No 1918 Armistice, could France keep fighting?

either really

Again, what specifically?

Righty and the flu not to mention the Blockade are going to effect Germany right?

The Blockade was ineffective at this point and was actually made tougher after the Armistice; the Germans were required to surrender food depots in France and Belgium and the Royal Navy entering the Baltic after the armistice shut down the fishing fleets operating from ports there. Prior to that, the food situation was improving, in that the food ration was increased by nearly 500 calories over the course of 1918.

if they took a 60ft canal in less than day it does

It does not.

only kiev at lest held for 6 weeks, but yeah OK you want to equate the German army's capacity to withstand invasion in 1918 to the Soviet ability to hold ground in 1941? Cool, although that doesn't really strengthen your point

It's interesting you decide to get into the specifics on this one, but then don't for the canal battles; this is called cherry picking. Regardless of that, you didn't refute the central point made in that the ability of a force to take the adjective does not mean the other forces is incapable of giving resistance. Just about every book I've looked up notes the Germans gave stiff resistance during the course of that engagement.
 
Some evidence for that claim please.

Operational Art In The Defense: The German Abwehrschlachten In 1918 by Frank Reiser:

This possibility of a breathing spell, as named by Ludendorff, did from a German perspective not only entail the opportunity to prolong own culmination, but also a chance to force and exploit Allied culmination. The Germans assessed the Allied lines of communication as overextended. There was a small window of opportunity to exploit that situation to moderate the terms of an armistice. In his post-war analysis, General von Kuhl concludes that on the day of the armistice the British lines of communications had reached their maximum of extension. He supports his statement by the fact that the British needed six days after the armistice to resume their advance, which they were only able to conduct with less than one-third of their force.

This assessment is supported by Winning and Losing on the Western Front by Jonathon Boff, although his work is specifically geared to the Third Army.
 
I've never not claimed artillery isn't a force multiplier and the fact you've said that illustrates what I've been saying; artillery alone can not win the war, you need infantry taking ground in conjunction with it to do so. I'd also point that the Americans of 1944 had everything you outlined and then some, and were still stopped cold by German defenses in the same region from roughly September to October until March of 1945 despite years of experience at that point. Given the AEF did not enjoy anywhere near the advantages of the U.S. Army in late 1944, I think it should be telling what will happen.
The Americans in 1944 had nowhere near the level of heavy artillery that their 1918 equivalents enjoyed, severe logistical problems after their rush across France, and were at the tail-end of their offensive. A 1919 offensive by contrast has far more useful heavy artillery, will have resolved its logistic problems, and constitutes the focal point, rather than the trailing edge, of an American offensive. It will also be supported by attacks along the rest of the front, something that you have not responded to, since apparently you still continue to be of the opinion that the German Western border consists of a singular city of Metz and their Southern norder of a total of 3 passes through Austria...

No they are not and the exact specifications of your citation will reveal this as by late 1914 the French had gotten quite a bit of experience in August and September to say the least.
I would suggest you would re-read about fighting in August and September on the Western Front and how that differed from fighting in the winter, and you will see the ridiculousness of trying to say that the French tactical lessons they learned throughout the winter were in response to the earlier period of mobile warfare. Conversely, they were a reaction to an attempt to return to their earlier mobile warfare and to react to the siege warfare conditions they found in late 1914, which were entirely unprecedented. I would also point out that by late 1918 the Americans had gotten quite a bit of experience in August, September, October, and November to say the least.

Because no Army has ever gotten better by sitting around nor does fighting trench raids make you a master of the offense.
A ridiculous statement, armies get better sitting around quite often, as they absorb and evaluate lessons of combat experience. The French learned and applied a host of various lessons and ideas throughout the winter of 1914/15, without which they would have done far worse.

The Hundred Days certainly featured that as a whole, but not for the Americans largely. Their first large scale offensive wasn't achieved until September with St. Mihel, which is why Pershing fought so hard with Foch to get the operation as the Americans needed a baptism of fire to learn lessons. If you read the literature on it you realize they found there was many problems with their performance, in particular their logistics systems.
Of course, it was their first independent operation. What you're suggesting is that there will be no significant improvements in a half a year period, which is absurd.

New recruits combined with medical discharges were enough to sustain at least of the armies on the Western Front. The reason the other men had yet to be called up was that it would require replacing them with women in the factories, which was a rather touchy issue for the Prussian elite.
Or more likely, just as Tooze demonstrated for the WW2 economy, there were important structural factors which prevented the mobilization rate of German women in the war economy from being expanded, such as the mixed economy of Germany which required female labor in non-industrial aspects.

My argument has been that their direct participation will fade going into 1919 as they simply cannot afford to keep it up; the question of what the AEF can do is rather different from can the French continue to keep fighting. I also find the colonial issue interesting and propose the same question you outlined above; why weren't the French already doing that? The answer is quite obviously that recruiting and training hundreds of thousands of people you plan to continue to keep down after the war isn't the smartest of ideas.
The French were doing huge colonial recruitment schemes by 1918 so you're wrong or imposing a false narrative in that, the increase in colonial troops are not my hypothetical suggestions of what the French could do to fix their manpower gap like your suggestion that the Germans will be able to form enough manpower to fight off the US/UK/France/Belgium/Italy/Yugoslavia/Greece/Romania/Portugal/Thailand(lol) by putting women in the factory, but their actual policy which had achieved huge successes by 1918. A Mission to Civilize: The Republican Idea of Empire in France and West Africa 1895-1930 discusses this at length, and that the French had managed to organize an effective recruitment campaign by 1918 after previous difficulties. This is in addition to the steadily increasing supplies of colonial raw materials which with the German submarine warfare having lost its forward bases in Flanders and becoming less effective, could be accessed more effectively thanks to the reduced bottleneck of Allied shipping.

