Man of the Hour, A Franklin Pierce Story
- Thread starter CELTICEMPIRE
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Thanks!
He's 67 years old. He was a candidate for the Whig nomination in 1868 but was passed over for the Vice Presidential nomination for Schuyler Colfax. He was a US Representative but declined to run for reelection in 1870. He argued in favor of the constitutionality of the Order of Emancipation before the Supreme Court in 1872. He's retired from politics now.
Chapter XXXV, 1876
The 1876 National Whig Convention in Philadelphia was essentially a three-way race. There was General Ulysses S. Grant of Illinois, Vice President Schuyler Colfax of Indiana, and newspaper editor Horace Greeley of New York. Colfax ran on the continuation of Fremont’s policies, and wanted to push further for racial equality. Grant largely agreed with Colfax. The main difference between the two was that Grant was much more pro-immigration than Colfax. He was also less of a tariff man than the vice president. Horace Greeley ran a moderate campaign, de-emphasizing issues of race. Greeley was the man who had ran William Seward’s earlier campaigns and was influential in his nomination in 1864. In addition, General Thomas Jackson of Virginia was drafted without his knowledge or consent. Other candidates included Governor Rutherford B. Hayes of Ohio and Representative James G. Blaine of Maine. The 1876 National Whig Convention would be notable for featuring black delegates for the first time. On the first ballot, Grant, Colfax, and Greeley had similar levels of support. But Greeley eventually began to fall behind the other two.
On the fifth ballot, Grant and Colfax were neck and neck. However, on the sixth ballot most of Greeley’s supporters went to Colfax, giving him the nomination. Greeley was then selected as the vice-presidential nominee. By choosing Greeley, the Whig delegates hoped to win New York with its 35 electoral votes. The party platform called for enforcement of voting rights in the South, as well as continued funding of Reconstruction programs. It did, however, recognize the need for swift readmittance of the remaining states under military occupation. Colfax would promise to have every state readmitted before his first term was finished. There was a plank supporting tariffs as well. The delegates argued about immigration but eventually decided to not mention the subject in the platform. The delegates rejected any attempt to re-enfranchise former Confederate soldiers by a wide margin. A second trans-Continental Railroad with a northerly route was supported by a majority of delegates, though many Southerners saw it as a waste of money. In exchange, the South was promised various infrastructure projects as well. Finally, the delegates adopted a plank supporting an anti-polygamy amendment.
(Left: Schuyler Colfax, Right: Horace Greeley)
While many in 1876 made predictions about how the election would go, few were very confident in their predictions. The election would come down to the Mid-Atlantic and Midwestern states. New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois would be decided by close margins. Most of the South was guaranteed to vote for McClellan. Most African-Americans were still effectively disenfranchised in most of the region. The one exception was Louisiana, which was guaranteed to vote for Colfax. Georgia and Texas would be readmitted right before the election, which meant that those two states didn’t have time to hold an actual election. The state legislatures chose electors to send to the Electoral College. Both sides accused the other of rigging the election. McClellan and Hancock were widely popular due to their status as war heroes. It was hard to compete with that. Colfax, however, did have the support of Generals Ulysses S. Grant and William T. Sherman. Benjamin Butler, himself a Democrat, didn’t endorse either candidate. And of course, Colfax had the support of Fremont, who had led the nation through the war.
The election was close, the closest in American history. McClellan won every state won by Wood, along with New York, New Jersey, Kentucky, Illinois, Missouri, Kansas, New Mexico, Oregon, and California. The deciding votes would come from the electors appointed by the Georgia and Texas legislatures. In both states, the electors were divided. But they broke for Colfax 14-4. This caused Colfax to carry the electoral college by one vote. The popular vote was also extremely close. Less than 20,000 votes, only 0.3% of the total, separated Colfax from McClellan. Whigs maintained control of the House and Senate, though their majorities were much smaller than they were before. Had either Indiana or Pennsylvania, two very close states, voted for McClellan instead, he would have won the election. The election was notable for being the first presidential election where slavery was not an issue. African-Americans voted in the South for the first time. It was also notable for being the last election in which only two candidates qualified for ballot access.
