New Deal Coalition Retained III: A New World

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A World Consumed by War: the Great Southern War Early-Mid 1998

"God Bless the Wright Borthers!"-Anonymous Nigerian General​

West Africa: Stalemate, Nigeria

The poorer members of the Concordat, Mauritania, Niger, etc. were ordered by their French superiors to focus on eliminating Nigeria as a threat while France focused on Libya, and the Syria/Lebanon front in the Middle East. A young French commander named Laurent Isnard would lead this vast, but poorly trained and ill equipped, force to attack Nigeria. The zealous regime in Niger had been especially eager to volunteer troops in the invasion. The president, Mahamadou Issoufou harangued to the public of creating an Islamic Hausa-Fulani state, unifying the ethnic groups split by artificial borders, such that some barracks had hardly enough guns for those volunteering for service. The French knew their allies wanted international respect, and a victory over a relatively wealthier, well-known African power like Nigeria was one way to do it.

Facing the uncoordinated but massive, infantry-based force of the Concordat Pact was the relatively experienced and effective Nigerian Armed Forces. (Though the democratic administrations of post-communist Nigeria had been wracked with cronyism, with many military officials being incompetent for the job, and underfunding limiting access to the latest equipment. However, the Armed Forces succeeded despite that.) It was backed by the best air force in Africa. Given their huge domestic fuel supply, and the versatility of air power to suppress rural rebellions from the spread-out urban centers, it was natural that Nigeria would become enamoured with such air power, something which had immediate benefits. Pre-war, the air force had taken priority as a result, with huge investments in fighters, fighter-bombers, and helicopters that they hoped give them advantage in the air. This opportunity would end up being squandered after bombing campaigns rendered many bases inoperable. However, it was hoped that this time, air power would make any incursions into Nigeria impossible, and mass coordinated movements impossible.

Starting in December, the Concordat made various “incursions” into Nigeria over the next 6 months, all of them ending in similar failures: successful attacks in the countryside, stopped by overwhelming air power, until one could list each attack by name, but it’d be a pointless task. Niger’s force of young, inexperienced soldiers had been surprised to find themselves unwelcome among those they had “liberated”, experiencing some level of culture shock of the differences in experiences between their ethnic brethren in an Anglophone, ex-Warsaw Pact state. In what little areas they did advance in though, the Nigeriens in Nigeria had bitten off more than they could chew.


The quality of the Concordat troops was best illustrated by the occasional presence of child soldiers, although France fiercly denies this.

In all, the West African Front was a bloody stalemate. The Concordat could make advances on paper, but it failed to ever take any targets of substance without their positions being targeted by the Nigerian Air Force’s attacks. Nigeria’s infantry rarely won victories in battle unaided, and had been on nearly equal levels to the lesser equipped troops of West Africa. This was thanks to budget cuts before the war had unexpectedly erupted. By the end of sixth months, the West African armies were reduced to a defensive capacity as all of their heavy equipment, aircraft, and infrastructure had been destroyed by the Nigerian Air Force. On the reverse, the Nigerian cadre of trained officers had been destroyed, and those were not replaceable. The one advance out of Nigerian territory in May, based around an old school “over-the-top” infantry attack with bomber support, ended in disaster. The Infantry was unable to hold the first captured Concordat trench line, even though the air force had bombed the ground hard enough to make it akin to the lunar surface.


The Famed Nigerian Air Force

Preparations and the Second Phony War

After the initial phases of the war, France had to build up its forces in Libya, Syria, South America, and in Sub-Saharan Africa. No major offensives would take place on either of these sides as the weather in most areas made mass advances difficult. Southern Rhodesia and South Africa did see a 10 miles retreat in frontlines since March, but recovered steadily. No major advances or retreats occurred during this time. In South America, the threat of the mysterious Neo-Inca militias forced the Chileans to fortify defences and leave the Argentinians alive, but starving. The country was left in its state, teetering on the edge. However, French troops were starting to prepare for an advance in the winter months in June-July, etc. Moreover, any direct threat to Chile from the Neo-Incas was prevented by French back-up, preventing a repeat of the attack on Iquique. The hot steamy jungle of Brazil prevented any major campaigns until June, but Estado Novo troops steadily wore down the communists in the jungle, although casualties mounted on both sides. What seemed to characterize the war so far was that its resemblance to the first world war, not only in its pointlessness or its lack of a defined good and evil, but also in the lack of heavy equipment needed for dashing offensives and grand strategies. On the naval front, the Entebbe Pact hoarded the few ships it had, and the French engineering corps had to build up ports in West Africa before the full weight of the mighty French fleet could make an impact in the South Atlantic. In addition, the French had to quickly finish building a large minesweeper fleet, to ensure that no other “Madagascars” developed. Madagascar itself had also been contemplating a similar build-up when it finally would be able return to the conflict. However, things would heat up soon enough.

India enters the Fray!

The fact that India had grown to a certain level of wealth made the economic depression of 1997-1998 acutely painful; as one newspaper had put it: “the poor remain poor when the economy tumbles, it is those who have something to lose who truly suffer”. This depression was driven by a trade crunch, increased inflation, and a very poor series of crop yields. The war also made investors nervous, as they moved their funds towards more sure bets in the developed world, the Pacific Ocean, and the ex-USSR (where most instability seemed to have died down). The depression had led to relatively high unemployment amongst the educated, who weren’t willing or equipped to go down to lower skilled labor. Instead, they roamed the cities, entering gangs, which thanks to their relatively educated membership were even harder to control, until the government decided to start drafting gang members into the army, a tactic which had surprising success. With stable employment, many took the offer to join voluntarily as well.

The government needed a way to rally the people behind them, and the obvious option, the one that built on top of the earlier conscription program, was right in their face: War with Pakistan. A patriotic war would rally the people behind something to believe in, bring in investment and infrastructure to support the war machine from allied nations, build national prestige, and employ those who needed work.

India knew that to achieve success versus Pakistan it would need help. Alone, it lacked the resources to achieve the swift and decisive victory it wanted. Fuel, rare-earth metals, etc. were needed from its allies. In addition to recruiting China, it would need the help of the Entebbe Pact. In secret negotiations, it pledged its support to the Entebbe Pact in return for prioritized access to certain fuel, rice, and much needed rare earth metals from the various Entebbe Pact nations (especially the Congo); all supplies needed to successfully wage a war against Pakistan too, of course. India promised that even before Pakistan was defeated, it would loan its heavier equipment (i.e. its strategic bombers and navy) to the “Greater anti-imperialist” cause.


One of the many Army marches shown on TV to raise moral.

China, with its army led regime being called “The Prussia of the East”, looked towards the Great Southern War with interest. China knew it was still too weak to increase its power to the East, (with its recent defeat at the hands of the Japanese still ringing clear), and had satisfied objectives to the North, (where the country had made direct annexations in the former USSR and had increased its soft power in the region). Its southern flank, however, was ripe for the pickings. Only a few countries resisted Chinese influence. Most of the others that mattered, like Malaysia, the Philippines, and Vietnam, were too closely aligned with the US or UK to be worth an attack. However, Thailand had made the fateful mistake of standing up to the Chinese in regional negotiations too many times. It had frustrated Chinese claims to the various islands in the South China Sea and encouraged successful boycotts of Chinese goods and companies (thus forcing the Chinese to renege from their “vicious” trade policies.) Out of the Southeast Asian countries, Thailand had the most independent streak, and did not follow the Chinese hegemony. Post-WWIII the Thai had moved close to the French in the face of American diplomatic uncertainty. Moreover, they had continued to try to fight off encroaching Chinese influence, even refusing to host a Chinese embassy after the military coup and the establishment of a “democratic” regime. (The British also had done the same for a short while, using it as an excuse to hold on to the New Territories of Hong Kong, but China had not the power projection to deal with this.) Moreover, the Chinese had grown increasingly close to the Laotians and Burmese, who looked to take down Thailand in the South-East Asian Totem Pole. China also needed the various raw materials in Thailand to help support its growing economy if it were to catch up economically with the other economic heavyweights of Asia. If China could gain another foothold in Southeast Asia through Thailand at the cost of what is saw as an easy invasion and some expeditionary forces, it seemed a bargain. Even then, China said it would wait to see how effective India and the Entebbe pact were in battle.

