following this indecisive battle, Heraclius retreated to Salernum, allowing the troops to recover. He repairs Salernum’s defenses, anticipating a large Lombard attack, which does not materialise save for occasional raids into Salernum’s countryside which saw several villages burned or plundered. With a third of his army decimated, Gisulf is in no position to besiege Salernum either. There is an interesting addendum here. In the Annales Cassinenses[3], dated to the late eighth century, it is mentioned that Heraclius, feeling sinful for his pride and greed for victory that lead to the unnecessary deaths of his men, rode alone until Latium during this brief interlude in Salernum. There, he discovered the abandoned monastery of Mons Cassinus and prayed on the hill, following which the Virgin Mary appeared in his dreams and forgave him. ‘Reduced to tears’, Heraclius would reestablish the monastery after the war. This account is not corroborated by other sources, but Heraclius’ name does appear in a list of donors to the reestablished monastery in around 705, and decades later he would in fact retire there.

By the middle of June, Heraclius and the army leave Salernum again. This time, no large Lombard army came to ambush them. Abellinum is occupied peacefully, ensuring the Romans a direct passage to Beneventum. Upon arrival, they find the city stubbornly closed off behind its walls, and its countryside scorched, as Gisulf had hoarded all the supplies and moved every inhabitant inside. The siege of Beneventum begins in earnest, though roughly for the Romans. Meanwhile, a messenger arrives in Spoletium, having ridden for days from Rome…”

Mopsuestia
703


Konon[4] had finally secured the emperor’s approval to build a fortress in Mopsuestia. He’d been appointed strategus over the Anatolic theme two years ago, fending off as many Arabs as he could, but by God, if the Arabs appeared with a slightly larger army, all of Cilicia would be quickly lost. If God would permit such a miracle, the fortress would be built in a day; Konon prayed for the Arabs to be struck by some sort of malady so as to prevent them from coming too soon. He knew, however, that Marwan, that devil, was preparing a giant assault to avenge the Arab loss to Heraclius four years ago, and that it was coming soon. He did not know exactly when it would be…

Constantinople
703


Bulgarian raiders had reached as far as Adrianople. The emperor had sent an army to chase after them, but the Bulgarians were too fast. Tiberius regretted ordering a surprise raid into Bulgarian territory, but he needed glories for himself, and in the aftermath, he sent a peace ambassador to Tervel, their archon: he hoped it would suffice, because a Bulgarian invasion would not do the empire any good with the Arabs about to attack any moment.

[1] I based this (more like ripped off, honestly) off the Aghlabid siege of Salerno in 871 - 872. I’m really bad at writing sieges.
[2] Although I couldn’t really find info on this, Salerno probably had a gastald in charge
[3] “History of the Foundation of Monte Cassino.” Used ChatGPT for the Latin. Not sure about the accuracy Edited thanks to @Madhukar_Shah : “Annals of Cassinus”
[4] Konon is the real name of the OTL emperor Leo III. OTL he was appointed strategus of the Anatolic theme in 712 under Anastasius II, but he’s appointed earlier ITTL because Heraclius was sent to Italy.

This came a day later than I promised, and it’s a bit shorter than the previous chapter. Once again, I’m pretty bad at writing sieges, which you can tell since I obviously glanced over it. The next update will deal with the siege of Benevento (and probably its fall), as well as the Arab invasion. The chapters after that would ideally shift the focus towards the Balkans for a bit. As usual, please write a comment on any criticisms you have. Thank you for reading!

P.S. I’ve added a new opening paragraph in the second part of the first chapter explaining why Heraclius was sent to Italy. Should’ve made that clear from the start.
Also, I don't have a set update schedule, but I’ll post at least one or two updates every week.
 
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The Latin definitely makes sense- but I think a more likely title for a source would be Annales Cassinenses or Historia Cassinensis. Devoting a whole book to the second founding of an abbey doesn’t seem super likely, and I don’t think the word Mons would be included as part of the abbeys Latin name either tbh.
 
From The Comprehensive History of Romania, Vol. II: 600 - 1000 by Paulos Stouraitis.

“From Barium, Heraclius and the Roman army embarked on a rather uneventful march through the countryside. They encounter suspiciously few Lombards, who do not confront the Romans, simply watching them from the distance, and food supplies were acquired from villages and towns along the way, whether they cooperated or not. By either the end of 701 or the start of 702, Heraclius had reached Salernum, where the Lombards have seemingly concentrated their energy on: the city is much more tightly defended than the meagre (or lack of) resistance offered during the sieges of Tarentum or Barium.