Just like Patton managed to do with overwhelming artillery, massive armored units and overwhelming air superiority in late 1944? How about Devers?
Patton had reached the culmination point of his offensive and was faced with severe logistics problems, and ultimately the Americans did succeed in taking Metz and certainly not with the casualties that you claim would knock them out of the war. Which is after all, your argument: that the Americans will grind to a halt at Metz and this will lead to a compromise peace on what are effectively German victory terms.
A 1944 American offensive also enjoyed nothing like the heavy artillery a 1918 offensive did, with the heaviest artillery being 240mm guns at most. By contrast the 1919 Franco-American artillery assault includes a far great proportion of heavy artillery up to 400mm in caliber, in simple stunning quantities. The inaccurate American 1944 bombing raids don't compare.

Except I've never claimed any of that and further have repeatedly stated that in other posts.
And I'll say you have, you say you haven't, this will go on until the end of time. The verdict of history as demonstrated in the 1918 battles is clear: the artillery of 1918 and 1919 as used by both the Germans and Allies was sufficient to break through any defensive line, which makes your suggestion about the impenetrable nature of Metz absurd.

Which is good, because I've never said that either. I did say they were able to effectively continue resistance over their own lines, which was the point; the Allied air advantage in 1918 was not the same as it was in 1945.
If you're admitting the Allies enjoy air superiority over the 1918 battle lines, then it doesn't matter, because they have all of the advantages that 1918 air power gives. The Allies had air superiority, the only argument you can make is that they had to pay a high price to hold it.

I'm fully aware and I'm also fully aware that the British offensive was at it's end by the time of the Armistice. That just leaves the French and Americans to bash their heads against German border defenses, and I doubt the French could sustain that for long.
Amazing how you can switch from discussing a 1919 offensive to 1918 situations with such fluidity as it suits your "argument"... By 1919 the British would be advancing with their French and American allies again.

When all you can do is strawman, it's a pretty clear sign you're unable to counter the points of the other person.
Says the guy who goes on to say this...
"The Allied Superman no no wrongs, the puny Germans will be crushed"
The difference is that I'm not the one who is claiming the Americans cannot learn from combat experience, that the Allies are unable to repair a tank, that the Allies cannot repair a railroad or road in a 6 month period, etc. When you are making claims such as these, perhaps your argument is naturally a strawman of the normal run of pro-German arguments, so absurd do they present themselves.

It would take months to fix and the tanks being produced were not conducive for the mobile warfare advocated by Fueller. Given the experience of Patton in 1944 and other American commanders in the region, I'm also doubtful of their usefulness to offensive actions in the region.
The only person bringing up Fuller is you, failing to meet a hypothetical operational plan of a single British officer does not deny the massive nature of Allied tanks, and those months are months that the Entente had before a 1919 offensive commenced in earnest.

You mean his detailed plan that became the basis for armored warfare used by the major armies of the next war and into the current day? The same plan the Entente was trying to enact at the time? Do tell me. See above for the rest.
The Entente Armies in 1918 did not base their operational strategies for their tanks on Fulton, you are presenting a red herring which is trying to deny the massive advantage in terms of tanks that the Entente held in 1918 by telling us that because they didn't meet the imagination of a single British officer, they didn't exist. Stop confronting the Allies not carrying out a hypothetical and move back to reality, the actual numbers of tanks that the Allies had and their actual employment and usage.

You're being deliberately obtuse here as the Anglo-French squabbles in the Middle East have absolutely nothing to do with the Americans nor present an issue in the European theater because there is nothing to dispute there.
You are the one who is ignoring that there were vast and significant conflicts of interest between the two principal Allied powers in a region which led to massive alterations in plans and constant tensions, but that these never prevented the Entente powers from nevertheless waging a war. That it was between the Anglo-French rather than between Balkan factions and in a different theater has nothing to do with their validity as an example of the fact that squabbles between Allies never prevented their participation in some way in the war effort. Find me an example of a conflict of interest between the Allies which resulted in one of the powers ending their participation in the war and then you will be able to coherently claim that a dispute between Yugoslavia and Italy is sufficient to torpedo Allied Balkan plans: until then, the example of the Middle East demonstrates that when confronted by major conflict of interests, the Allies changed plans and disputed heavily among each other, but continued to engage in the war effort.

Yes they did but the entire reason they developed a unified command structure is because they realized how ineffective the previous state of affairs was and realized that to carry out the major offensives later in the year they needed a central authority to help direct and manage them.
Ok, which doesn't remove the fact that they fought previously.

You act as if existing divisions can not be detailed to do so or fresh units raised.
From the German manpower pool in 1918, the only suggestions to salvage have come from you with an idea so good that the Germans, fighting with bitterly insufficient resources for 4 years and with the survival of their nation on the line, were apparently too timid to implement, and who had themselves already sustained horrifying casualties? Yes, I doubt very much that any significant number of new divisions can be raised or old ones brought up to strength. Otherwise, if this was so easy, the Germans would not have seen their strength decline throughout their Spring Offensives and the Hundred Days.