The decision was made. China would invade Thailand, and then proceed to assist the rest of the Entebbe Pact, assuming they had not already won the other fronts in the Middle East and Africa. Because of Eurocentric thinking, this conflict, which had mainly taken place in the Global South, was called the Great Southern War, less than just a World War. While neutral countries like America and Britain tried their best to ignore the conflict, more young men would die in the field of battle, more lives would be ruined, more houses destroyed, and more kids going to bed hungry every night… All that was to be expected, for this was the Great Southern War, a war which could have easily been prevented if not for one decision.

Indian Involvement outside of Pakistan

Meanwhile, the Indians would try to use their air force to reinforce the advance southwards and its navy went to help the blockade of Madagascar. The eventual goal would be a sphere of economic influence in all countries bordering the Indian ocean followed by a complete re-organization in Africa, at which the Concordat would be willing to sue for terms. Top on the long-term Indian agenda would be Réunion and the Seychelles, island chains which held strategic importance for their purposes, and had sizable Indian minorities.

Their assistance in the African campaign began with a series of long-range airstrikes on Djibouti, Rhodesian frontlines, and Madagascar. Indian bombers would be refueled mid flight on route.

Djibouti had been holding out stubbornly. A thick layer of minefields, tank obstacles, and bunkers on land, and a combination of minefields and designated neutral sea lanes (in order not to nger neutral powers using the Red Sea for trade) made an amphibious assault impossible. However, its resistance had been sustained in part by a lack of heavy equipment available for the task. However, the Tu-22M3 backfires would make quick work of these defences.


“Operation Yama” would be the week-long strategic bombing of “every inch of Djibouti”, copied after the Post-McNamara bombing campaign in Vietnam “Operation Repricopity.” Its goal was to destroy the ability of Djibouti “to function as a country or military force”. It had the tragic side effect of indiscriminate targeting the civilians in an isolated territory in Africa. In addition to traditional bombs, chemical weapons-poison gas, defoliants, and water poisoning “pills” (small canisters of various toxic substances that would make water undrinkable) were dropped on the small French territory. India bombed indiscriminately and children, soldiers, and political leaders alike suffered. Djibouti collapsed under the weight of such a powerful bombardment, followed up by a Somali advance into the territory. The mainly ethnic Somali territory was annexed into the country, leading to a nearly complete vision of a finally united Greater Somalia. However, upon seizing the Capital, which was the last area to hold out, the leading Somalian general Aden Gabyow said, “I don’t know what we have won, there’s nothing here any more, the sky has turned into a haze, the water is undrinkable, and the land smells of bloated dead animals as they die of thirst.” The Entebbe Pact had won this battle, but humanity had lost.

Madagascar also suffered direct attacks for the first time of the war, but the doggedness of the Mad Madam rallied her people in the face of bombing. Rhodesia, however, seemed near breaking point, as the bombing destroyed critical infrastructure. India did not have the fuel to keep this bombing campaign up, though. Moreover, it knew that this would only have a limited effect. For the moment, India would have to focus on its eternal enemy-Pakistan.

The Concordat Strikes Back

In South America, Bolivia joined the Concordat, upon promises of receiving Argentinian land, which would have at first signal the end of Argentina. However, in reality, its main focus would be on preventing the spread of the Neo-Incas. While this wouldn't draw Argentina out of the war just yet, it would prevent any further advances, leaving the remaining Argentines to suffer in their pocket of resistance.

More importantly, Tanzania, still bitter over its loss of the Uganda-Tanzania war, and given incentives to put its hat in the ring. immediately attacking supply lines with infantry raids, cutting off the lead Entebbe Pact force now looking to enter Southern Rhodesia. Tanzania would also attack north into Uganda from Bukoba, advancing against -rear-guard troops as far as Masaka, until their lack of air power and tanks prevented any further advances. Lake victoria also became the scene of numerous running motorboat battles as the Ugandan and Tanzanian fleets engaged in hit-and-run operations throughout the following weeks.


A Tanzanian motorboat

It sent a shockwave through the Entebbe Pact, and gave new life to the Concordat. Total victory in Southern Africa now looked scrambled. Even if the Tanzanians lacked the logistical capabilities to really strike at the Entebbe pact as they would like, they heavily disrupted supply lines. While Supply lines are critical in any war, they were especially critical in the various African fronts which featured harsh terrain, poor transportation infrastructure and vehicles, and commanders whose ideas and leadership often were far above what their conscript armies were capable of.

Sure, having India on the Entebbe Pact’s side was good news, but since both countries were busy in their own campaigns, it would be a while before they were fully committed to the African Front. Meanwhile, France was fully committed to defending its economic experiment that had lead to the breakup of the EEC.


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So, the war is already grinding into a bloody mess where no one can truly be called a victor. I get the feeling it's only going to get worse before it gets better.
The India/Pakistan border will be hell on earth.

I kinda like having the big global war with no obvious good v. evil (from an objective perspective at least). It goes for originality
The India/Pakistan border will be hell on earth.

I kinda like having the big global war with no obvious good v. evil (from an objective perspective at least). It goes for originality

That two nations feel the need to harangue one another over a bunch of poor, mountainous lands, shows the power of human pride to lead man to make stupid choices.
The Rise of the Second Republic
(Of Indonesia)
After the death of Soekarno in 1971, the powers of the presidency fell into the hands of the Communists under Dipa Nusantara Aidit. Immediately, The Communists starts to purge the army and the government of former Soekarno loyalists and anti-communists such as General Ahmad Yani, who was mysteriously stabbed and killed in the streets of Jakarta and others like former Interior Minister and political leader Sanusi Hardjaninata, who was mugged and killed in his home (all of which later on would be accused as murders by the Communists). Others such as former Minister of Defence A. H. Nasution was wounded by them but later the same year he would take a "vacation" with his family to Japan and UN Ambassador and former Foreign Minister Roeslan Abdoelgani took refuge in the American embassy in New York after he was threatened by one Lieutenant Colonel Untung, former head of the Presidential Bodyguard and now defence Minister and others like the nationally popular and war hero Sultan and governor of Yogyakarta Sri Sultan Hamengkubuwono IX fled the country with his family alongside a lot of Javan nobles as to escape the upcoming Communist purges.



Indonesian Nationalists Leaders in Exile
Former Defence Minister A. H. Nasution (upper)
Governor of Yogyakarta Sri Sultan Hamengkubuwono IX (lower)

Meanwhile the Communist military of Indonesia was led by Omar Dhani, a Communist loyalist and former Air Minister who replaced the recently assassinated Ahmad Yani. The military itself was organized as the Land, Air, Sea, Police and a new part the Fifth Force which comprised of Militias of Farmers and Laborers. It's a states militia which later joined with the national army and is led by army commander Soepardjo. While Dhani and most of the Communist military despise the fifth forces, the civilian government under President and Secretary General Aidit, Chairman of the Central Communist Committee and VP M. H. Lukman and foreign Minister Sjam Kamaruzaman supported it, later on the schism because of the debate would tore the PKI into two camps, the Militarists and the Loyalists.