Heraclius orders his units to ravage the countryside around Salernum in order to restrain supplies into the city, and some of the local inhabitants are also forcibly recruited into the Roman army to participate in the siege. Heraclius’ forces are bolstered by the arrival of troops led by Dux Theodosius of Naples (under Heraclius’ orders), and as a result, the Lombards are effectively encircled in Salernum. As the weeks go by, the Lombard defenders’ morale is declining, but the Salernitan civilians are starving, reduced to eating mice. Come spring, without any sort of aid from Beneventum, the Lombards, who are now beginning to starve as well, debate on whether to surrender.[1] Though the civilians are too hungry to stage an effective revolt, the pressure is there for their lords to surrender; they do so early in May. Heraclius stages a small triumph with the chained gastald[2] in tow, and food is brought into the city to relieve the famine. For the first time in more than a century, Roman Italy is connected by land, though narrow.

This easy victory inflates not only Heraclius’ ambitiousness, but also the morale of his troops. Against advice by Duke Theodosius to rest at Salernum in order to protect the army’s robustness and to plan the capture of Beneventum, Heraclius orders the soldiers to march straight towards Beneventum barely a few days after the fall of Salernum. As they approach Abellinum, Roman scouts report that a large army under Duke Gisulf is rapidly approaching. Heraclius orders his troops to get ready, but he underestimated the speed in which the Lombards were approaching, and Gisulf attacks while the Romans are preparing. Killing hundreds of men, it seemed as if the Lombards were gaining the upper hand, but Heraclius and Theodosius successfully regroup the Roman forces and turn the tide. The Romans inflict great losses on the Lombards, but instead of continuing the battle, Gisulf wisely retreats back to Beneventum. Gisulf probably wished to emulate his grandfather’s defeat of Constans II forty years ago - and he did succeed in inflicting considerable losses against the Roman army, delaying their campaign for a few more weeks.

It is estimated that the Romans lost at least one fourth of their troops at Abellinum. Following this indecisive battle, Heraclius retreated to Salernum, allowing the troops to recover. He repairs Salernum’s defenses, anticipating a large Lombard attack, which does not materialise save for occasional raids into Salernum’s countryside which saw several villages burned or plundered. With a third of his army decimated, Gisulf is in no position to besiege Salernum either. There is an interesting addendum here. In the Annales Cassinenses[3], dated to the late eighth century, it is mentioned that Heraclius, feeling sinful for his pride and greed for victory that lead to the unnecessary deaths of his men, rode alone until Latium during this brief interlude in Salernum. There, he discovered the abandoned monastery of Mons Cassinus and prayed on the hill, following which the Virgin Mary appeared in his dreams and forgave him. ‘Reduced to tears’, Heraclius would reestablish the monastery after the war. This account is not corroborated by other sources, but Heraclius’ name does appear in a list of donors to the reestablished monastery in around 705, and decades later he would in fact retire there.

By the middle of June, Heraclius and the army leave Salernum again. This time, no large Lombard army came to ambush them. Abellinum is occupied peacefully, ensuring the Romans a direct passage to Beneventum. Upon arrival, they find the city stubbornly closed off behind its walls, and its countryside scorched, as Gisulf had hoarded all the supplies and moved every inhabitant inside. The siege of Beneventum begins in earnest, though roughly for the Romans. Meanwhile, a messenger arrives in Spoletium, having ridden for days from Rome…”

Mopsuestia
703


Konon[4] had finally secured the emperor’s approval to build a fortress in Mopsuestia. He’d been appointed strategus over the Anatolic theme two years ago, fending off as many Arabs as he could, but by God, if the Arabs appeared with a slightly larger army, all of Cilicia would be quickly lost. If God would permit such a miracle, the fortress would be built in a day; Konon prayed for the Arabs to be struck by some sort of malady so as to prevent them from coming too soon. He knew, however, that Marwan, that devil, was preparing a giant assault to avenge the Arab loss to Heraclius four years ago, and that it was coming soon. He did not know exactly when it would be…

Constantinople
703


Bulgarian raiders had reached as far as Adrianople. The emperor had sent an army to chase after them, but the Bulgarians were too fast. Tiberius regretted ordering a surprise raid into Bulgarian territory, but he needed glories for himself, and in the aftermath, he sent a peace ambassador to Tervel, their archon: he hoped it would suffice, because a Bulgarian invasion would not do the empire any good with the Arabs about to attack any moment.

