Lands of Ice and Mice: An Alternate History of the Thule

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In general, I like this TL and the premises behind it. I have some doubts about the quantitative side. If I don't get you wrong, the Thuleans develop a full agricultural package plus accompanying social and political structures, including an empire, in the course of a few centuries? This seems quite fast to me. Also, what would be the population densities supported by Thulean agriculture? Certainly higher than with a hunter-gatherer lifestyle, but still probably much lower than for the Native American agriculturalists in more Southern latitudes? And still these Native Americans were subjugated or replaced.
The advantage of OTL Inuit and Dene was that they lived in small, mobile populations in marginal lands that weren't easy to settle for Europeans up to about the 20th century. But if there is an agricultural infrastructure and a significant sedentary population, early subjugation and control of the Arctic would actually become easier, because the Europeans could superimpose themselves on the economic and political structures created by the Thuleans. As the climate would not be suitable to European agricultural settlement based on European crops, the situation would probably be more similar to Latin America, with an elite of European descent ruling a native underclass, than to the temperate zone where Native Americans were squeezed out to marginal lands and replaced by European settlers.
 
In general, I like this TL and the premises behind it. I have some doubts about the quantitative side. If I don't get you wrong, the Thuleans develop a full agricultural package plus accompanying social and political structures, including an empire, in the course of a few centuries?

Yeppers. Congratulations. I've been waiting for someone to bust us on that. And truthfully, its a concern that I've wrestled with.

Allow me to frame a slightly rambling response.

There have been roughly as half a dozen independent inventions of Agriculture - Mesoamerica, the Andes, the Indus, the Yellow River, the Nile, Mespotamia, New Guineau, maybe a couple of others. There might be other 'independent' inventions, but they took place close enough to existing agricultural complexes that we can't truly demonstrate that they were autonomous.

So far as we can determine, the last 'independent' invention of Agriculture was probably no earlier than four thousand years ago, and obviously, its done among pre-literate societies. This means that we don't really have a good verifiable record as to how cultures develop agriculture or transition from nomadic hunter/gatherers to sedentary agriculturalists. There's no record. We're working from archeological studies and trying to assemble a number of indirect pieces of evidence into a picture. And we may be hampered in that there may actually be several pictures. So there's a certain amount of guesswork and speculation involved. The theory is almost as much art as science.

My own theory on these things is that the transitions must happen relatively quickly. I think that the two lifestyles are basically incompatible.

Think of this as being analogous to the eye - a relatively complex structure which works as a whole, the components of which don't necessarily work at all. An eye is a very useful thing. Half of an evolved eye is no good at all. (I'm generalizing here, so you evolutionists stay off my back.) What we likely have are an accumulation of pre-eye traits which are useful in and of themselves, and eventually a tipping point, a rapid development of a complex feature.

My thinking is that transitions to agriculture probably take place extremely rapidly, after a period of accumulation of key pre-agricultural practices.

In this situation, I've basically asserted a key development of a pre-agricultural practice around 700 CE. This develops for about 200 years to 900 CE. The Thule expansion across the north, replacing the Dorset, becomes a period of rapid cultural expansion and transformation, which sees the extension and diversification of the pre-agricultural practices by logical increments, to about 1200.

So basically, we've got about 500 years from the emergence of the key pre-agricultural practice, to the emergence of an Agricultural complex.

I'm also positing that even when the Agricultural complex emerges, it takes a certain amount of time for it to spread and mature. The maturation process in this case consists of the following steps: (1) Active and deliberate cultivation of the founder crop(s); (2) Refinement of trench and mound techniques; (3) Spread of founder crop and techniques; (4) Cultivation of secondary crops; (5) Domestication of key animal species. I'm positing a further 200 years, roughly from 1200 CE to 1400 CE. Maybe 1450 or 1500.

Total time to get to an Agricultural society in this case, I'm projecting roughly 700 to 800 years.

I think that's probably reasonable under the circumstances. Although, as I've noted, we have no real well documented examples to work with. We know it happens, and has happened repeatedly, but we don't quite know how or how fast.

Now, as to the organization of an agricultural society into state or statelike polities. Again, working without a net here. We don't have a documented record of seeing it happen. Obviously, its occurred and occurred many times. The mechanism and speed of transition, not very clear.

Our best precedent probably comes from the experience of proto-state or pre-state agricultural cultures of the essentially neolithic peoples of polynesia and north america. Some of them were quite sophisticated - the Six Nations Confederacy of the Iroquois for example.

OTL knowledge of the Inuit in the period of contact over the last 300 years seems to indicate that as hunter/gatherers the Inuit were fairly warlike, both among themselves and against southern groups. That conflicts were fairly violent and massacres took place as between Inuit on one side, and Cree and Dene on the other, and that the Inuit formed themselves into coalitions for war. So there seem to be proto-state elements already existing in OTL Inuit. It might be a stretch to generalize this backwards several hundred years to the Thule. But given that the Thule were busily wiping out the Dorset culture, its not unreasonable.

Agriculture for the Thule poses challenges. With smaller and more confined territories, there isn't that universal access to resources. Rather, there's all sorts of local resource inequalities. So there has to be mechanisms for exchange or redistribution of resources and local surpluses. That can be trade or war, probably both, but I would argue that it tend to contribute to the evolution of states or statelike entities. As to how far that would get... good question. Empires of various sorts seem to be a fairly uniform route that states take.

We're positing that the five hundred years between the establishment of Agriculture is sufficient time for states to emerge, and the later part of that for 'superstates' of 'empires.' Might be rushing it. But at least I think its arguable.