PKI leaders
Dipa Nusantara Aidit, President & Secretary General of the Communist Party (upper)
Sjam Kamaruzaman, Foreign Minister (center)
Lieutenant Colonel Untung bin Syamsuri, Defence Minister (lower)

Its government was made as if its a real democracy with a President, Vice President and its own parliament but with the upper house of parliament being replaced with the Central Committee which comprised of 150 members with the lower house still the same with the DPD (Regional Council of Representatives) with its 300 seats. Only the lower house would be democratically elected by the people with the only party being the PKI (Communist Party of Indonesia) being legal. Aidit knew that Indonesian identity was based on Pancasila and replacing it would be a death sentence even for him and so he adopted a dual ideology that the nation must follow, Pancasila and Indonesian Communism. Different then most nations, Indonesian Communism or Pancasila Communism or PanCom was a belief that a nation must be based upon freedom of its workers and its people to choose and work as they please like communism but based upon the five pillars of Pancasila:

1. Freedom of Religion
2. Humanity
3. Unity through Freedom
4. Democracy
5. Social Justice

This plan would calm both Nationalists and the Ulama of Indonesia but not to some who considered Communism as a God Hating ideology. Most of the haters would be in Aceh or in the Moluccas who were diehard Muslims and wanted independence respectively.


On December 1st of 1971, Aidit with his government established the Democratic People's Republic of Indonesia or more commonly named as the Second Indonesian Republic by the people. Most Nationalists left in Indonesia were outraged by Aidit's actions and condemned him but he was not moved by it. Another move orchestrated by the Communists happened on New Year's Eve of 1972 or nicknamed "Bloody New Year" where the Communists purged remaining members of the Nationalists, Traditionalists and hostile Ulamas out of the picture with the assassinations of Generals D. I. Panjaitan, Soeprapto, S. Parman and Sutoyo; remaining PNI (Nationalists) and Masyumi (Ulama Party) heads such as Ali Sostroamidjojo and Soekiman Wirjosandjojo respectively. Later evidence suggested that the assassination we're carried out not by direct orders by Aidit but cooperation between Defence Minister Untung, The Militias leader Soepardjo and Foreign Minister Sjam to both discredit Aidit in the eyes of the international community and to take care of remaining opposition. Aidit himself was reported to be shocked of the news but nonetheless continued to play along and gave a speech to the nation saying that the murdered men where planning a coup against the independence and freedom of the People's Republic and that they were executed to safeguard the nation. What Aidit didn't knew was that there were murdered Communists who were mostly his allies but he didn't knew until later on such as the Vice General Secretary and Interior Minister Sudisman who was accused by Untung that he was planning to coup Aidit.

After bloody new year, Aidit, Sjam and Untung would seize massive lands and riches of the nobility in all of the islands. Most people cheered that the Communists were seizing lands for the people and riches for the people but what they had not seen was the traditions were being abandoned such as the Yogyakarta Keraton was made a warehouse and many traditional places were being desecrated for their riches. Most of the nobility joined Nasution in Japan or even some hid in the jungle alongside the newly founded Indonesian Liberty Forces (PMI) under M. Sarbuni.


Former General Soeharto in Sydney during a meeting

Meanwhile in Sydney, former army General Soeharto had established himself as President of the Indonesian Government in Exile immediately after Soekarno's death and was only initially supported by Australia until American President George Wallace on a visit to Australia came and saw the Indonesian general and was so impressed by him that he named him as the legitimate government of Indonesia later on December of 1971. Soeharto then created a functioning government and even a party called the Party of Functional Groups or Golkar. Some exiles joined him in Indonesia such as Adam Malik, Suhardiman, M. T. Haryono and many more. Much of his group were military but there were a few career politicians. Meanwhile in Japan, Nasution made himself President of Indonesia with the support of the Traditionalists, Nationalists and the Ulama of the Soekarno era such as Hamengkubuwono, Roeslan Abdoelgani, former PM Mohammad Natsir, Ulamas Abdul Wahab Hasbullah and Ahmad Badawi and even a nod of support from Hatta, former VP and fellow proclamator with Soekarno (Hatta stayed in Indonesia, knowing the Communists won't hurt him because of his status).

In America, President Wallace who supported Soeharto planned an invasion to Indonesia to establish a friendly non-communist nation. The plan named "Operation Freedom Garuda" was led by Americna General William Westmoreland and Indonesian General and President Soeharto. The plan was to invade from Darwin into southern and Yogyakarta where there were more Traditionalists and was the center of the Islam in Java and so were more anti-communists. The invasion would be comprised of both Americans and Indonesians but more Indonesians would be there and bombardments by the American Air Force. The plan was set on August of 1972 where there would be celebrations for Indonesian Independence, which was still celebrated by the Communists.


The Indonesian Government in Japan or as they proclaimed themselves the National Unity Republic of Indonesia had established a full government with Nasution as President and the Sri Sultan as VP and even a small parliament. Yukio Mishima would support Nasution and his government rather than the Soeharto led because of Nasution's fervent anti communism and because of the Traditionalists and Nationalists that were accepted by Mishima as the true leaders of a nation which Nasution was supported by. He even gave them weapons, planes and even soldiers. Nasution was also supported by the Pasukan Merdeka Indonesia (or Indonesian Liberty Forces) by Sarbuni whose forces were most concetrated in Sumatra and Western Borneo.


Another problem for the Communists emerged in January of 1972 when leaders of the former Republic of the Southern Moluccas, President Johan Manusama smuggled himself to Ambon and declared the independence of Republic of the Southern Moluccas once again but now with a dutch trained militia and a full hearted support by the people. They easily captured Ambon Island and most of the Moluccas by the time Untung had time to reinforce his troops and most Moluccan troops had supported Soumokil and his republic even the Sultans of Ternate and Tidore had supported his Republicans but in return north Moluccas would be a special province and Ternate and Tidore would be divided between them to make two provinces which Soumokil full heartedly accepted. He was supported by the Dutch as to find an ally in their former colony and the Philippines as to help their fellow christian and anti Communists. By early February, The Republic had established a full government with both Christians and Muslims in charge, three provinces, a bicameral parliament with the lower parliament named the Regional Council of Representatives (DPD) named after the Indonesian council and the upper one called the People's Council (DR) both combined consists of 200 members. The country changed its name into the United Republic of the Moluccas.

Defence Minister Untung sent Soepardjo and his forces of Kalimantan and Militia forces into Ambon Island to retake the state capital. The First battle of the Indonesian Civil war is about to start.

Soepardjo met against forces under Frans Tutuhatunewa, the commander of the United Armies of the Moluccas. The battle of Ambon was fierce and early on Separdjo seemed to gain the upper hand and even forcing Frans into the city center but in the city itself is where he would win, with urban urban fighting, the farmer and labor militia who were unusual to city environment we're easily defeated and the professional forces itself was pushed back and even kicked out of Ambon Island. Soepardjo changed tactics and moved north to Ternate where he easily took the island, forcing the sultan and his forces to Tidore but Soepardjo was stuck there because of the guerilla forces who stayed to delay and cut off Soepardjo's forces which it did.

Meanwhile the failure of the battle of Ambon and slow march in Ternate enraged Omar Dhani even until he sent a letter rebuking Untung's ineffective command of the war and Untung would be out by the end of the month, replaced by Dhani loyalist Abdul Latief. Many in the government distrusted Latief because many think that he is a Soeharto Loyalist but this was rebuke by Dhani. Latief ordered another invasion into Ambon but stated to not attack Ambon City as to take the countryside first and to strengthen their hold first rather than Untung's tactics of lightning and fast attacks. Latief's plan would work initially until the Moluccan army concentrated south to drive them out and so Latief ordered a defense until further reinforcements would arrive but it would not because of another invasion but now from the west.