[1] I based this (more like ripped off, honestly) off the Aghlabid siege of Salerno in 871 - 872. I’m really bad at writing sieges.
[2] Although I couldn’t really find info on this, Salerno probably had a gastald in charge
[3] “History of the Foundation of Monte Cassino.” Used ChatGPT for the Latin. Not sure about the accuracy Edited thanks to @Madhukar_Shah : “Annals of Cassinus”
[4] Konon is the real name of the OTL emperor Leo III. OTL he was appointed strategus of the Anatolic theme in 712 under Anastasius II, but he’s appointed earlier ITTL because Heraclius was sent to Italy.

This came a day later than I promised, and it’s a bit shorter than the previous chapter. Once again, I’m pretty bad at writing sieges, which you can tell since I obviously glanced over it. The next update will deal with the siege of Benevento (and probably its fall), as well as the Arab invasion. The chapters after that would ideally shift the focus towards the Balkans for a bit. As usual, please write a comment on any criticisms you have. Thank you for reading!

P.S. I’ve added a new opening paragraph in the second part of the first chapter explaining why Heraclius was sent to Italy. Should’ve made that clear from the start.



Wonderful chapter, excellent thing to show that for Heraclius it's not all downhill in the region, it's that any distraction can cost dearly ( see 1/4 of his army fallen in battle ) very nice that Salerno actually fell under Roman control, although I imagine that many of the local Lombards took refuge towards Benevento, to prepare an adequate counter-move, possibly to be carried out after having resisted the Roman siege of city , as I imagined a diplomatic courier has arrived in Spoleto, which could bring extremely interesting news for the duke, but I think that a request also left from Benevento via courier, towards Pavia ( to obtain the intervention of the King ) things are starting to get very busy in the region, even if I were Heraclius, I would start to consolidate and strengthen the new territories just recovered, also because in the event of failure to take Benevento ( which is quite possible, and therefore it would be an eventuality to take into consideration, especially after the eventual failed siege, it if happens of a subsequent victory over the relief troops coming from Pavia ) I do not exclude that it could still emerge with new neighboring cities under its control ( in addition to those that his ally in the North manages to capture ), which would have the consequence of to make Benevento a duchy totally incapable of representing a serious threat to Rome, which would still be an excellent result, worthy of achieving at least a triumph in Urbe
 
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Wonderful chapter, excellent thing to show that for Heraclius it's not all downhill in the region, it's that any distraction can cost dearly ( see 1/4 of his army fallen in battle ) very nice that Salerno actually fell under Roman control, although I imagine that many of the local Lombards took refuge towards Benevento, to prepare an adequate counter-move, possibly to be carried out after having resisted the Roman siege of city , as I imagined a diplomatic courier has arrived in Spoleto, which could bring extremely interesting news for the duke, but I think that a request also left from Benevento via courier, towards Pavia ( to obtain the intervention of the King ) things are starting to get very busy in the region, even if I were Heraclius, I would start to consolidate and strengthen the new territories just recovered, also because in the event of failure to take Benevento ( which is quite possible, and therefore it would be an eventuality to take into consideration, especially after the eventual failed siege, it if happens of a subsequent victory over the relief troops coming from Pavia ) I do not exclude that it could still emerge with new neighboring cities under its control ( in addition to those that his ally in the North manages to capture ), which would have the consequence of to make Benevento a duchy totally incapable of representing a serious threat to Rome, which would still be an excellent result, worthy of achieving at least a triumph in Urbe
My eventual plan for the Lombards in southern Italy is to let them form new duchies if they so wish, but they will be nullified as a military threat and you could say "addicted" to Roman money and patronage. Eventually they will integrate themselves into the empire naturally. This will be effective as the empire enters into a more peaceful era later on. I won't spoil my plans on the kingdom in the north, but in the long run, it will probably be the classic "divide and bribe (and conquer)" tactic, which the medieval Romans have always used
 
I wonder if the Armenian revolt still occurs the one in 704 that one ended with the massacre of the princess by part of the caliphate
 