Again, you're being obtuse; if they Anglo-French pull out their divisions, they cannot occupy any of the territory they want as they will not have forces on the ground. They have to keep those forces there, otherwise their entire Post-War plans are upended and I'd bet the Ottomans and Bulgarians would re-enter the conflict if suddenly they found themselves with no enemies to face. Since we're assuming a PoD at the end of September, the Serbians, Montenegrins and Romanians are largely a non-factor.
You are the one who is ignoring the situation: regardless if the Allies put those divisions on the Western Front or are using them to occupy territory and fight against the Germans from the South, the point is that it is now the German responsibility to engage them and not that of their Allies, when the Germans were already (in the world of reality at least....) collapsing on the one front they had. The Italians would have been the principal ones to carry out the Austro-Hungarian strategy and had plenty of troops to occupy the territory. The Romanians had already re-entered the war in November, the Serbians have 7 divisions, the Greeks exist for another force on the southern front, and with Allied industrial and financial support they are perfectly capable of occupying the Austro-Hungarian Empire, especially when most of it is friendly to the Allies except Hungary and the remnant Austria sections.

And you're the one who continues to make strawmen.
Hmm.
"The Allied Superman no no wrongs, the puny Germans will be crushed"
Regardless, you are still the one who seriously suggested that the Allies would have been unable to repair their tanks in 6 months.

That's certainly my argument more or less but that is nowhere near what you were claiming and we both know it. You stated I claimed they had been winning the 100 Days, which I never have.
Look, if you want to complain about strawmen, then be consistent.
"The Allied Superman no no wrongs, the puny Germans will be crushed"
You can accuse me of strawmen because I enjoy my rhetoric, but don't turn around and do the same thing while continuing to accuse me of doing it in the very same post.

You should also note that Faustschlag was on the Northern European Plain, meaning all those pesky mountains they had to face were non-existent. Further, we're somehow expecting the Serbs and Romanians, with no real industrial base because they had just been occupied for years, to somehow sustain a massive offensive across the Pannonia Basin and thence into Germany through multiple mountain rangers with no Anglo-French support. Romania could collapse Hungary because Hungary was effectively having a civil war within it that the Romanians could get the support from one faction and, further, Hungary is right next to Romanian and in the middle of the relatively flat and open Pannonia Basin.
Faustschlag was essentially moving along the railroads, travelling from one railroad station to the next and occupying it. When there are no units to oppose an attack, then difficult terrain becomes much less of an impediment. All of the factors which applied to the Hungarian collapse apply to the reasons why it (the only faction other than Austria hostile to the Allies) would collapse just as easily in a southern offensive in 1919, and why would see Allied forces pressing up through the South in the 1919 offensive, as well as from the West. The Allies, with the American army being equipped and self-sufficient by 1919, and the British and French armies already at their maximum size, are positively swimming in supplies for their Balkan allies.

So in other words, you've conceded it wouldn't be until sometime in 1919 that the Yugoslavs and Romanians could take the offensive?
Is that not fairly obvious? The Allies will support their Balkan factiosn and wrap up the Austro-Hungarian Empire throughout the first part of 1919, not that hard when very little hostile resistance exists. Then they'll be able to synchronize their attacks with their Western Front forces as part of their 1919 offensive, which was always French strategy at least.

I'm also not sure what support you're referring to since apparently the Anglo-French are withdrawing all troops from the theater and I'm curious as to how they will be able to keep them supplied given that fact as well as how they will go about doing both that and supplying the Americans.
You're the one who constantly claims that, when there was nothing at all in my original argument concerning that: I noted that the French or British were free to use their forces as they wished and now the Germans had to counter forces equivalent to 10% of the enemies they faced on the Western Front with the collapse of their Allies. Keeping them supplied is hardly difficult since 1)French and British war production continued to climb and they had largely equipped their armies already so had plenty of spare material left over, and 2)American military production could start to make a significant contribution to the Allied total in 1919, enough so that it has to rely on Franco-British contributions much less.

"The Allied Superman no no wrongs, the puny Germans will be crushed"
Try to be consistent at least with your arguing, you can't claim me to be posing strawmen for everything I've said and then say that yourself.
Furthermore, this says nothing against the reasons why any German attempt to counter the Allied Southern advance is bankrupt before it commences.[/quote]
 

nbcman

Donor
Again, what specifically?



The Blockade was ineffective at this point and was actually made tougher after the Armistice; the Germans were required to surrender food depots in France and Belgium and the Royal Navy entering the Baltic after the armistice shut down the fishing fleets operating from ports there. Prior to that, the food situation was improving, in that the food ration was increased by nearly 500 calories over the course of 1918.



It does not.



It's interesting you decide to get into the specifics on this one, but then don't for the canal battles; this is called cherry picking. Regardless of that, you didn't refute the central point made in that the ability of a force to take the adjective does not mean the other forces is incapable of giving resistance. Just about every book I've looked up notes the Germans gave stiff resistance during the course of that engagement.

Stiff resistance? As part of the Battle of the Sambre, The NZ Division captured Le Quesnoy along with over 2000 Germans plus killed / wounded over 300 Germans in an attack that lasted about 12 hours. Throughout the entire Battle, the Day 1 objectives were met by the first or second day of the attack. This is not an indication of stiff German resistance nor of a decent delaying action by getting so many troops and material destroyed / captured.
 

Ian_W

Banned
So no Army ever uses fresh recruits and no wounded soldier ever is returned to the frontlines?

The German Army of 1918's problem is not trigger pullers for rifles - they've got them.

It's that they are now fighting an enemy that has broken their doctrinal system.

Despite thousands of words, you haven't explained how the German Army can break the Allied method of preparing the battlefield via

1. peaceful penetration of outposts, and
2. aerial and other observation of defending artillery,

followed by 3. infantry advancing with tank support under a creeping barrage as 4. heavy artillery suppresses well-identified enemy artillery, and then

5. stopping while still in range of friendly guns and awaiting the enemy counter attack, while
6. Friendly guns and supply lines generally are brought forward to the new position.

The process then repeats.