A. H. Nasution would invade through his home province's capital of Medan in 4th of July of 1972 with the initial invasion helped by the PMI and a few United forces and the city easily fell making the city a temporary capital of the Republic. In Borneo, two United generals, Ibnu Sutowo and Achmad Sukendro would attack the city of Pontianak with mostly PMI forces but the city easily fell. So the PMI-United front was in Sumatra and Western Borneo. In Bukittinggi, United-PMI squad would attack and capture the town with former VP and proclamator Mohammad Hatta liberated by them (he was in house arrest) and be brought to Medan to face the newly minted President.

On July 5th Hatta met with Nasution but he was surprised at his offer which was the Presidency. Hatta was reluctant to take the offer saying that he was too old and deemed himself retired from politics but Nasution said that it was temporary until fresh elections and victory in the civil war and that Indonesia would only unite behind one of its founding fathers and argued he was revered all over and he would carry the legitimacy needed for victory and some pushing from Hatta's daughter Meutia convinced him to take the offer and so he was proclaimed as the legitimate President of Indonesia on July 10th after moving his family and organizing the new state. His VP would still be the Sri Sultan with Nasution being renamed as Defence Minister and Head of ABRI (National Army).


President and former Vice President Mohammad Hatta
Aidit was slow to condemn the founding fathers because of the aura of respect and love Hatta had on the people of Indonesia but he still gave his condemnation of Hatta saying that he had betrayed his nation to side with rebels of the state. Hatta said after his accession that any members of the army and government who turned over to the United froces would be pardoned until the end of the year and many Sumatran troops and some Kalimantan and Javan troops went to the United borders to defect and this angered the former Defence Minister Untung who started to plot as soon as he was sacked. He with Sjam and Soepardjo would conspire with forces in the capital to overthrow Aidit and his government and planned on 30th September as the date of the coup. Meanwhile Borneo fell easily into the hands of the United-PMI forces and by August only Eastern Borneo and Banjarmasin was still under the Communists control. In Sumatra, the north and the Western coast had fell with the help of Sarbuni's forces but there was still a bastion of resistance in the north but not under Communist control which was Aceh under the self proclaimed Islamic Republic of Indonesia under Daud Beureueh. The republic was established after the new Pancasila proclamation on December 1st of 1971 and led by former Darul Islam rebel members.
Operation Freedom Garuda was kicked back until November because of the unprepared forces of both American and Indonesian armies which disappointed Soeharto but it gave him time to prepare more for the coming invasion and planned with his minted government nicknamed the Militarists or the Patriots by the Americans and Nasution's United faction.

On August, Hatta sent two diplomats, Roeslan Abdoelgani, his foreign minister to Ambon and Ali Hasyimi, his appointed governor of Aceh to meet with Beureueh each for their own purposes. In Ambon Abdoelgani gave an offer to President Manusama that Indonesia would (reluctantly) give its independence to the Moluccas but in return their military would only comprised of the land and air forces with its naval needs would be under Indonesia, a plebiscite to determine the northern Moluccas intention to either join URM or RI and help to repulse their common enemy, the Communists which Manusama would agree to. While in Aceh, Hasyimi met with Beureueh to discuss negotiations that Aceh would join Indonesia which Beureueh agreed to immediately but in return Beureueh would stay as Governor of Aceh and the province shall receive treatment as a special province which it received before the Communists took over and Hasyimi accepted the proposal.

A sudden proposal came on August 10th which was sent to President Hatta which was sent by President Aidit that's stated it offered an armistice from August 15th for a week to celebrate the countries independence and the proposal was also given to the Moluccas and after Hatta debated with Nasution about the armistice, Nasution relented and so Hatta agreed to the proposal. Moluccas itself was half hearted by the proposal because they were almost succeeded to kick Soepardjo's forces out and because they were trying to be independent from Indonesia and so shared not its independence but President Manusama was convinced by his Marshal Frans Tutuhatunewa that they all were independent in August 17th but not from Indonesia but from the Dutch and Japanese and they share the bonds of freedom which convinced the reluctant Moluccan president to agree to the armistice.

On August 17th Jakarta, Medan and Ambon lit up in singing, fireworks and chants of freedom and liberty. Each President gave their own speeches, President Manusama cheered for independence and shared freedom with Hatta and his United forces while Hatta cheered for a return to normalcy and to fight for freedom and Aidit shouted for the defeat of the enemy and for a victory for the Proletariat.

When former defense Minister Untung heard about the armistice he sped up the planned coup on 18th August. When the day came, Aidit was in the Presidential Palace in Merdeka Road when Untung and Sjam came into the palace with the support of his old Presidential Bodyguard squad and the Militarists behind him even Omar Dhani (he only joined because of sense of duty to the nation and only requested that Latief stay as Minister of Defense which Untung reluctantly agreed to). Aidit wasn't aware of the Betrayal until Untung came into the room and arrested Aidit under the accusation that "ineffectiveness and unpatriotic run of the nation" and was summarily brought to a prison in Bogor and executed a week later. So President Untung has arisen from the ashes. The remaining Aidit loyalists were either executed or moved to Sumbawa for exile (and possible capture and execution by the enemy).

When the August Coup happened, every side took advantage. The United-PMI forces under Nasution attacked and took Palembang easily from the messed Communist and driving them to the coast while Ibnu Sutowo's forces took Banjarmasin, completing their control of Borneo. While the Moluccans kicked out Soepardjo's forces out of Ternate, successfully securing their independence.

On September 1st Soeharto landed with his Anglo-Indonesian forces south of Yogyakarta but he failed to take Yogyakarta against the Communists under General Soepardjo but he successfully took Magelang. Major Yoga Sugama would attack Surabaya on 10th September on the 2nd Battle of Surabaya which like the British before he was defeated and forced into Kediri and Malang to fortify himself and he successfully did. On October, after fortifying his position, Soeharto sent Yoga to invade Bali and Lombok and so on October 20th he invaded through the Western coast of Bali and faced minimal resistance with only a few battalions and fifth forces. By Christmas, Major Yoga would converge upon Denpasar and the only major battle in Bali occured but the Communists were easily overwhelmed thanks to their minimal and less equipped forces. On 2nd January Major Yoga was replaced by Major Sujono Humardani who the next week would invade Lombok with his forces blitzkrieging their way into an easy victory, the major would continue his invasion through the Nusa Islands until the end of the war.

Nasution would order an invasion to Java in October of 1972 but it was blocked by the Communist navy patrolling the straits and so the United-PMI navy, which most were either Japanese, captured ships in Bangka or fishing ships turned into warboats. The battle of Anak Krakatoa would prove a costly battle for the United navy but in the end poor tactics by the superior Communist navy proved their downfall and so retreated into Tanjung Priok. On early December, the invasion of Java by the United-PMI forces proved successful and helped by PMI forces in Java eased the landing and fortifying their positions.


Battle of Anak Krakatoa
In Sulawesi, Achmad Sukendro would invade through the narrow strait of Makassar fighting against a weak naval defence by the Communists. Sukendro would take Mamuju, a coastal Western city on October and marched into Poso by January 6th. Marching south, Sukendro would fight against a heavy defence by the Communists led by Jonatan Keli and the first battle of Makassar ended in a huge victory for the Communists. A second battle on January 21st proved more successful for the United-PMI forces and successfully repulsing them out of the outer city pushing them into the city. A third battle on February 3rd with more weapons and huge morale proved a boon for the United forces and they successfully took the inner city even unintentionally killing the commander Jonatan Keli. After a month of recovering and recruiting men for the march north, they marched and successfully capturing the gate to the north, Palu. By the end of March United-PMI forces neared Gorontalo and another heavily defended city was on their way. Unlike Makassar, the battle was fierce but easily beatable resulting Gorontalo being captured by April fools.