Schuyler Colfax (W-IN)/Horace Greeley (W-NY): 2,382,378 Votes (50.15%), 168 Electoral Votes
George McClellan (D-NJ)/Winfield Scott Hancock (D-CA): 2,368,544 Votes (49.85%), 167 Electoral Votes
On the fifth ballot, Grant and Colfax were neck and neck. However, on the sixth ballot most of Greeley’s supporters went to Colfax, giving him the nomination. Greeley was then selected as the vice-presidential nominee. By choosing Greeley, the Whig delegates hoped to win New York with its 35 electoral votes. The party platform called for enforcement of voting rights in the South, as well as continued funding of Reconstruction programs. It did, however, recognize the need for swift readmittance of the remaining states under military occupation. Colfax would promise to have every state readmitted before his first term was finished. There was a plank supporting tariffs as well. The delegates argued about immigration but eventually decided to not mention the subject in the platform. The delegates rejected any attempt to re-enfranchise former Confederate soldiers by a wide margin. A second trans-Continental Railroad with a northerly route was supported by a majority of delegates, though many Southerners saw it as a waste of money. In exchange, the South was promised various infrastructure projects as well. Finally, the delegates adopted a plank supporting an anti-polygamy amendment.
(Left: Schuyler Colfax, Right: Horace Greeley)
While many in 1876 made predictions about how the election would go, few were very confident in their predictions. The election would come down to the Mid-Atlantic and Midwestern states. New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois would be decided by close margins. Most of the South was guaranteed to vote for McClellan. Most African-Americans were still effectively disenfranchised in most of the region. The one exception was Louisiana, which was guaranteed to vote for Colfax. Georgia and Texas would be readmitted right before the election, which meant that those two states didn’t have time to hold an actual election. The state legislatures chose electors to send to the Electoral College. Both sides accused the other of rigging the election. McClellan and Hancock were widely popular due to their status as war heroes. It was hard to compete with that. Colfax, however, did have the support of Generals Ulysses S. Grant and William T. Sherman. Benjamin Butler, himself a Democrat, didn’t endorse either candidate. And of course, Colfax had the support of Fremont, who had led the nation through the war.
The election was close, the closest in American history. McClellan won every state won by Wood, along with New York, New Jersey, Kentucky, Illinois, Missouri, Kansas, New Mexico, Oregon, and California. The deciding votes would come from the electors appointed by the Georgia and Texas legislatures. In both states, the electors were divided. But they broke for Colfax 14-4. This caused Colfax to carry the electoral college by one vote. The popular vote was also extremely close. Less than 20,000 votes, only 0.3% of the total, separated Colfax from McClellan. Whigs maintained control of the House and Senate, though their majorities were much smaller than they were before. Had either Indiana or Pennsylvania, two very close states, voted for McClellan instead, he would have won the election. The election was notable for being the first presidential election where slavery was not an issue. African-Americans voted in the South for the first time. It was also notable for being the last election in which only two candidates qualified for ballot access.
Schuyler Colfax (W-IN)/Horace Greeley (W-NY): 2,382,378 Votes (50.15%), 168 Electoral Votes
George McClellan (D-NJ)/Winfield Scott Hancock (D-CA): 2,368,544 Votes (49.85%), 167 Electoral Votes
So despite different candidates and circumstances, it still came down to one vote, huh? But at least here it doesn't seem like Colfax had to make any compromise deals to win.
Not that bit caught my attention. Are three-or-more candidate elections going to become standard ITTL? Does that mean more parties? I look forward to seeing what comes of all that.
Not that bit caught my attention. Are three-or-more candidate elections going to become standard ITTL? Does that mean more parties? I look forward to seeing what comes of all that.
Election 1876 Statistics
By Region:
North [1]:
Colfax: 1,987,759 Votes (55.21%)
McClellan: 1,842,523 Votes (43.87%)
South [2]:
McClellan: 526,021 Votes (57.14%)
Colfax: 394,619 Votes (42.86%)
By State:
Closest States:
Best States:
Worst States:
1: North of the Mason-Dixon line.
2: South of the Mason Dixon line/South of the Missouri Compromise Line, includes New Mexico.