My eventual plan for the Lombards in southern Italy is to let them form new duchies if they so wish, but they will be nullified as a military threat and you could say "addicted" to Roman money and patronage. Eventually they will integrate themselves into the empire naturally. This will be effective as the empire enters into a more peaceful era later on. I won't spoil my plans on the kingdom in the north, but in the long run, it will probably be the classic "divide and bribe (and conquer)" tactic, which the medieval Romans have always used

Well you are practically describing the historical evolution of the Duchy of Spoleto in Otl, which was closely connected with the politics that took place in papal Rome ( both in a peaceful and conflictual manner ) for the rest I would advise Heraclius to annex Benevento and Salerno ( so as strengthen the land connection with the rest of the imperial possessions ) while Spoleto can remain safely independent ( also because among the duchies of Lombardy Minor, it was the strongest, so facing it would be political suicide ) so as to be able to use it as an ally against the ambitions of the sovereigns Lombards in central Italy, to conclude trying to conquer the rest of the Lombard kingdom will be extremely complicated ( even more so to assimilate the population ) so divide and conquer may be the right idea for this, even if it will be a very long process, It will be very interesting to see what you come up with in the future
 
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I made a temporary, limited map for the current situation - there may be errors. I'll release a full map of the immediate Roman world (including Italy and the Caliphate) after the next update, or the update after that (hopefully using a better base map haha). The image quality is low because of upload size constraints. I'll use an image host for future maps
Romania limited 702-3 small.jpg
 
A question: I'll be reorganising the former Beneventan territories into themes (naturally), but if I turn the rest of Italy into themes, won't that make the exarchate pointless?
 
A question: I'll be reorganising the former Beneventan territories into themes (naturally), but if I turn the rest of Italy into themes, won't that make the exarchate pointless?
In this early on themes were massive so the exarch can become one if not the senior theme still the splitting of the themes in to smaller ones we see later is just starting
 
III. 703 - 705
From The Comprehensive History of Romania, Vol. II: 600 - 1000 by Paulos Stouraitis.

“We would hear news from Spoletium later, but for now, the Romans settled into a difficult siege. The Beneventans had a natural defense by way of their location, nestled in the Apennines, making an assault difficult for the Romans. Despite knowing the city would not surrender as easily as Salernum did, Heraclius chose to use the same strategy, waiting for the Beneventans to starve, especially as months progressed and winter approached. This is not to say the Roman soldiers did not suffer during wintertime; on top of constant assaults from the Beneventans, many fell ill and some froze to death, but a steady and secure supply line from Salernum helped prevent the worst from happening, a luxury the Beneventans lacked. In the winter of 703, Heraclius made the first offer of peace to Gisulf: surrender now, and your people will not starve, which Gisulf declined, prolonging the siege.

It should also be mentioned that Heraclius did seriously consider withdrawing from the siege that winter, due to the casualties, the difficulty of the siege, and most importantly, the fear of intervention from the other Lombard realms to the north: the kingdom in Pavia and the duchy in Spoletium. In a stroke of fortune for the Romans, those in the kingdom were still consumed by conflict over the kingship, and would not stabilise until 704, when King Aripert definitively secured the throne. That same winter, an outbreak of the plague happened within the walls of Beneventum and infected a large number of civilians - many of whom were malnourished and originally rural peasants whom Gisulf had forcibly relocated to Beneventum before the siege - and their bodies were thrown over the walls into the Roman camps. A sizeable number of Roman soldiers were infected, but the death toll could be limited as the soldiers were well-fed, and the spread controlled due to organised quarantines. In contrast, Gisulf’s policy had been to segregate himself and his counts from the populace to prevent becoming infected, and as a result, many Beneventans died of a combination of starvation and plague during the siege, which by then had been ongoing for nearly a year.

Gisulf’s undoing would come from underestimating the loyalty of the Beneventan nobility. Since he had hoarded most of the foodstuffs for himself, the nobles had also begun to starve, and when Gisulf dismissed their pleas, they began to plot for his deposition. In May, led by the bishop of Beneventum, a man called Beatus Joannes, the counts and some of the soldiers that had been guarding the walls marched towards Gisulf’s residence and murdered the guards standing outside. When they entered the palace, however, Gisulf was nowhere to be found alongside his family: they had escaped during the night with a handful of soldiers. Around this time, Heraclius, presumably still unaware of what had just transpired inside the city (though the lack of soldiers manning the walls would have no doubt been noticed) sent another peace offer to the Beneventans. The newly elected duke, a man named Adaloald, duly accepted Heraclius’ offer, and Beneventum fell to the Romans in May 703. Heraclius would wisely choose to not chase after Gisulf, with his troops more battered than they have ever been; but it would not be the end of his battles with the Lombards.”