On Java, the Communists faced a resurgence in victories because of the victories led directly by Omar Dhani in Anyer and Serang, pushing United-PMI forces westward but not securing the southern coast while the 3rd battle of Yogyakarta ended in a Communist victory while Surabaya was retaken after a victory by Major Yoga in February.

The victories would not last because of Soepardjo's death after a shrapnel hitting him after a bombing raid by American bombers and a weakened Communist army was repulsed from Surabaya in August and led to Soeharto's victory in capturing Semarang.


The Soviets had been sending weapons and military advisors since the 60s and ever since the war started they had been sending more and more while the Americans were supporting Soeharto's forces but it wasn't openly discussed by either one in the international stage until the aftermath of the 3rd battle of Yogyakarta where General Westmoreland under pleads by Soeharto would lead a mainly American force into Yogya where he finally repulsed the Communists and a further bombing raids into West Java where there were alleged facilities created by the Soviets to help the Communists which ultimately proved wrong. At the UN, the Soviets would argue for peace and the full withdrawal of American forces out of Indonesia and said that they were disturbing a democratic nation while Adam Malik, Soeharto's representative to the UN and the Americans argued that there were evidence of abuse, corruption and crimes against humanity committed by the Communists while PKI Minister Sjam would mock Adam Malik for being a traitor to the country. A vote by the UN security council for a withdrawal of both Soviet and American aid was vetoed by both so there would be no help from the UN.

On April 9th 1973, PMI forces under Lieutenant (General) Ali Sadikin would prove to be a daring man because he launched an attack to capture Jakarta. Even though even if he captured Jakarta he would be surrounded by Communists he didn't care and so on fajr when people were either sleeping or praying (religion still being legal and practiced because of Indonesian norms and PKI having PanCom as their ideology). President Untung himself was asleep when the attack happened but when he heard tanks and explosions near he woke up and readied soldiers to defend the capital but Minister Latief who stayed in Jakarta said to Untung that it was foolish to stay and fight a losing battle and so the Presidential Bodyguard stayed in Jakarta while Untung and his cabinet was smuggled out to Bogor, his emergency capital. By the end of the day, Sadikin was nearing the Merdeka Palace and after battling the Presidential Bodyguards and a battalion guarding it, Sadikin did it and named himself Military Governor of Jakarta and declaring to the people from the Palace:

"Rakyat Jakarta! Kita Hari ini telah merdeka! Merdeka Dari para Komunis yang menghancurkan negeri indah kita ini! Merdeka! Sekali merdeka tetap merdeka! Demi Indonesia Demokrasi!
Sadikin quickly recruited men and women to guard the capital and adding his men he trained them as to repel any Communists who dared to approach. He also went to Tanjung Priok and captured the docked Communist Navy, destroying any capability for fighting in the sea. When Hatta and Nasution heard of the capture of Jakarta both cheered in happiness and cheered for a quick victory for them while Soeharto's reaction was easily said:

"God damn! I'll lose not to the Communists but to that bastard Nasution! I have American support while he has none! I should be President not that Bastard!"
Most of Banten after hearing of Sadikin's capture of Jakarta surrendered to Nasution's forces and even Omar Dhani surrendered himself to Nasution in Serang saying that the war is lost. In Central Java the last important battle happened in Ambarawa, the battlefield where all those years ago the great General Soedirman made a name for himself. The Communist comprised of Fifth Forces, the last of their battalions except in Bogor and commonfolk fought against the professional Anglo-Indonesian forces directly under Soeharto. The battle itself was a bloody affair with the Communist giving every inch a battleground but by 1st September the battle was an end.

After hearing of the defeat in Ambarawa, Untung and his Militarists would escape north meeting Soviet warships to let the Communist remnants and their families out of the country. Most of the Militarists faction of the PKI would successfully escape to Albania where the friendly government would give them refuge and even making a large Indonesian community in Tirana, nicknamed "Little Bogor". Untung would claim himself as President until his death in 1992.

Hearing of Untung's escape, the tree factions would cheer in Celebrations and so September 15th would be remembered as Victory Day where the victims of the war would be remembered and celebrations remembering victory.

Soeharto was reluctant to negotiate with the URM and the United-PMI alliance until two events happened, a pushing directly from American President Wallace and Haryono's supposed treason, declaring his aligience to President Mohammad Hatta. Soeharto finally relented and so they met in Jakarta on September 20th and after shouting matches between all sides and even Soeharto pointing a gun into President Manusama's head saying that recognizing the URM freedom meant the destruction of the nation but after threats from General Westmoreland, who was made mediator for the negotiations said that the Americans would back out, Soeharto relented. On October 1st 1973 the Treaty of Jakarta was signed between Presidents Hatta, Manusama and Soeharto. The treaty stated:

1. Indonesia shall recognize the independence of the United Republic of the Moluccas
2. United-PMI leader President Mohammad Hatta would be interim president and Sri Sultan Hamengkubuwono IX would be interim Vice President until elections in 1975
3. A cabinet shall be comprised of all factions
4. American force shall be withdrawn until February of 1974
5. Indonesia shall pardon any former Communists if only they pledge to Pancasila and UUD 1945 and even the POW shall be released (even Omar Dhani who would be home arrested until his death)
6. A trial shall be set for those who has committed high treason, murder and many more for both Communists and Nationalists who have done those crimes
7. All lands seized without any laws set would be returned to their owners and any damages would be repayed (if possible).

Indonesian Government after the Treaty of Jakarta
President: Mohammad Hatta
Vice President: Sri Sultan Hamengkubuwono IX
Foreign Minister: Adam Malik
Defense Minister: Yoga Sugama
Interior Minister: Soeharto
Minister for Religious Affairs: Ahmad Badawi
Economic Affairs Minister: Soedjatmoko
Head of ABRI: A. H. Nasution
Ambassador to the UN: Roeslan Abdoelgani

Immediately there was fights in the cabinet meetings and factions (parties) started to emerge. Golkar under Soeharto, a revived PNI (Indonesian National Party) under Nasution and Hamengkubuwono, another revived party Masyumi under Ahmad Badawi and a new party, mostly comprised of former Socialists, Neo Nationalists, Secularits and Modernists calling themselves PDI (Indonesian Democratic Party) led by Governor Ali Sadikin and Soedjatmoko.

Indonesian Socialists had been helping the PMI since day one and even war hero, founding father and leader of the Socialists Sutan Sjahrir had put his support into Hatta saying the demons which is Communism. Many socialists joined the war and a lot of Sadikin's raid soldiers were Socialists like Mochtar Lubis and Sarbini Surmawinata. Indonesian Socialists hated Communism and most joined the resistance against them. Sjahrir himself died before rejoining Indonesian society but he was moved back to Indonesia so he would be buried in his home country. Most Indonesian was okay with Socialism because they knew that they had helped the people during the war and redeemed themselves after the battle of Jakarta.

Interior Minister Soeharto would create plans for reconstruction and planned infrastructure called 10 year plans and early on it was a plan for reconstruction of destroyed cities and later it was construction and the last phase was infrastructure. Hatta would agree for the plan and easily passed the newly reformed DPR and DPD with all major party support. Nasution was pissed at Soeharto taking the limelight and because both wanted the presidency so bad he thought that he was taking advantage and so Nasution added a revision to the 10 year plan which is the military would be helping in it which Hatta seemed to agree to. Next on was monetary affairs and being himself a capable monetarist and with the help of Soedjatmoko Hatta made a Koperasi plan where it would function as a union but like a business and another plan which is reintroducing the rupiah and circulating it slowly and at a small amount as not to make the impovrished people buy a lot. Another help came when the Americans gave supplies to help with the people starving and it gave hope to the people which by 1975 seemed on the right path.