Note that 2, 3, 4 and 6 rely on the industrial advantages of the Allies in having more aircraft, tanks, trucks and rail building capacity, none of which are going away as 1918 turns into 1919.

What can the German Army do about this ?

You can imagine up new defensive lines, but they'll last as long as the Hindenburg Line did.

You can pretend that Winter 1918 is going to help the German cause, when France can import freely and Germany can't.

You can assume Metz will help, when if the Allies don't bring up enough super heavy artillery they can just bypass it.

You can pretend that the German Army of 1918 is the German Army of 1916, when it simply isn't (pro tip. Elite units are a bad idea, as they reduce the quality of your line divisions too much).

I've got it. You pretend the Allies of 1918 are the Allies of 1916, and the Germans of 1918 are the Germans of 1916. and that Germany could have kept fighting if it wasn't stabbed in the back by the polititians.
 
The French were doing huge colonial recruitment schemes by 1918 so you're wrong or imposing a false narrative in that, the increase in colonial troops are not my hypothetical suggestions of what the French could do to fix their manpower gap like your suggestion that the Germans will be able to form enough manpower to fight off the US/UK/France/Belgium/Italy/Yugoslavia/Greece/Romania/Portugal/Thailand(lol) by putting women in the factory, but their actual policy which had achieved huge successes by 1918. A Mission to Civilize: The Republican Idea of Empire in France and West Africa 1895-1930 discusses this at length, and that the French had managed to organize an effective recruitment campaign by 1918 after previous difficulties. This is in addition to the steadily increasing supplies of colonial raw materials which with the German submarine warfare having lost its forward bases in Flanders and becoming less effective, could be accessed more effectively thanks to the reduced bottleneck of Allied shipping.
If it was clear that US manpower was not going to arrive (for whatever reason) then I believe the solution would be two-fold, and were recognized at the time by the British - and both were things the French were already doing albeit slightly differently. But it was lessons shared between allies that led to these discussions.

The first being the use of colonial manpower - be it Indian or African. In the case of the latter, even by OTL's 1916 the War Office was pressuring for the greater use of African manpower in 'non-combat roles' but the Colonial Office demurred. By the end of 1916 and into 1917 there were different calls to raise a large field force from African manpower (mostly West African) to free up British forces in other theaters than France.

Even in OTL, GHQ wrote in 1918 "[akin to French practices] provide contingents of black troops for incorporation in the British divisions" - however the Colonial Office squashed the idea outright. However after the War Cabinet rejected the idea, the War Office continued to press for the idea and was supported by the Army Council. If the wider situation was dire enough I believe the Colonial Office would bow to pressure over greater use of African sourced manpower, even in France. Which could free up manpower for the Western Front in preparation for the proposed 1919 offensives.

Most of that is sourced from the article: The Idea of a British Imperial African Army, David Killingray, The Journal of African History, Vol 20, No. 3 (1979).

In addition to this, the British were also increasingly coming to the same French conclusions - that the traditional emphasis on manpower was not going to be successful in the largely defensive and rebuild plans for 1918 and the planned offensives in 1919.
" It appears that two basic alternatives emerged, which might be termed the mechanical means of warfare, versus the traditional means of warfare. On the one hand the mechanical supporters advocated the use of "new" technology (particularly tanks and planes, but also innovations such as mobile trench mortars, gas and smoke) which would be more efficient and would replace man- power; meanwhile, the other school of thought stressed the use of man- power (infantry) in the traditional manner and advocated using more of the "traditional" technology (such as rifles, machine guns, and artillery), yet it saw the "new" technology as an auxiliary tool.

The underlying causes of this debate were the recommendations of Cabinet and Supreme War Council committees in late 1917 and in January and February 1918 to deny manpower to the Western Front, and the order- ing of priorities so that shipbuilding, planes, tanks, and food production came ahead of men for France."

If we extrapolate this out, then the it could be argued that the mechanical school gains influence and supremacy earlier.
"Then, on 13 March 1918, the Supreme War Council at Versailles, under the signature of Rawlinson, produced a memo entitled "Notes on Economy of Manpower by Mechanical Means." This expected that the Allies would be on the defensive in 1918 and so advocated a series of very large raids, utilizing plenty of tanks and low flying aircraft, which would clear the way for the
infantry, and thus economize on manpower. This saving of manpower would be even greater because ground was not to be held; rather, the raiders would withdraw to their original lines. Apart from the withdrawal suggestion, this mechanical scenario was evidently the basis for Rawlinson's future attacks at Hamel in July and at Amiens in August."

Most of that is sourced from the article: The Evolution of British Strategy and Tactics on the Western Front in 1918: GHQ, Manpower, and Technology, Tim Travers, The Journal of Military History, Vol. 54, No. 2 (Apr., 1990)
 
Operational Art In The Defense: The German Abwehrschlachten In 1918 by Frank Reiser:

General von Kuhl concludes that on the day of the armistice the British lines of communications had reached their maximum of extension. He supports his statement by the fact that the British needed six days after the armistice to resume their advance, which they were only able to conduct with less than one-third of their force.

Seriously?

A German general believes the British were at their culminating point because they didn't advance immediately AFTER the Armistice. If they had any sense they were getting seriously pissed.
 

TDM

Kicked
Again, what specifically?

both Britain and France

The Blockade was ineffective at this point and was actually made tougher after the Armistice;

you mean the longer it went on for yes? So into the period we're discussing in terms of a renewed offensive in 1919.


the Germans were required to surrender food depots in France and Belgium,

and how long at they going to be available to the Germans is we're pushing into Germany in 1919?



and the Royal Navy entering the Baltic after the armistice shut down the fishing fleets operating from ports there. Prior to that, the food situation was improving, in that the food ration was increased by nearly 500 calories over the course of 1918.

right but that before the period we're talking so unless you can show that increase would have continued into 1919 it's moot. Also have you got a cite of an actual calorie increase and improving situation not that boats went out (I'm sure they did), because an improving situation in 1918 goes against what I've read, quick example.