Spoletium
July 702


“I bear a message from His Holiness! You must not harm me!” exclaimed Honorius, as the Lombard soldiers dragged him into the church of Saint Ansanus. He nearly collapsed face-front onto the stone floor as the soldiers let him go with force; looking forward, he saw a tall man dressed in fine, Roman robes standing before the altar. He did not appear to be armed. The man motioned the guards to leave, and the wooden door was closed behind Honorius, leaving both of them inside.

“I apologise for the rude manner in which you were brought here,” said the man with a certain authority. “I am Faroald, son of Thrasimund.”

Honorius straightened his posture. “I am Honorius, a patrician of Rome. I carry a message from His Holiness the Pope to the Duke.”

“The Duke is unavailable at the moment,” replied Faroald. “You may give the letter to me, excellency.”

Honorius looked at Faroald, who patiently waited for Honorius to hand him the letter. Honorius reckoned if he did not give Faroald the letter now, he would have it in his hands someway or the other, so he hesitantly handed the letter to him.

Faroald read the letter intently. “The Pope wants me to help the emperor’s brother?” he said, looking at Honorius. “He promises me rewards. What rewards, excellency? Do you know?”

Honorius told Faroald what the Pope had told him to. “We simply request that you do not harbour Duke Gisulf, should he seek you after the inevitable fall of Beneventum. In return, the general will not strike against you, and you will be granted a considerable donation not only from His Holiness, but from the imperial treasury.”

“Very compelling terms, excellency,” Faroald replied sounding indifferent. “What makes you think that my father would betray Gisulf, who he regards as a son?”

Honorius, though nervous, replied with a daring statement. “Your father may not, young duke,” he said, “but you may.”

Faroald smiled at Honorius.

From The Lombards: Short Histories of the Barbarians Vol. III by St. Damian’s University, Thessalonica

“In 701, though Liutpert defeated Aripert’s latest attempt, the battle was by no means decisive. The war would linger for three more years until finally, in 704, Aripert secured the throne for good…”

From Stories of the Frontier by Lucianus Mestrius

“The exact date is disputed, but in either late 703 or early 704, the Arabs launched a large-scale invasion of Roman territory led by the general Muhammad ibn Marwan, who had previously led victories against the Romans during emperor Justinian’s time. This invasion was presumably a response to the Arab defeats suffered in 699 and 700 under Heraclius, emperor Tiberius’ brother, and the Romans had to face the invasion in two theatres: Muhammad ibn Marwan’s main army who besieged Theodosiopolis, and a sub-army he sent to besiege Mopsuestia in Cilicia, where under the strategus of the Anatolics Konon new fortifications had been built. The smaller army besieging Mopsuestia would encounter great difficulty in trying to capture the city, but Theodosiopolis, on the other hand, had most certainly fallen by the end of 704…”

And Benevento has fallen! But the Romans now face a massive Arab invasion in the east, and a possible threat from the northern Lombards, who have finally stabilised under King Aripert II. The next chapter, which will probably come tomorrow, will deal with those issues, and the chapter after that the aftermath. The map will be released after that. Once again, if you have criticisms or recommendations, feel free to bring them up in the comments!
 
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Hi, not an update, but I'm currently busy, ill, and having a writer's block at the same time, so I'm afraid the next update will be postponed (but not for too long, I promise). Please stay tuned!
 
IV. 703 - 706 New
From the blog post “The second Heraclius and his forays into Italy, part 2

“Let’s move away from Beneventum for a bit. Heraclius’ job is technically finished but it actually isn’t since Gisulf is still alive and in Spoletium, trying to convince the new duke, Faroald, to help him against Heraclius. Surprise, surprise, Faroald ‘agrees’ to help him! But Gisulf is about to get himself punched in the face: he obviously doesn’t know Faroald and Heraclius are chummy with each other, and it’s coming to him in the worst way possible. So Heraclius leaves Beneventum after entrusting things there to his subordinates and goes around Campania securing the place in Roman hands. But that’s not his only mission. His agreed-upon meeting place with Faroald (and Gisulf) is in Aesernia, a little bit north of Capua. While Heraclius readies his troops to march to Aesernia, Faroald leads Gisulf to the same place, kind of like Judas to Gisulf’s Jesus.