Of course Hatta would back down and so would the Sri Sultan from competing in the election. The sultan wanted to focus on the reconstruction on the decimated hometown of Yogyakarta and hoped to be governor again which all the Presidential candidate would easily support because of his popularity and they needed his endorsement. The candidates were:

Interior Minister Soeharto
Vice President: Sujono Humardani

General A. H. Nasution
Vice President: former Health Minister Abdul Azis Saleh

former PM Mohammad Natsir
Vice President: Minister for Religious Affairs Ahmad Badawi

PDI (Supported the PNI nominees)

The campaign itself was full of mocking from Nasution to Soeharto with the Natsir being the calm and reasonable one. A leak came by the Harian Indonesian Raya Newspaper who was led by Mochtar Lubis (a known PDI supporter) and said that Soeharto and Humardani was accused of corruption. Soeharto denied it and stayed with his continuation of the 10 year plans and for popular reasons both Masyumi and PNI nominees supported it but what differentiate both candidate were that Nasution and Natsir supported trades and peace with the URM and a freedom but non interventionism led foreign policy and a more Indonesian style economics (Natsir argued for a Syariah banks and more Islamic led economics) while Soeharto knowing his debt to the Americans wanted closeness with America, distancing themselves from the URM and a free trade led economics. The attacks from and against between Soeharto and Nasution made an opening for Natsir to rise in the polls.

Indonesian General Election of 1975

Mohammad Natsir : 51.50%
A. H. Nasution : 36%
Soeharto : 12.50%


600 seats total
301 seats for a majority
PNI: 250 seats
Golkar: 200 seats
Masyumi: 100 seats
PDI: 50 seats

A coalition between PNI and PDI was formed


Mohammad Natsir himself was shocked at his victory but gave a rousing victory speech focusing on reconstruction and reconciliation. He kept Soeharto and Nasution but reshuffled both with the former to the Ministry for Economic Affairs while the latter was reappointed as Minister of Defense. He also replaced Adam Malik as foreign Minister, replacing him with Soebandrio, nicknamed as one of Indonesia's top diplomats. Malik himself was named as ambassador to the UN. Abdoelgani had wanted to retire from politics. In the UN, in 1976, Adam Malik was named as the President of the General Assembly, the first Indonesian ever, giving praise to President Natsir. Natsir's economic policy were the introduction of Syariah Banks because during the war there were many fake banks and people were lied to and a religious rise would make need of a trusted bank which in Natsir's eyes was Syariah Banks, the law barely passed parliament because of fears of Islam domination which Natsir would deny. His other policies were the implementation of the 10 years plan and the huge surplus of foreign investment. The investment came from two main nations, The US and Japan. Both had contributed to the war and they were ready to give to Indonesia jobs and buildings. The Japanese would be given rights to mining and oils for a decade in the Western region while American company Freeport would be given rights to mining in Papua until 2000 and oil in Papua for a decade. Both seemed bad but in the long run it would be advantageous for the Indonesia while a native oil and energy company, Pertamina would be formed as a counter to both Japanese and American companies and under the influence and chairmanship of Minister of Energy Ibnu Sutowo.

In foreign policy Soebandrio would organize a meeting between South East Asian foreign ministers and he offered them to create an economic alliance which most of the countries agreed especially Vietnam who were recovering from their own war and so in August 18th 1979, ASEAN was formed but soon a battle began between Adam Malik, who was named as the ASEAN Secretary General and against Generals Achmad Sukendro and Maraden Panggabean (he was in command during the first two battles of Yogyakarta) that ASEAN should be both an economic and Militaristic alliance while Malik and Soebandrio would argue for an economic alliance. The fight would only end with former General and now Minister for Energy Ibnu Sutowo who argued for the latter and Natsir's reluctance for more militaristic actions after the war secured Malik's proposals.


Meanwhile in the United Republic of the Moluccas, President Manusama had established his control over the nation with his opposition coming from the popular war hero from the north Sultan of Ternate, Mudaffar Syah. Manusama would rebuild Ambon and Ternate and even construction of better accommodations north and south. Manusama, who hadn't a VP since the war started had even appointed another war hero, Karel Satsuit Tubun. He appointed him to undermine the popularity of the Sultan. Manusama would also focus on trade knowing the riches of the Moluccas and so approached both the Phillipines and Indonesia for a trade agreement and even joined ASEAN in 1979 to closen up their relationship and this proved valuable for the fledgling nation.

The Moluccan president was elected every 6 years and Manusama set the date for an election for 1976, 3 years after the end of the war. Their were two main parties and based on both Manusama and Mudaffar, the United Party and the People's Party respectively. The 1976 elections were an easy win for Manusama being credited for his victory and reconstruction of the nation, defeating Mudaffar Syah.

1976 Moluccan General Election
Johan Manusama (United): 67.60%
Mudaffar Syah (People): 32.40%

United Party: 150 Seats
People's Party: 50 Seats

In 1981, a scandal emerged saying that President Manusama was taking foreign investment money and using it for his own uses, being seen by his family's oil and construction company and their fast growths as prove of it. Manusama would initially deny the allegations and later deflect it entirely, confirming what the people had thought. Mudaffar then campaigned harder in 1982 saying corruption had no business in Ambon and said that he and his party would destroy and capture any corrupt officials even Manusama if he was indicted.

1982 Moluccan General Election
Mudaffar Syah: 87%
Johan Manusama: 13%

People's Party: 174 Seats
United Party: 26 Seats


Mudaffar knew that most of the reconstruction of the nation plan was too focused on the south and so gave the parliament a plan which was the "All Moluccas Plan" which would equally divide based on proportions of need to construction and with his parties supermajority in parliament it easily passed. Mudaffar's plan would see success in northern towns like Sofifi, where before it was a backwards town now it was a hub for northern trade. He would increase trades not only with ASEAN but also to America and close Indonesian ally of Japan. Mudaffar would also create a national company for oil and energy like Indonesia's Pertamina called PeEMal (Perusahaan Energi Maluku or the Energy Company of the Moluccas). Even if Mudaffar's presidency looked like a success people within the administration would say that he would act like a Sultan (which he is). A minor scandal hit in 1990 when Mudaffar was accused of sexual assault which was proven true but later brushed of by the state televisions like TV Maluku or TelNas (secretly she was paid off by Mudaffar revealed in 2015). He would stay as President for a unprecedented 3 terms retiring in 2000 after facing only nominal candidates, his most powerful opponents being former VP Karel Tubun in 1994 and Governor of Ambon Sebastian Soekoso in 2000 who ultimately defeated him.

Back to Indonesia, business would strive under Natsir's presidency with the media being the most explosive with the state television TVRI being competed by two other stations, RCTI being led by Peter F. Gontha and Indosiar led by Sudono Salim, head of multi company Salim Group. While there would be rise of films and businesses like the previously mentioned Salim group and Eka Tjipta Widjaja who took advantage of the reconstruction for his growing business.