North [1]:
Colfax: 1,987,759 Votes (55.21%)
McClellan: 1,842,523 Votes (43.87%)
South [2]:
McClellan: 526,021 Votes (57.14%)
Colfax: 394,619 Votes (42.86%)
By State:
Closest States:
Illinois: 1.4%
Pennsylvania: 1.6%
Indiana: 1.8%
New York: 2.4%
Kansas: 3.8%
Pennsylvania: 1.6%
Indiana: 1.8%
New York: 2.4%
Kansas: 3.8%
Best States:
Best McClellan States:
Virginia: 69.5%
Arkansas: 63.5%
North Carolina: 62.7%
Tennessee: 58.7%
California: 56.4%
Best Colfax States:
Vermont: 68.9%
Louisiana: 62.9%
Massachusetts: 60.5%
Minnesota: 57.7%
Wisconsin: 57.6%
Virginia: 69.5%
Arkansas: 63.5%
North Carolina: 62.7%
Tennessee: 58.7%
California: 56.4%
Best Colfax States:
Vermont: 68.9%
Louisiana: 62.9%
Massachusetts: 60.5%
Minnesota: 57.7%
Wisconsin: 57.6%
Worst States:
Worst McClellan States:
Vermont: 31.1%
Louisiana: 37.1%
Massachusetts: 39.5%
Minnesota: 42.3%
Wisconsin: 42.4%
Worst Colfax States :
Virginia: 30.5%
Arkansas: 36.5%
North Carolina: 37.3%
Tennessee: 41.3%
California: 43.6%
Vermont: 31.1%
Louisiana: 37.1%
Massachusetts: 39.5%
Minnesota: 42.3%
Wisconsin: 42.4%
Worst Colfax States :
Virginia: 30.5%
Arkansas: 36.5%
North Carolina: 37.3%
Tennessee: 41.3%
California: 43.6%
1: North of the Mason-Dixon line.
2: South of the Mason Dixon line/South of the Missouri Compromise Line, includes New Mexico.
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Chapter XXXVI, Colfax
Schuyler Colfax Jr. barely won the presidential election of 1876. He hoped to lead the nation in continuing the policies of his popular predecessor. In his inaugural address, he spoke about the need to live up to the ideals set forth in the Declaration of Independence, that “All men are created equal.” But even before his inauguration, his campaign was accused of bribing electors in Georgia to vote for him. Democrats thought that the Whigs had cheated. Colfax chose Representative Elihu B. Washburne of Illinois, a Grant supporter, to be Secretary of State. Former Senator Benjamin Bristow of Kentucky was chosen as Secretary of the Treasury. His Secretary of War was Representative James Longstreet of Virginia, a decorated veteran of the Secession War. The new Attorney General would be Representative Roscoe Conkling of New York. Representative James G. Blaine of Maine became Postmaster General. Senator Rutherford B. Hayes of Ohio. became Secretary of the Navy. His Secretary of the Interior was Senator Zachariah Chandler of Michigan. A few days after his inauguration, Supreme Court Justice David Allen Smalley died. He was replaced by Richard Busteed of New York.
(Justice Richard Busteed had fought in the Secession War)
The face of the Court was changing. Smalley, a Douglas appointee, was a Democrat. His death meant that, for the first time in history, Whigs had a majority on the court. Samuel Nelson had died in 1873, replaced by Morrison Waite of Ohio. Benjamin Curtis died in 1874, replaced by Samuel Freeman Miller of Iowa. In theory, the Supreme Court is supposed to be an institution free of partisanism, but in practice that was often not the case. After the abolition of slavery, John Fremont had not been particularly active as president. After the 14th amendment was passed in 1874, Congress didn’t do much either. Little legislation of note was passed at the end of Fremont’s presidency. Schuyler Colfax and the 45th Congress would change this. Colfax was convinced that the Whigs needed to do more to prove that they cared about the common man. He was not going to abandon the freeman, he simply realized that public attention was starting to gravitate towards other issues. Various social reform movements were popping up. Some were arguing to improve working conditions, others were arguing for women’s suffrage, and others wanted to overthrow capitalism entirely.