Also given the HSF fleet was suffering mutinies by late 1918, I'm not sure we not going to see the RN in the Baltic by 1919 (however this is conjecture)

And the Flu, calorie stressed populations famously being resistant to epidemics?

It does not.

Compelling

But really, you think an WW1 army being able to cross a 60ft canal and flooded land in front it while the opposing side defended the far side in less than day over a 24 mile section is evidence of effective defence? How can you come to that conclusion. A very strong defensive position was overrun in less than a day! Does that sound like effective defense? What happens when there's no canal or wetlands or other defensive advantage. Compare it to the rate of previous advances through defended obstacles during the last 4 years.

It's interesting you decide to get into the specifics on this one, but then don't for the canal battles; this is called cherry picking.

No it's not, and I didn't choose to go to the specifics of that one, I didn't even chose the illustrative example it was your metaphor*. It just happens to a be a bad metaphor for your point for the two reasons I gave. But OK what are the specifics of this canal you'd like to introduce and go into to support your claim that this was an example of effective defence?


*which when i addressed in the way you introduced it as a point of comparison to the canal affair you now describe as cherry picking?! Honestly what did you think was going happen that I'd say "Oh well Kiev 1941 you say, why yes with just the mention of that you point is clearly proved"

Regardless of that, you didn't refute the central point made in that the ability of a force to take the adjective does not mean the other forces is incapable of giving resistance.

No I refuted that the level of resisting we're discussing constitutes effective resistance.

Just about every book I've looked up notes the Germans gave stiff resistance during the course of that engagement.

If your books described the canal example as stiff resistance, I hope they had nice photo's
 
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The Americans in 1944 had nowhere near the level of heavy artillery that their 1918 equivalents enjoyed, severe logistical problems after their rush across France, and were at the tail-end of their offensive. A 1919 offensive by contrast has far more useful heavy artillery, will have resolved its logistic problems, and constitutes the focal point, rather than the trailing edge, of an American offensive. It will also be supported by attacks along the rest of the front, something that you have not responded to, since apparently you still continue to be of the opinion that the German Western border consists of a singular city of Metz and their Southern norder of a total of 3 passes through Austria...

The Americans of 1944 also had an overwhelming tank advantage with tanks suited for such an operation, overwhelming air superiority with a developed CAS to make up for any lackings of artillery, only 50,000 Germans had escaped Falaise a few months previous and, finally, the defenses of Metz had been left in disrepair for over 20 years at this point. Finally, despite the fact they did take Metz, the Allies did not successfully make any advances from this avenue into Germany until months after.

For a 1919 attack, the Germans will have had six months to replenish themselves and continue to fortify their lines while the Americans will effectively be doing this attack alone with no real experience in such operations. They had done the battle of St. Mihel, but that was against a 50,000 man force of second rate German divisions that were already in the process of pulling out.

I would suggest you would re-read about fighting in August and September on the Western Front and how that differed from fighting in the winter, and you will see the ridiculousness of trying to say that the French tactical lessons they learned throughout the winter were in response to the earlier period of mobile warfare. Conversely, they were a reaction to an attempt to return to their earlier mobile warfare and to react to the siege warfare conditions they found in late 1914, which were entirely unprecedented. I would also point out that by late 1918 the Americans had gotten quite a bit of experience in August, September, October, and November to say the least.

The funny thing about this claim is that you ignore mobile warfare had ended between August and that winter, meaning lessons were already being learned. Further still, you're being obtuse on this point in that whatever specific lessons the French learned that winter was irrelevant to the fact that they had, as a force, experienced combat and gained that knowledge from August on. Sending in green troops, no matter how well trained, against well prepared defenses is a blood bath.

Of course, it was their first independent operation. What you're suggesting is that there will be no significant improvements in a half a year period, which is absurd.

Yes because you actually have to do things to get better at doing them.

Or more likely, just as Tooze demonstrated for the WW2 economy, there were important structural factors which prevented the mobilization rate of German women in the war economy from being expanded, such as the mixed economy of Germany which required female labor in non-industrial aspects.

And Tooze demonstrated that for World War II, not World War I. Blithely assuming constants for both wars is a fools gambit.

The French were doing huge colonial recruitment schemes by 1918 so you're wrong or imposing a false narrative in that, the increase in colonial troops are not my hypothetical suggestions of what the French could do to fix their manpower gap like your suggestion that the Germans will be able to form enough manpower to fight off the US/UK/France/Belgium/Italy/Yugoslavia/Greece/Romania/Portugal/Thailand(lol) by putting women in the factory, but their actual policy which had achieved huge successes by 1918. A Mission to Civilize: The Republican Idea of Empire in France and West Africa 1895-1930 discusses this at length, and that the French had managed to organize an effective recruitment campaign by 1918 after previous difficulties. This is in addition to the steadily increasing supplies of colonial raw materials which with the German submarine warfare having lost its forward bases in Flanders and becoming less effective, could be accessed more effectively thanks to the reduced bottleneck of Allied shipping.

Ah, it took them until 1918 to get serious about it. Sounds kinda like why the Germans waited till then to consider women, eh?

Patton had reached the culmination point of his offensive and was faced with severe logistics problems, and ultimately the Americans did succeed in taking Metz and certainly not with the casualties that you claim would knock them out of the war. Which is after all, your argument: that the Americans will grind to a halt at Metz and this will lead to a compromise peace on what are effectively German victory terms.