In 1980, Natsir was a popular president but he was still vulnerable thanks to his unpopular support of the Syariah banks but still it was a bit impossible to defeat him with Major candidates like Soeharto more focused on the economy and leading his party into victory on the Parliamentary election and Adam Malik happy being ASEAN Secretary General there was only one that can defeat him, Ali Sadikin. The ever popular war hero and Governor of Jakarta pursued a western oriented government and his reconstruction efforts proved him being successful at being Governor plus his focus on arts like the construction of TIM (a cultural center in the heart of Jakarta) and Monumen Pahlawan (Hero's Monument) facing the Merdeka Palace celebrating both his victory and the sacrifice of the soldiers of the war (critics said that the face of one of the hero's was himself and its shows his own ego). Nasution would agree to retire and supported Sadikin for the presidency but in return the VP slot would be for a PNI member which Sadikin agreed to. PNI would name the Military Governor of West Java and former Minister Sanusi Hardjadinata as his running mate. In the election itself, Sadikin attacked Natsir for his unpopular stance on the Syariah Banks and his inability to reconstructed the nation with Papua and Sulawesi being slow in the reconstruction plans while Natsir would attack his tenure of Governor and for two other things: his inability to capture known Communists in Jakarta during his tenure as Military Governor and his legalization of prostitution which Natsir deemed as immoral and unbecoming of a faithful man. The election would be the closest in Indonesian history:

Indonesian General Election of 1980
Ali Sadikin-Sanusi Hardjadinata (PDI-PNI): 50.02%
Mohammad Natsir-Ahmad Badawi (Masyumi-Golkar): 49.98%

Golkar: 230
PNI: 170
Masyumi: 100
PDI: 100


Ali Sadikin's presidency would be a time of liberalism and a new age in Indonesian Politics. He would appoint more radical men like the appointment of Profrssor Sarbini Surmawinata as the Economic Minister, Soebandrio, named as one of Indonesia's top diplomats as Foreign Minister, the appointment of General T. B. Simatupang as leader of ABRI after Nasution retired, appointment of Mien Soedarpo as Minister of Education (a new ministry established in 1979), Rosihan Anwar as Interior Minister. All of them had something in common, all were either members or sympathizers of the Socialist Party.

Sadikin, like his Moluccan counterpart recognized about the ineffectiveness of the 10 years plan and so he scrapped them and made his own plan named the 5 years plan. The plan would be administered by more competent men and women named directly by the President with the aid of both the Interior Minister and the Economic Minister and he would divide the funding accordingly based on the damage and population of each areas. The plan itself was opposed by Golkar and their leader, Soeharto, now the Speaker of the House. Still people saw the corruption and so most PDI, PNI and Masyumi MP's voted for the new plan. He would also introduce foreing investment but unlike Natsir's presidency this was more of food, clothes and other brands into Indonesia. He was most famous for a rise of Art and Filming because of his known endorsement of Arts during his tenure as Governor. The Punjabi brothers would thrive during his tenure, culminating in the creation of Multivision, now a leader in Indonesia film industry.


One of the many films published during Sadikin's Presidency
There were many lights during his presidency but there was a tragedy that occurred early on during his presidency and that was former President Mohammad Hatta's death. All leaders of the civil war came and even the Communist leader Untung from his exile would send a letter to Hatta's family saying that he was saddened by the lost of a father of the nation. Ali Sadikin would give a memorial commerating his service to the nation both as the first Vice President and helper for Soekarno and as President during a crucial time for the nation. All families gathered, Soekarno and Hatta both with female matriarchs, Megawati Soekarnoputri and Meutia Hatta being their respective leaders both deemed by the public as future leaders of Indonesia.


Another tragedy struck in 1984 when famed diplomat, Adam Malik died. Sadikin was saddened by the great diplomats death saying that without him there wouldn't be a functioning government.
Another tragedy struck in 1988 when WWIII happened but thanks to Indonesian foreign policy of neutrality, they were safe. Sadikin would argue more for military increase in fear of retaliation for American and Japanese Aid during the 70s and it was even granted by parliament. Sadikin would primarily send aid and weapons to the Americans and her allies while giving food to the Soviets as to not raise suspicions. Because of American focus on to the west, Sadikin took a risky move by nationalizing Freeport and all its holding into the Indonesian National Mining Corporation. It faced backlash by American President Rumsfeld but Sadikin said it would not give more aid to the Americans if they don't shut up and so because of a reliance on the huge portions that Indonesia gave to the Americans they would back down

His most controversial decision was his militarization plans. He would increase military budgets and argued that the military could help the people by making them safe and creating more jobs to them. He would cruise through re-election in 1985 but in 1990 he would retire as Indonesia's constitution that was reestablished in 1973 stated that President's couldn't serve more than two terms.

The 1990 election feared a true 4-way election with the PNI Fielding Soekarno's daughter and political Scion and Governor of East Java, Megawati Soekarnoputri; PDI fielded Minister of Energy Soedjatmoko; Masyumi fielded Abdurrahman Wahid, son of famed Ulama and freedom fighter Abdul Wahid Hasyim; and Golkar fielded the Smiling General himself, Soeharto. The election was ugly as hell with Soeharto being criticized for his bad conduct during the Civil War and his corruption allegations, Megawati for taking advantage of his fathers name for glory, Wahid for his political incompetence even though he had served as head of NU and Masyumi and was Governor of Central Java for one term; and Soedjatmoko for being a career politician, knowing the country needed non politicians for the job and his past bad credit as Minister of Economic Affairs during Hatta's early presidency. Indonesia adopted a two round Presidential Election and it seemed this would be the first election to do that:

Indonesian Presidential Election of 1990
First Round

Megawati Soekarnoputri (PNI): 36%
Soeharto (Golkar): 29%
Abdurrahman Wahid (Masyumi): 20%
Soedjatmoko (PDI): 15%

Second Round

Soeharto (Golkar): 57%
Megawati Soekarnoputri (PNI): 43%

Soeharto had finally won the presidency after two decades of fighting for it. He would accommodate for political cooperation especially with Masyumi and even appointing Abdurrahman Wahid as Minister of Religious Affairs and later as Interior Minister. Soeharto wanted to create more free trade and so established more trade with America and adding its relationship with India, wanting its strong military behind Indonesia. Soeharto would also strengthen ASEAN and even propose a more militarized ASEAN during a general meeting in Bangkok in 1992, after WWIII fearing for another war but it was strucked down. During his presidency also happened the Marburg Virus and his decision was both controversial and deemed necessary. Soeharto would help those that were easily healed while the heavy sickness would be left for dead and even shot dead. The international community were unaware of it until 2010 when a whistleblower gave incriminating evidence of it even though Soeharto was already dead at the time.

Soeharto would also push for his 10 year plans again and for the first time it was struck down Even though Golkar had a majority with the help of Masyumi. The people preferred the 5 year plans of Sadikin who thought that Soeharto's 10 years plan were a bust. He would later push for infrastructure construction and later on he would be named as father of Indonesian infrastructure because of his lots of infrastructure construction all across Indonesia. Soeharto would push for more free trade in support of Americans and their capitalists friends. A push for Palm Oil successfully happened during his presidency pushing trade to an all time high.

His relationship with the Moluccas was bad to say the least. He still held the thought of Moluccas being Indonesian and even threatened President Sjah for an invasion but thanks to cooler heads it was prevented. Foreign policy wise, Soeharto was more hands on unlike past presidents and it was evident by his free trade thinking. He would do a global tour and even went to Little Bogor in Tirana and met with the dying Communist President Untung and he, Untung even extended an apology from the PKI which Soeharto refused because of his bad leadership and Soeharto's fervent anti-communism. Soeharto was Even closer to American President Ted Bundy saying that he was "the greatest American alive!"
Soeharto would never escape from his corruption and he even did corruption during his tenure. He would take state Treasury and cash and give it for his family and for himself with them using those cash for luxurious expenses and even one of Soeharto's son, Tommy creating a car company which failed miserably thanks to fake parts from Toyota. His family became infamous and getting a name for themselves named, "Keluarga Cendana". Administration officials would say that Soeharto would act like a King and naming Indonesia as his Personal kingdom.