The Senate had 64 members, 37 Whigs and 27 Democrats. The House had 289 members, 156 Whigs and 134 Democrats. In 1876 the House of Representatives had passed legislation for a 15th amendment, one to outlaw polygamy. The Senate, led by Simon Cameron of Pennsylvania, held a vote on the proposed amendment in April 1877. It passed and went to the states for ratification. The necessary three fourths of states ratified it by the end of the year. By the time the 45th Congress began, Alabama had already been readmitted. The majority of its congressional delegation were Whigs, as the military had enforced black suffrage. The federal government under Colfax would aggressively enforce equal rights as much as it could. Soon, Whig opposition to readmittance faded away. Florida was readmitted in March, South Carolina in July, and Mississippi in September. The passage of the 15th Amendment opened the door for the possibility of Utahn statehood. There were, however, still obstacles to statehood for the territory. Many Utahns were actually opposed to statehood.
Any constitution would disenfranchise polygamists if to stand any chance at approval by Congress. John Fremont had appointed John Brown as the Territorial governor, and Brown was not very popular. In 1875, a mob had formed in Salt Lake City with the purpose of driving the governor out, though it was broken up by a paramilitary force led by John Brown Jr. The majority of those who live in the Utah Territory were Mormons, and a sizable portion of the non-Mormons were former-Confederates. Neither group was fond of Brown. As governor, Brown sought the elimination of polygamy. He saw it as his life’s mission now that slavery was abolished. The Territorial legislature, however, had been taking cues from Brigham Young until his death in death in 1877. Brown thought that the federal government needed to send prosecutors to Utah, and it finally did in 1878. In March, several members of the Territorial Legislature were arrested on polygamy charges. Enough were arrested to flip the balance of power towards non-Mormons. The legislature worked with Brown to destroy the political influence of the LDS Church. More arrests were made throughout the year. Many moved to Mexico or Nicaragua.
In June, riots broke out in Salt Lake City. They were put down by both the police and John Brown Jr. Back in DC, Whigs proclaimed that the practice of polygamy was close to extinction. They were uncertain of whether or not they would keep control of Congress. They didn’t have the same passion for ending polygamy as John Brown. Some saw him as overzealous, others supported him, while others didn’t care about what was going on thousands of miles away. Brown’s health began to suddenly decline in the Summer, and he died in December. He hoped to be succeeded as Territorial governor by his son, but this was not to be. The new governor would be Henry G. Blasdel. Meanwhile, the Whigs kept control of the House and Senate, mostly because of expanded voting among African-Americans. Prosecutions of polygamists slowed down and order was restored to the Territory. In 1879, Utah was admitted as the 37th state in a very close vote. It was the first state to be admitted since Nebraska over a decade earlier.
(Justice Richard Busteed had fought in the Secession War)
The face of the Court was changing. Smalley, a Douglas appointee, was a Democrat. His death meant that, for the first time in history, Whigs had a majority on the court. Samuel Nelson had died in 1873, replaced by Morrison Waite of Ohio. Benjamin Curtis died in 1874, replaced by Samuel Freeman Miller of Iowa. In theory, the Supreme Court is supposed to be an institution free of partisanism, but in practice that was often not the case. After the abolition of slavery, John Fremont had not been particularly active as president. After the 14th amendment was passed in 1874, Congress didn’t do much either. Little legislation of note was passed at the end of Fremont’s presidency. Schuyler Colfax and the 45th Congress would change this. Colfax was convinced that the Whigs needed to do more to prove that they cared about the common man. He was not going to abandon the freeman, he simply realized that public attention was starting to gravitate towards other issues. Various social reform movements were popping up. Some were arguing to improve working conditions, others were arguing for women’s suffrage, and others wanted to overthrow capitalism entirely.
The Senate had 64 members, 37 Whigs and 27 Democrats. The House had 289 members, 156 Whigs and 134 Democrats. In 1876 the House of Representatives had passed legislation for a 15th amendment, one to outlaw polygamy. The Senate, led by Simon Cameron of Pennsylvania, held a vote on the proposed amendment in April 1877. It passed and went to the states for ratification. The necessary three fourths of states ratified it by the end of the year. By the time the 45th Congress began, Alabama had already been readmitted. The majority of its congressional delegation were Whigs, as the military had enforced black suffrage. The federal government under Colfax would aggressively enforce equal rights as much as it could. Soon, Whig opposition to readmittance faded away. Florida was readmitted in March, South Carolina in July, and Mississippi in September. The passage of the 15th Amendment opened the door for the possibility of Utahn statehood. There were, however, still obstacles to statehood for the territory. Many Utahns were actually opposed to statehood.