In the morning of 18 August, 703, the Romans see the Lombards approach from the horizon. The troops get tense, but Heraclius stays calm. They don’t know about the deal, of course, and prepare for battle as usual. On the Lombard side - either Faroald has a twisted sense of humour or he’s doing this for an old comrade - Faroald lets Gisulf begin the battle. But when Gisulf tries to advance, he’s blocked by Faroald’s soldiers, and he and his measly troops are murdered in cold blood as the Romans observe. It’s kind of anticlimactic, I think. I would’ve liked to make some sort of epic, ‘the last Lombard’ type of heroic end here, but it’s not like Gisulf was ‘the last Lombard’ and contemporary historians don’t even embellish this victory; it’s just ‘they met, Gisulf died, the end.’ Faroald, though, got a sweet deal: donations from the Pope and the title of patrician from the emperor.

And it was the end of the Lombards of southern Italy as a serious threat to Roman power. Speaking of Beneventum - I’ll include this in greater detail in a larger post about the Lombards in the eighth century later on - it loses half of its population. Not through genocide, but the remaining Lombards looked at the Romans, shook their heads, and proceeded to leave the city with the Romans’ full consent. They would settle in the city of Luceria in northern Apulia, and form a new duchy… but honestly, they were pretty pathetic, and would cease to exist within a century.”

From the essay “The Arab war in Tiberius III’s first decade

“Muhammad [bin Marwan] captured Theodosiopolis probably in the spring of 704. The date is subject to controversy among historians but the records clearly show the city in Arab hands by 705. This caused a panic in Constantinople that pushed emperor Tiberius III to appoint his brother Heraclius, freshly returned from Italy, as the supreme commander of the Anatolian land themes except the Anatolic theme, which remained under its competent commander Konon. These two personages would jointly lead the defense against the Arabs. Large portions of the army fondly remembered Heraclius, who in 699 and 700 had delivered victorious battles against the Arabs that secured Theodosiopolis and Cilicia in Roman hands. As participants of those battles the general’s presence likely heightened their morale.

In the first battle against the Arabs, which occurred in the summer of 705, a brief but severe illness forced Heraclius to be absent when Konon headed to the battlefield. The two armies came head to head in Charsianon, only a few miles from Sebastopolis where Muhammad defeated the forces of Justinian II in 692. In what could have been a symbolic vengeance by the Romans against that thirteen-year old defeat, the Arabs instead seized upon the event to inflict a similar defeat on the Roman army, from which Konon scarcely managed to escape. The path to Anatolia now lay open for Muhammad and his troops, which numbered at least 20,000[1]. Muhammad moved forward and had laid siege to Ancyra by spring, plundering and depopulating towns along the journey. The situation had grown so dire in Constantinople’s eyes that emperor Tiberius himself would decide to descend onto the battlefield alongside his brother, though he stopped short of assuming control of the fight.

During the Romans’ hasty but careful preparations, the Arabs were in a trouble of their own making in Ancyra. Untrue reports of Heraclius’ imminent passing had filtered its way to the Arab camps and convinced Muhammad that Ancyra would soon capitulate, but when Ancyra held out in contrary to his expectations, the Arabs were forced to winter in the harsh Anatolian plateau. Unsurprisingly many in Muhammad’s camp froze to death, though the majority survived, some in less than robust conditions. At the earliest sign of summer Muhammad ordered the siege’s abandonment and a retreat to Armenia, but during this time, the Romans had also begun moving under the double force of the generals Heraclius and Konon and supported by Prince Smbat Bagratuni[2], the Armenian. In spite of Muhammad’s apparent attempts to avoid confrontation, the Arabs found the Roman army waiting for them in Argyrion[3], again near Sebastopolis. Muhammad was now forced to ready for battle.