His reelection in 1995 were marred with rigging and fakes with even making Golkar's coalition partner, Masyumi backing down and all of Masyumi's Minister resigned because of sheer disgust at Soeharto. He faced the ever popular Megawati, now parred with Meutia Hatta but after alleged rigging, Soeharto would win in an impossible landslide. Immediately people took to the streets but even now in the late 90s Soeharto is still in power and is determined to stay in power until 2000.


Soeharto's family dubbed by the People as
"Keluarga Cendana"
List of the Presidents of Indonesia:
1. Soekarno (1945-1971)
2. Dipa Nusantara Aidit (1971-1972)
3. Disputed (1972-1973)
- Abdul Haris Nasution
- Soeharto
- Untung bin Syamsuri
4. Mohammad Hatta (1973-1975)
5. Mohammad Natsir (1975-1980)
6. Ali Sadikin (1980-1990)
7. Soeharto (1990-present)
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Thanks it is a Patriots duty to serve his country

Sorry for the Delay President Roosevelt, Great Update, putting us all to shame! Is there a Turtledove for guest post?

Also, would you recommend a particular book on Indonesian history? I know a little but gotta say this update peaked my interest!
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A little bit on Indonesia as it relates to the greater canon of the current events of the Great Southern War for those wondering. While Soeharto is pro-US as stated before, a few Chinese military attaches have been given to Indonesia and Indonesia does have pretty good ties with China economically. Both re the results of their shared identity as post-communist states. However, its democratic regime and Soeharto's pro-US nature prevents them from becoming the " third-jewel" in the Dual Pact. Indonesia will not participate in the GSW directly, but was/is a heavier supplier of the Indian war effort and that of India's allies. "All the good and none of the bad" as one would say.
Sorry for the Delay President Roosevelt, Great Update, putting us all to shame! Is there a Turtledove for guest post?

Also, would you recommend a particular book on Indonesian history? I know a little but gotta say this update peaked my interest!
I recommend for Indonesian History:

Soekarno by Cindy Adams
Brief History of Indonesia by Tim Hannigan
The History of Java by Thomas Stanford Raffles
Soeharto by Retnowati Abdulgani-Knapp
Or biographical books by Tempo (Their a good read)



Tempo Biographical Books
Or If you want other references just ask @GSD310
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The start of the Greatest Tank Battle of All Time?

Sanjay Gandhi had two great worries, ones shared by his Prime Minister, the leader of the formerly opposition BJP party Kalyan Singh. First was internal discontent at the fragile nature of the new India. Second was a nuclear-armed Pakistan - India had about fifty warheads, mostly tactical in nature. Therefore, if the intelligence reports of French assistance to the Pakistani nuclear program were true, then even a third of that number in Pakistani hands could rapidly equalize the nations and spell a perpetual cold war between the two. Thus, both Sanjay and Prime Minister Singh deemed that they must strike while they could. Military Chief of Staff Vishwa Nath Sharma gave them a battleplan, dubbed Operation Shiva.


V. N. Sharma had been with Sanjay since the coup that toppled his mother and brother, and now was ready to secure his leader's greatest triumph.

There would be three main thrusts in Operation Shiva: the first into the South into Gujarat, as a diversionary measure. The Pakistanis expected an attack here, and the Indians would make it appear that this was the main objective. In the North, an attack focused on seizing Pakistan's water supplies in crucial areas before taking the rest of Kashmir, and then building on that momentum to surround Islamabad. However, the main thrust would be in the center to split the tear the country apart. This center advance would be followed up by a huge shipment of Chinese arms to Balochi rebels, who would cover the Indian rear, as the troops would defend the “bulge” from counter attacks while dictating peace terms to the Pakistanis.

The invasion would begin with a massive two-thousand aircraft attack on Pakistani airbases and front line defense. While heavier bombers were to be diverted elsewhere, fighters and tactical bombers flattened many Pakistani air bases. However, the planned use of helicopters in the dark to destroy front-line “dug in” positions, proved to be a complete failure with enormous casualty rates, an ominous sign…

While all-three invasion forces had tanks, most of them were focused on the central attack to the center. Things were shaping up for a major battle. The Pakistanis had correctly predicted that the Indians would be unwilling to devote their main forces to Islamabad (as it was protected by a long series of entrenched defenses built up over years). Moreover, Gujarat and the southeastern “bulge”, while the most likely to lose in a short conflict, meant little in a long-term conflict and was relatively unfavorable tank country. Moreover, in a counterattack, Gujarat would make a good location to counterattack around with a large tank strike from the center. As such, the Pakistanis placed their main tank force directly across from the Indian centre strike force.


Indian tanks of the Centre Strike Force

The Indian Three-Pronged offensive started on May 9th, 1998, as Indian tanks smashed through border barriers in the centre. Because of recent treaties on the rules of war, there were no minefields on the border, which increased the Indian tank forces’ mobility. Pakistani forces engaged in an orderly retreat, trying to draw the Indian forces in and extend their supply lines.

In the south, fighting was fierce as more infantry based forces went over the top, supported by older tanks and lighter vehicles. Indian forces had expected rebellion among Hindu minority groups in the south, but this never came about to levels of full out revolt as expected. Casualty rates were enormously high, approaching 50% in some regiments on both sides. In the North, advances were smooth in critical areas and passes near Kashmir, but anything remotely close to Islamabad were stiff, as expected.

However, the main battle would be in the centre.

Over 600,000 soldiers, greater than a third of the entire Indian Army at the time war was declared, crossed the border with the goal of the Pakistani metropolis of Lahore. Artillery and airstrikes turned the city into a pyre, but the goal of the 2nd Area Army under Gen. Hanut Singh wasn’t to get bogged down in a street fight as the Pakistanis hoped. Instead, Singh hoped to surround the city in an armored blitzkrieg and had the tanks to do it. Pakistani supreme commander Pervez Musharraf had fortified the area to the hilt, but the suddenness of the Indian attack (no one expected them to launch a full scale offensive while only partially mobilized) meant that the needed manpower was distributed all along the border. One by one the towns surrounding Lahore fell, until the last line of defense was at Sheikhupura.


The forces that engaged were equal in ground size, but the Pakistani Air Force had been so savaged that India was able to liberally use attack helicopters - unlike before in the war, they succeeded in their objective as tank destroyers. Two days of pitched combat found the barren scrubland bathed in smoke, the city turned into a poisoned ruin as both sides rained gas and napalm upon the other. But in the end, the armored fist closed tightly around Lahore as the Pakistanis withdrew. Attempts to continue the drive on Faisalabad and Gujranwala found Singh at army command at Amritsar frustrated as fresh Pakistani reinforcements blocked them. However, victory was still theirs as they settled in impenetrable siege lines to starve Lahore out.

Further to the south, the Indian advance wouldn’t go as smoothly. 300 Indian tanks rolled through to Bahawalpuri, where the main force of the Pakistani counterattack “emerged from its slumber. The best of the best on both sides happened to be working against one another. Historians argued that both sides overestimated the strategy of the other, thinking that their opponents would try to outflank the other, and thus leave their “centre” open.


Pakistani artillery engaging Indian forces in South Punjab.

The effects of this fateful miscalculation would be apparent after the next 48 hours of death. THe second largest tank battle would be as good as advertised. With the Chenab river to their backs, the Pakistanis fought viciously. However, Indian supply lines were overextended. Immediate air superiority was lost for ten hours, allowing the Pakistanis to strike at fuel columns, which reduced Indian mobility. However, the Pakistani army suffered constant bombardment of its repair vehicles. Communication lines remained stable throughout the fighting. With the river to their backs, the Pakistanis tried to outflank the centre force to the north, however, the best Indian tank forces were moved to counter this strike. A series of parried thrusts back and forth in the centre, would appear and disappear on the generals’ maps over the hot, dry, summer. Steel would match up against steel, as the best and brightest in both militaries stood in a death struggle.
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