Any constitution would disenfranchise polygamists if to stand any chance at approval by Congress. John Fremont had appointed John Brown as the Territorial governor, and Brown was not very popular. In 1875, a mob had formed in Salt Lake City with the purpose of driving the governor out, though it was broken up by a paramilitary force led by John Brown Jr. The majority of those who live in the Utah Territory were Mormons, and a sizable portion of the non-Mormons were former-Confederates. Neither group was fond of Brown. As governor, Brown sought the elimination of polygamy. He saw it as his life’s mission now that slavery was abolished. The Territorial legislature, however, had been taking cues from Brigham Young until his death in death in 1877. Brown thought that the federal government needed to send prosecutors to Utah, and it finally did in 1878. In March, several members of the Territorial Legislature were arrested on polygamy charges. Enough were arrested to flip the balance of power towards non-Mormons. The legislature worked with Brown to destroy the political influence of the LDS Church. More arrests were made throughout the year. Many moved to Mexico or Nicaragua.
In June, riots broke out in Salt Lake City. They were put down by both the police and John Brown Jr. Back in DC, Whigs proclaimed that the practice of polygamy was close to extinction. They were uncertain of whether or not they would keep control of Congress. They didn’t have the same passion for ending polygamy as John Brown. Some saw him as overzealous, others supported him, while others didn’t care about what was going on thousands of miles away. Brown’s health began to suddenly decline in the Summer, and he died in December. He hoped to be succeeded as Territorial governor by his son, but this was not to be. The new governor would be Henry G. Blasdel. Meanwhile, the Whigs kept control of the House and Senate, mostly because of expanded voting among African-Americans. Prosecutions of polygamists slowed down and order was restored to the Territory. In 1879, Utah was admitted as the 37th state in a very close vote. It was the first state to be admitted since Nebraska over a decade earlier.
Quite the situation in Utah there. Is that the end of the troubles, or just beginning? Looking forward to finding out.
I’m looking forward to reading how Nicaragua reacts to all the Mormon immigrants. Not to mention when they take the next step to reforming the Federal Republic of Central America.
Chapter XXXVII, The Origins of America's Progressives
The Colfax administration had been accused of corruption since before it even began. In 1876 there were accusations that electors in Texas and Georgia were bribed to vote for him over McClellan. These accusations were never proven true, though they were never proven false either. The more potent accusations were that politicians were being bribed by railroad corporations to build railroad tracks for them. At the state level, Whig politicians had been found to be corrupt and that had been a factor in massive Democrat gains in the Northern states in 1878. Nevertheless, the Whigs maintained their control of both houses of Congress, mostly due to black voters in the South. Most Whigs were in support of the president and congressional action against or even investigation into the Colfax administration seemed unlikely. Many of the Whigs who opposed the administration, like Senator Zebulon Vance of North Carolina, had switched parties by this point. There were rumors that Vice President Greeley was going to work behind the scenes to take the presidency, but he was in poor health and the Whig Party was already thinking of replacing him in 1880.
While accusations of corruption didn’t lead to articles of impeachment, they did halt the construction of a Northern trans-Pacific Railroad. Tracks had been laid in Illinois, but they hadn’t even reached Missouri yet in 1879. It was seen by Democrats as vote buying and opposed by many Southern Whigs as a waste of money. The Whig Party had governed the country for a decade, and they had controlled Congress for twelve years. As such, America was warming up to Democrats again. Many Whigs, voters and politicians alike, were switching parties. In the South, many of the people who were the base of the party before Fremont were leaving. They felt threatened by the increasing influence of black Whig voters. This was a trend which would continue into the 1880s. Many Southern whites remained Whigs, however. In the North, many Democrats had switched parties because of the Whig stance against slavery. With slavery abolished, some of these people returned to the party of Jackson and Pierce. Some people who never voted Democrat were swayed by people like Benjamin Butler, who spoke to the issues facing the common man.