The 1944 U.S. was also far different from the 1918/1919 U.S. in terms of motivation and willingness to take casualties, as well as the fact the 1944 U.S. had not just Western partners but a still active Eastern Front pinning down the Germans. Further, given the realities of firepower, tactics and strategy and 1919 attrition battle would be far more casualty inducing than what occurred in 1944.

I've also not said German victory anywhere. I have said that the Germans could outlast the Anglo-French, which even the French and British themselves expected to an extent, and then inflict enough losses onto the Americans to get better terms at an Alt-Versailles. Overwhelming victory for the Germans had passed with the failure of the Spring Offensives but the ability to moderate what they would lose had not. Into October diplomatic exchanges with Washington gave Berlin an expectation of hope and Foch did not decide on the terms that came with the Armistice until the 10th after assessing how the situation was developing with regards to the Germans; it's notable Haig thought these terms were too stiff.

And I'll say you have, you say you haven't, this will go on until the end of time. The verdict of history as demonstrated in the 1918 battles is clear: the artillery of 1918 and 1919 as used by both the Germans and Allies was sufficient to break through any defensive line, which makes your suggestion about the impenetrable nature of Metz absurd.

Artillery alone never achieved that, nor does it in of itself represent a war winner; you said it yourself, it is a force multiplier.

If you're admitting the Allies enjoy air superiority over the 1918 battle lines, then it doesn't matter, because they have all of the advantages that 1918 air power gives. The Allies had air superiority, the only argument you can make is that they had to pay a high price to hold it.

Sure, if you leave out the fact they were unable to openly bomb logistics lines like they could during the 1944-1945 period in WWII.

Amazing how you can switch from discussing a 1919 offensive to 1918 situations with such fluidity as it suits your "argument"... By 1919 the British would be advancing with their French and American allies again.

Who would've thought the 1918 situations could inform us of 1919? Also, doesn't that undermine your entire argument?

The difference is that I'm not the one who is claiming the Americans cannot learn from combat experience, that the Allies are unable to repair a tank, that the Allies cannot repair a railroad or road in a 6 month period, etc. When you are making claims such as these, perhaps your argument is naturally a strawman of the normal run of pro-German arguments, so absurd do they present themselves.

Cite exactly where I claimed they could not repair a tank, a railroad or a road because we both know I damn well never said that.

The only person bringing up Fuller is you, failing to meet a hypothetical operational plan of a single British officer does not deny the massive nature of Allied tanks, and those months are months that the Entente had before a 1919 offensive commenced in earnest.

I bring up Fuller because to claim the tanks of 1918 could be decisive weapons without the specifications he called for is a non-suitable proposition. To achieve the Blitzkrieg type of conduct you seem to believe would occur, you need what he called for.

The Entente Armies in 1918 did not base their operational strategies for their tanks on Fulton, you are presenting a red herring which is trying to deny the massive advantage in terms of tanks that the Entente held in 1918 by telling us that because they didn't meet the imagination of a single British officer, they didn't exist. Stop confronting the Allies not carrying out a hypothetical and move back to reality, the actual numbers of tanks that the Allies had and their actual employment and usage.

That's good I've never claimed that again, given Fuller's plan was for 1919 and that was what we were talking about. I'm also again amused as you calling it imaginations when it was a detailed plan, the British were making efforts to put it into operation and, further, it became the basis of armored warfare in future conflicts. I'm also especially amused at your attacks on hypotheticals when we're discussing a hypothetical campaign in 1919.

You are the one who is ignoring that there were vast and significant conflicts of interest between the two principal Allied powers in a region which led to massive alterations in plans and constant tensions, but that these never prevented the Entente powers from nevertheless waging a war.

Yes because those conflicts of interest and alterations were limited to, you know, the place where the conflicts of interested actually existed.

That it was between the Anglo-French rather than between Balkan factions and in a different theater has nothing to do with their validity as an example of the fact that squabbles between Allies never prevented their participation in some way in the war effort. Find me an example of a conflict of interest between the Allies which resulted in one of the powers ending their participation in the war and then you will be able to coherently claim that a dispute between Yugoslavia and Italy is sufficient to torpedo Allied Balkan plans: until then, the example of the Middle East demonstrates that when confronted by major conflict of interests, the Allies changed plans and disputed heavily among each other, but continued to engage in the war effort.

Which is a strawman as I've never claimed it would result in the end of participation in the conflict. It would, however, be sufficient to scuttle coordinated actions and planning.

From the German manpower pool in 1918, the only suggestions to salvage have come from you with an idea so good that the Germans, fighting with bitterly insufficient resources for 4 years and with the survival of their nation on the line, were apparently too timid to implement, and who had themselves already sustained horrifying casualties? Yes, I doubt very much that any significant number of new divisions can be raised or old ones brought up to strength.

600-700k was being called up through the normal means. The additional one million that could be called up was not due to political considerations; the same reason why the British were not deploying massive amounts of colonial troops to Europe.

Otherwise, if this was so easy, the Germans would not have seen their strength decline throughout their Spring Offensives and the Hundred Days.

You mean the British and French did as well? But I thought they had all those colonial troops!

You are the one who is ignoring the situation: regardless if the Allies put those divisions on the Western Front or are using them to occupy territory and fight against the Germans from the South, the point is that it is now the German responsibility to engage them and not that of their Allies, when the Germans were already (in the world of reality at least....) collapsing on the one front they had. The Italians would have been the principal ones to carry out the Austro-Hungarian strategy and had plenty of troops to occupy the territory.