Arab and Roman sources obviously conflict with each other regarding this battle, but we can deduce the general flow of what happened. The Romans assaulted first and expected an all but secure victory due to the Arabs’ perceived exhaustion and weakness, but Muhammad successfully turned the tide and nearly split the Roman army in two, possibly endangering the emperor himself. Roman sources then say imperial standard remained visible and unscathed nonetheless, the sight of which the Romans perceived as a command to continue fighting. Likewise, Smbat’s Armenian auxiliaries survived mostly untouched, enough to allow Heraclius to successfully reconsolidate the soldiers’ positions and strike deep into Arab lines. Arab sources claim Muhammad and Heraclius duelled; this is likely a fabrication but consistent with the same Arab source, future descriptions of Heraclius’ physical appearance mention a large scar on his face and right arm.

Muhammad withdrew and was in Syria by late 706. This was but a brief respite. The general would march again towards Romania, his eyes set on Cilicia, which had rebuffed the Arab force sent by Muhammad before his disastrous siege of Ancyra…”

From The Lombards: Short Histories of the Barbarians Vol. III by St. Damian’s University, Thessalonica

“…Aripert desired good relations with both Constantinople and Rome, which explains his response to the conquest of Beneventum, which in hindsight was light. In 704 he occupied the city of Perusia which lay at the centre of Roman Italy, connecting Rome and Ravenna, and temporarily divided the exarchate in half. Aripert, however, was a pious man and gracefully received envoys sent by Pope John VI, who had come to negotiate a peace treaty. He thus agreed to withdraw from Perusia, having accomplished nothing but to send a warning to the Romans. After returning to Pavia, however, Aripert declared the duchy of Spoletium ‘a foreign country’ and forbade his subjects from traveling to or trading with the Spoletians, a response against the Spoletians’ alliance with Romania.[4] The silence of the emperor in this episode is evident, as Constantinople found itself distracted by the great Arab invasion…”

[1] I hope this number is accurate (or realistic).
[2] Prince Smbat Bagratuni led a rebellion and won against the Arabs in OTL 702, and was rewarded the title kuropalates as an ally of the Romans.
[3] Modern Akdağmadeni in Yozgat, Turkey.
[4] IOTL, this was a real policy by king Ratchis (r. 744 - 749).

Here's the new update. I tried being more detailed. The map is underway, and will hopefully be done by the next update, which deals with changes in Italy, Muhammad b. Marwan's new offensive, and probably church policy but I might postpone that for a later chapter since I haven't done much reading on that topic. I hope you enjoy!
 
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From The Lombards: Short Histories of the Barbarians Vol. III by St. Damian’s University, Thessalonica

“…Aripert desired good relations with both Constantinople and Rome, which explains his response to the conquest of Beneventum, which in hindsight was light. In 704 he occupied the city of Perusia which lay at the centre of Roman Italy, connecting Rome and Ravenna, and temporarily divided the exarchate in half. Aripert, however, was a pious man and gracefully received envoys sent by Pope John VI, who had come to negotiate a peace treaty. He thus agreed to withdraw from Perusia, having accomplished nothing but to send a warning to the Romans. After returning to Pavia, however, Aripert declared the duchy of Spoletium ‘a foreign country’ and forbade his subjects from traveling to or trading with the Spoletians, a response against the Spoletians’ alliance with Romania.[4] The silence of the emperor in this episode is evident, as Constantinople found itself distracted by the great Arab invasion…”

So the Lombards continue to fracture. I wonder if the Greek population is damaged enough due to constant invasions, the center of the Roman Empire could shift back to Italy? or at the very least, be much more balanced
 
Wait why would the lombards leave the duchy? It’s not as if the Roman’s have the power to enforce any real taxes or anything, and the Roman’s otl tried really hard to get the lombards to settle in the territories they held.
 
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Wait why would the lombards leave the duchy? It’s not as if the Roman’s have the power to enforce any real taxes or anything, and the Roman’s otl tried really hard to get the lombards to settle in the territories they held.
Not all the Lombards have left, it's mostly those who don't want to be ruled by the Romans, and only from the city of Beneventum itself. Heraclius didn't bother conquering the rest of the duchy, after all. Imperial authority will still be patchy in Italy for decades to come, but with the eastern frontier becoming more stable than OTL the emperors will be able to shift some of their attention to Italy.
or at the very least, be much more balanced
Not going to spoil much, but in general yes. The eastern empire will still very much be the "senior empire", though, throughout the TL's time period (until the 1000s).

Edit: slightly modified the update to include Faroald's reward, which I missed.
 
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