In 1879, the US economy entered into a recession. Unemployment rose and wages dropped. To make matters worse, railroad workers struck in New Mexico. Eventually, soldiers were sent in to break up the strike. Fortunately, no one died (though many were injured). New Mexico’s political leadership supported sending in the troops. While New Mexico was controlled by Democrats, the Whig-controlled federal government was on the same page. A notable exception was Vice President Horace Greeley. This led to dissatisfaction with the two-party system. Various local political parties emerged. The was the People’s Party, the Farmer-Labor Party, the Worker’s Party, and others. These parties were found all throughout the country, but they had the most support among Western farmers. Some have claimed that 1879 was the year the American left was born. Some poor farmers and trade unionists decided to work within the two major parties. The Democratic Party, whose members were poorer on average, saw more of these activists than the Whigs. For the most part, however, Whigs and Democrats were still focused on the issues of corruption, race, tariffs, and infrastructure.
(Railroad Strike)
In the Democratic Party, the consensus among party leaders was that a general should be nominated again. This seemed like a sound strategy, considering McClellan nearly won in 1876. And the candidate must also appeal to the North as well as the South. There was some support for running the McClellan/Hancock ticket again in a rematch. However, Hancock was growing in popularity at the expense of McClellan. There was also Benjamin Butler, now a governor in a state that was a Whig stronghold. But Butler’s populist views and support for African American Civil rights worked to his disadvantage. Representative Thomas Ewing Jr. of Ohio was another general, but he was not as high-profile as the others. Samuel J. Tilden, governor of New York, was in the running, as was former governor and mayor John Hoffman. Representative Samuel J. Randall of Pennsylvania ran, he was a former Whig who bucked the Democratic Party on tariffs. Senator Thomas F. Bayard of Delaware ran as a conservative and a Southerner. The most controversial candidate was former Senator James Biddle Eustis of Louisiana, who was suspected of having supported the CAR.
(James Biddle Eustis)
The former Confederates, led by Alabama delegate and former General Edmund Pettus, first rallied behind Eustis. After three ballots, they saw that Eustis wasn’t getting very far and switched to Bayard. This put Bayard in first place on the third ballot, barely edging out Winfield Scott Hancock. Meanwhile, some delegates argued that McClellan, not far behind in third place, had poorly prosecuted the war. These attacks did not come from Hancock, however. Benjamin Butler’s supporters were the ones claiming that McClellan was too slow, and that the war could have been won a year earlier. This hampered McClellan’s efforts to win over more delegates to his side. Eventually, Northern delegates gathered around Hancock. Tilden gave his support to Hancock after the tenth ballot and Hancock was nominated. Tilden would be his running mate. But the nomination was not the only battle, there was also to be a fight over the platform. For the most part, the platform would be the same as it was in 1876. However, one significant addition was the support for the Gold Standard.
(Left: Winfield Scott Hancock, Right: Samuel J. Tilden)
The addition of a pro-Gold Standard plank was passed by a large majority of the delegates. However, there was also considerable opposition. Many Western delegates preferred silver or paper money. And there was also some opposition in the East. Benjamin Butler opposed the Gold Standard. Shipping Magnate Arthur Sewall, delegate from Maine, supported Silver over Gold. But they were unsuccessful. Planks supporting labor unions were voted down as well. An attempt was made to put women’s suffrage into the platform, but that too was voted down. Some progressives left the convention, following Benjamin Butler. Butler would be nominated by the Farmer-Labor Party for President, with Representative James B. Weaver of Iowa nominated for Vice President. The platform would support labor unions, child labor laws, women’s suffrage, and the protection of civil rights. They opposed the Gold Standard, monopolies, and military interventionism. And they were supported by a small number of Congressmen, both Democrats and Whigs. They were bound to be the spoiler in the election, but from which party would they take away more votes?
(Left: Benjamin Butler, Right: James B. Weaver)
While accusations of corruption didn’t lead to articles of impeachment, they did halt the construction of a Northern trans-Pacific Railroad. Tracks had been laid in Illinois, but they hadn’t even reached Missouri yet in 1879. It was seen by Democrats as vote buying and opposed by many Southern Whigs as a waste of money. The Whig Party had governed the country for a decade, and they had controlled Congress for twelve years. As such, America was warming up to Democrats again. Many Whigs, voters and politicians alike, were switching parties. In the South, many of the people who were the base of the party before Fremont were leaving. They felt threatened by the increasing influence of black Whig voters. This was a trend which would continue into the 1880s. Many Southern whites remained Whigs, however. In the North, many Democrats had switched parties because of the Whig stance against slavery. With slavery abolished, some of these people returned to the party of Jackson and Pierce. Some people who never voted Democrat were swayed by people like Benjamin Butler, who spoke to the issues facing the common man.