The ability to occupy sections of the collapsing Empire is not the same as conducting an offensive of hundreds if not thousands of miles through major mountain chains.

The Romanians had already re-entered the war in November, the Serbians have 7 divisions, the Greeks exist for another force on the southern front, and with Allied industrial and financial support they are perfectly capable of occupying the Austro-Hungarian Empire, especially when most of it is friendly to the Allies except Hungary and the remnant Austria sections.

Which right there should tell you how irrelevant they are.

Regardless, you are still the one who seriously suggested that the Allies would have been unable to repair their tanks in 6 months.

Cite where.

Faustschlag was essentially moving along the railroads, travelling from one railroad station to the next and occupying it. When there are no units to oppose an attack, then difficult terrain becomes much less of an impediment. All of the factors which applied to the Hungarian collapse apply to the reasons why it (the only faction other than Austria hostile to the Allies) would collapse just as easily in a southern offensive in 1919, and why would see Allied forces pressing up through the South in the 1919 offensive, as well as from the West. The Allies, with the American army being equipped and self-sufficient by 1919, and the British and French armies already at their maximum size, are positively swimming in supplies for their Balkan allies.

Except there would be units to oppose the attack, occupying distances on a flat plain is different than supplying forces through a mountain chain and what rail forces could the Balkan nations martial? Given their occupation and the ongoing collapse of the Austro-Hungarians, I'd doubt the rail system was in the best of shape. Speaking of the lines, by the way, there was only three main rail routes into Germany.

Is that not fairly obvious? The Allies will support their Balkan factiosn and wrap up the Austro-Hungarian Empire throughout the first part of 1919, not that hard when very little hostile resistance exists. Then they'll be able to synchronize their attacks with their Western Front forces as part of their 1919 offensive, which was always French strategy at least.

They they Austro-Hungarians would be firmly disintegrated over the course of 1919 I agree with, but my other objections remain.

You're the one who constantly claims that, when there was nothing at all in my original argument concerning that: I noted that the French or British were free to use their forces as they wished and now the Germans had to counter forces equivalent to 10% of the enemies they faced on the Western Front with the collapse of their Allies. Keeping them supplied is hardly difficult since 1)French and British war production continued to climb and they had largely equipped their armies already so had plenty of spare material left over, and 2)American military production could start to make a significant contribution to the Allied total in 1919, enough so that it has to rely on Franco-British contributions much less.

And 500,000 British troops in Arabia means nothing to Germany at this point. Further, I would like some citations for the ability of the Anglo-French to supply the Balkans.

Try to be consistent at least with your arguing, you can't claim me to be posing strawmen for everything I've said and then say that yourself.

I think the use of quotations quite effectively signals the point I was making and your belaboring of this shows quite clearly why it was necessary.

Furthermore, this says nothing against the reasons why any German attempt to counter the Allied Southern advance is bankrupt before it commences.

You've yet to do this anywhere.
 

No, we're not playing this game, you made a point, I called you on it and now you've switched to talking about something entirely different. Answer the question asked to you instead of trying this dance routine where you shift points to obfuscate everything.

Seriously?

A German general believes the British were at their culminating point because they didn't advance immediately AFTER the Armistice. If they had any sense they were getting seriously pissed.

It took them a week just to begin a resumption of movement by a third of their forces despite facing no opposition to such a movement. A modern day historian, which was the second citation you left out, confirmed the British tempo was quickly slackening and also noted their logistics had become overstretched and the force needed a breather.
 

Ian_W

Banned
If it was clear that US manpower was not going to arrive (for whatever reason) then I believe the solution would be two-fold, and were recognized at the time by the British - and both were things the French were already doing albeit slightly differently. But it was lessons shared between allies that led to these discussions.

The first being the use of colonial manpower - be it Indian or African. In the case of the latter, even by OTL's 1916 the War Office was pressuring for the greater use of African manpower in 'non-combat roles' but the Colonial Office demurred. By the end of 1916 and into 1917 there were different calls to raise a large field force from African manpower (mostly West African) to free up British forces in other theaters than France.

Even in OTL, GHQ wrote in 1918 "[akin to French practices] provide contingents of black troops for incorporation in the British divisions" - however the Colonial Office squashed the idea outright. However after the War Cabinet rejected the idea, the War Office continued to press for the idea and was supported by the Army Council. If the wider situation was dire enough I believe the Colonial Office would bow to pressure over greater use of African sourced manpower, even in France. Which could free up manpower for the Western Front in preparation for the proposed 1919 offensives.

Most of that is sourced from the article: The Idea of a British Imperial African Army, David Killingray, The Journal of African History, Vol 20, No. 3 (1979).

It was the next War, when the British were facing another manpower crisis, that they outright raised African divisions and 81(WA), 82 (WA) and 11(EA) did as well as anyone else.

https://www.britishmilitaryhistory.co.uk/docs-burma-1930-1947-african-formations-1944-1947/

But yeah, with fighting in 1919, the War Office win the fight over the Colonial Office.
 

Ian_W

Banned
No, we're not playing this game, you made a point, I called you on it and now you've switched to talking about something entirely different. Answer the question asked to you instead of trying this dance routine where you shift points to obfuscate everything.

I see the actual problem. You think Luddendorf's correct assessment of September 1918 - that the German army was incapable of military action, and therefore ending the war is the only rational choice - was him being insane, when it was actually the height of his lucidity.

What if Luddendorf of September 1918 wasnt the crazy one ?
 
both Britain and France

Again, and what specifically about them? Just saying I'm wrong with no further elaboration is pointless.

you mean the longer it went on for yes? So into the period we're discussing in terms of a renewed offensive in 1919.