In 1879, the US economy entered into a recession. Unemployment rose and wages dropped. To make matters worse, railroad workers struck in New Mexico. Eventually, soldiers were sent in to break up the strike. Fortunately, no one died (though many were injured). New Mexico’s political leadership supported sending in the troops. While New Mexico was controlled by Democrats, the Whig-controlled federal government was on the same page. A notable exception was Vice President Horace Greeley. This led to dissatisfaction with the two-party system. Various local political parties emerged. The was the People’s Party, the Farmer-Labor Party, the Worker’s Party, and others. These parties were found all throughout the country, but they had the most support among Western farmers. Some have claimed that 1879 was the year the American left was born. Some poor farmers and trade unionists decided to work within the two major parties. The Democratic Party, whose members were poorer on average, saw more of these activists than the Whigs. For the most part, however, Whigs and Democrats were still focused on the issues of corruption, race, tariffs, and infrastructure.
(Railroad Strike)
In the Democratic Party, the consensus among party leaders was that a general should be nominated again. This seemed like a sound strategy, considering McClellan nearly won in 1876. And the candidate must also appeal to the North as well as the South. There was some support for running the McClellan/Hancock ticket again in a rematch. However, Hancock was growing in popularity at the expense of McClellan. There was also Benjamin Butler, now a governor in a state that was a Whig stronghold. But Butler’s populist views and support for African American Civil rights worked to his disadvantage. Representative Thomas Ewing Jr. of Ohio was another general, but he was not as high-profile as the others. Samuel J. Tilden, governor of New York, was in the running, as was former governor and mayor John Hoffman. Representative Samuel J. Randall of Pennsylvania ran, he was a former Whig who bucked the Democratic Party on tariffs. Senator Thomas F. Bayard of Delaware ran as a conservative and a Southerner. The most controversial candidate was former Senator James Biddle Eustis of Louisiana, who was suspected of having supported the CAR.
(James Biddle Eustis)
The former Confederates, led by Alabama delegate and former General Edmund Pettus, first rallied behind Eustis. After three ballots, they saw that Eustis wasn’t getting very far and switched to Bayard. This put Bayard in first place on the third ballot, barely edging out Winfield Scott Hancock. Meanwhile, some delegates argued that McClellan, not far behind in third place, had poorly prosecuted the war. These attacks did not come from Hancock, however. Benjamin Butler’s supporters were the ones claiming that McClellan was too slow, and that the war could have been won a year earlier. This hampered McClellan’s efforts to win over more delegates to his side. Eventually, Northern delegates gathered around Hancock. Tilden gave his support to Hancock after the tenth ballot and Hancock was nominated. Tilden would be his running mate. But the nomination was not the only battle, there was also to be a fight over the platform. For the most part, the platform would be the same as it was in 1876. However, one significant addition was the support for the Gold Standard.
(Left: Winfield Scott Hancock, Right: Samuel J. Tilden)
The addition of a pro-Gold Standard plank was passed by a large majority of the delegates. However, there was also considerable opposition. Many Western delegates preferred silver or paper money. And there was also some opposition in the East. Benjamin Butler opposed the Gold Standard. Shipping Magnate Arthur Sewall, delegate from Maine, supported Silver over Gold. But they were unsuccessful. Planks supporting labor unions were voted down as well. An attempt was made to put women’s suffrage into the platform, but that too was voted down. Some progressives left the convention, following Benjamin Butler. Butler would be nominated by the Farmer-Labor Party for President, with Representative James B. Weaver of Iowa nominated for Vice President. The platform would support labor unions, child labor laws, women’s suffrage, and the protection of civil rights. They opposed the Gold Standard, monopolies, and military interventionism. And they were supported by a small number of Congressmen, both Democrats and Whigs. They were bound to be the spoiler in the election, but from which party would they take away more votes?
(Left: Benjamin Butler, Right: James B. Weaver)
Ooh, the beginnings of a three party system? I am looking forward to seeing how this plays out.