Don't be deliberately obtuse. The Blockade became more difficult because of the Armistice conditions, not by it's own nature.

and how long at they going to be available to the Germans is we're pushing into Germany in 1919?

Permanently.

right but that before the period we're talking so unless you can show that increase would have continued into 1919 it's moot.

What? The food situation was improving over the course of 1918 and just saying it would randomly get worse, for no reason, is baseless.

Also have you got a cite of an actual calorie increase and improving situation not that boats went out (I'm sure they did), because an improving situation in 1918 goes against what I've read, quick example.

Here:
By summer 1917, rations amounted to some 1,000 calories daily, about 40% of pre-war intake, but fluctuations in the harvest saw the calorific value of rations increase to 1,400 by summer 1918.

I'll also include Avner Offer's The First World War, an Agrarian Interpretation:

"In the worst year (1918) despite the influenza, the crude death rate merely reverted to the levels prevailing in the years 1901-1905. The war at its worst caused the loss of not much more than a decade of public health progress."

Also given the HSF fleet was suffering mutinies by late 1918, I'm not sure we not going to see the RN in the Baltic by 1919 (however this is conjecture)

The HSF revolted because they were ordered on a suicide engagement in the North Sea in the beginning of November, when the war was quite clearly to everyone about to end. Had they not been ordered to get ready to sortie, there would not have been a revolt nor would there have likely been one without the commencement of public peace overtures in October which sapped the morale of the Central Powers. Even ignoring that, the U-Boat and torpedo arms remained largely loyal and would, in tandem with minefields, be sufficient to deter the Royal Navy attempting such.

And the Flu, calorie stressed populations famously being resistant to epidemics?

We saw they could survive them under much worse conditions IOTL 1919.

But really, you think an WW1 army being able to cross a 60ft canal and flooded land in front it while the opposing side defended the far side in less than day over a 24 mile section is evidence of effective defence? How can you come to that conclusion. A very strong defensive position was overrun in less than a day! Does that sound like effective defense? What happens when there's no canal or wetlands or other defensive advantage. Compare it to the rate of previous advances through defended obstacles during the last 4 years.

Your logic is literally that of "well they took the objective", and ignores all details, reasoning and thinking. As I said, if this logic was applied the Axis of 1941 should've won the war since they were doing that sans Moscow. Every literature resource i have reviewed notes the Germans put up a stiff defense.

No it's not, and I didn't choose to go to the specifics of that one, I didn't even chose the illustrative example it was your metaphor*. It just happens to a be a bad metaphor for your point for the two reasons I gave. But OK what are the specifics of this canal you'd like to introduce and go into to support your claim that this was an example of effective defence?

It's a bad example to you because it invalidates your thinking as noted above. As you noted, the detail of Kiev was the battle lasted for six weeks, but for the canal battles it was the fact they inflicted heavy loses and performed effective rearguard actions.

No I refuted that the level of resisting we're discussing constitutes effective resistance.

You've claimed such, emphasis on claimed.

If your books described the canal example as stiff resistance, I hope they had nice photo's

It was John Keegan's The First World War. Are you asking for a direct citation or attempting to insult my intelligence because that's the only tool you have left to use?
 
Stiff resistance? As part of the Battle of the Sambre, The NZ Division captured Le Quesnoy along with over 2000 Germans plus killed / wounded over 300 Germans in an attack that lasted about 12 hours. Throughout the entire Battle, the Day 1 objectives were met by the first or second day of the attack. This is not an indication of stiff German resistance nor of a decent delaying action by getting so many troops and material destroyed / captured.

The fact the Entente achieved their objectives and inflicted heavy casualties is irrelevant to the matter that the Germans did likewise. Matter of fact, so far the only real point I've seen so far is personal incredulity this matter, no citations while I have done so.

I see the actual problem. You think Luddendorf's correct assessment of September 1918 - that the German army was incapable of military action, and therefore ending the war is the only rational choice - was him being insane, when it was actually the height of his lucidity.

What if Luddendorf of September 1918 wasnt the crazy one ?

Answer the question.

Seriously?

A German general believes the British were at their culminating point because they didn't advance immediately AFTER the Armistice. If they had any sense they were getting seriously pissed.

A German General after the war, reviewing why Germany lost for their official history and Governmental review, found that it took the British a week after the armistice to move just a third of their forces despite facing no opposition. A modern day historian, reviewing the campaign and which you left out of your response, confirmed this by noting the British tempo had collapsed and their logistics were strained.
 
This is amazing.
Just waving away the mass surrenders and halfhearted attempts at resistance at Le Quesnoy.
Not being able to understand why the Armistice might have impacted the British advance
It is getting worrying close to the stab in the back myth though. :(
 

Ian_W

Banned
As lovely as it is to know you consider mental illness a laughing matter, that was not the question and you know it:

You need to find some History Learner or other and criticize him. He's the one citing Luddendorf's 'mental breakdown' as important. Me, I say he was absolutely sane in September 1918.

https://www.alternatehistory.com/fo...ast-as-long-as-possible.455941/#post-17894059

The German Army can re-conscript as many wounded soldiers as they like, and bring in as many sixteen- and seventeen-year olds as trigger pullers they like. It won't help.

It's worthless and useless delusional thinking to put *not enough riflemen* at the core of the German Army of late 1918's problems.

It's that the Allied armies have figured out a new way of war, and the German Army cannot cope with it.
 

Ian_W

Banned
This is amazing.
Just waving away the mass surrenders and halfhearted attempts at resistance at Le Quesnoy.
Not being able to understand why the Armistice might have impacted the British advance
It is getting worrying close to the stab in the back myth though. :(

Close to it ?

It's absolutely what it is.
 
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