This seems quite fast to me.

Definitely. But not impossibly fast, and perhaps not even unreasonably fast.

We're looking at essentially an originating Dawn Civilization, such as the rest of the world hasn't seen for millenia, one young enough that it's still got a cultural memory of its history.

If it existed in our time, anthropologists would be creaming their jeans. Jared Diamond would be chaining himself to Inukshuks.

Also, what would be the population densities supported by Thulean agriculture? Certainly higher than with a hunter-gatherer lifestyle, but still probably much lower than for the Native American agriculturalists in more Southern latitudes?

Definitely lower. Thule Agriculture is built around perrenial crops, so basically you need three times as much land to produce an equivalent harvest. There's relatively less arable land, and its less productive.

Early on, I tried to do some assessments as to what population density and what populations this can sustain. What I did was take pre-black plague medieval populations for France and the Low Countries, and the British Isles as baseline comparisons. We weren't seeing huge populations there compared to modern times. Roughly three to ten million, and population densities of 6 to 24 persons per square kilometer. Then I basically discounted by a factor of four or five to adjust for the greater territory required. I still got numbers that curled my hair.

I'm not going to go too far into it here, but I'd hazard that the Arctic Thule civilization by 1700 might reach a few million from Greenland to Siberia.
I'd say that by 1400, there's probably at least a few hundred thousand.

This is over a much larger territory than the southern meso-Americans, but I'd like to point out that between Dogs, Caribou and Musk-Ox the Thule have access to vastly more horsepower than any American civilization. Pound for pound, the Thule domesticates outpower post Eurasian domesticates.

And the Thule domesticates, and Thule watercraft technology give them a far greater local transportation and communication edge. So their geographical issues are quite different from Meso-America.

More detailed population extrapolations, I'll save for another post.

And still these Native Americans were subjugated or replaced.

Not entirely replaced. The Mississipian and Atlantic seaboard cultures certainly. The Quechua and Aymara of the Andes are still a fairly huge population group, despite four centuries of colonialism. Same goes for the Maya of the Yucatan and Guatemala.

But good point. I don't think that the late trajectory of the Thule, particularly in the 19th century is going to be easy.


The advantage of OTL Inuit and Dene was that they lived in small, mobile populations in marginal lands that weren't easy to settle for Europeans up to about the 20th century.

Even into the later 20th and 21st century. Go up past the Agriculture line, and outside of a handful of mining communities, most of the communities are aboriginal, and most of them are holding onto a lot of the traditional language and traditional culture.

But if there is an agricultural infrastructure and a significant sedentary population, early subjugation and control of the Arctic would actually become easier, because the Europeans could superimpose themselves on the economic and political structures created by the Thuleans.

Certainly that's a possibility. A close model might be India, for instance, or Indonesia or the Phillipines or Southeast Asia where just such things occurred.

On the other hand, within that region, we saw places like Japan, Thailand, Persia and Abyssinia which successfuly avoided European dominion. China's its own case.

As the climate would not be suitable to European agricultural settlement based on European crops, the situation would probably be more similar to Latin America, with an elite of European descent ruling a native underclass, than to the temperate zone where Native Americans were squeezed out to marginal lands and replaced by European settlers.

Possibly.

I apologize if I seem vague or coy. Right now my focus is on building the basic elements of the Thule Agricultural Complex. Basically making a plausible or persuasive case for arctic agriculture and the foundation of Thule society.

How that develops in the late period, and particularly what happens in the clash between Thule and Europe is something that my partner, DirtyCommie will probably be heading. He has some ideas there.
 
The incentive to domesticate bison/moose would be at the point where the outermost edges of the caribou/musk ox range intersect some part of the bison/moose range. Basically, Thule herders moving into those areas find that their animals are faring poorly, take a look at the similar-seeming animals in their new environment, and see about raising them as an alternative.

Possibly. But my understanding of the historical record seems to be that once a culture has incorporated an animal into its economic complex, into its agricultural and social package, it tends to go to great lengths to maintain that animal.

As an example, consider the Norse, whose economic package was based on cattle. But cattle were arguably outside their range or at the outer limits of their range in Norway and Sweden. They certainly were in Greenland and Iceland. To maintain cattle, the Norse had to build extensive barns, cut hay, and invest considerable labour and infrastructure. You see this over and over again, cultures spend a lot of time and energy to extend and sustain their chosen domestics beyond their natural ranges.

The Scandinavian peninsula was much more amenable to reindeer. But even though the Scandinavians were adjacent to reindeer herding people, they didn't take up Reindeer to replace or supplement cattle. There are places where cattle and camels overlap, but the respective cultures didn't easily or quickly adopt the other animal.

So a further Thule draft-labour Domesticate is a difficult thing. I'll think about it further, and I'm not ruling it out, but I'd consider it unlikely.

The other option I can think of would be non-Thule societies in close enough contact with the Thule to get an idea of how useful large domesticates can be trying to create their own to compensate. Moose might be more likely here, since there would be a military incentive to have a riding animal of your own in the woodlands at the edge of Thule territory once the Thule start using caribou in similar fashion.

A better possibility, under the theory that the example of domestication might make further or additional domestication events possible. We'll put that on the shelf and see if conditions support it.

On a completely different topic, the Thule might get hit with the European epidemic wave at about the same time as the rest of North America, assuming they haven't been exposed to the European disease package by contact with the Norse (which would have major effects of its own, assuming that the diseases spread into the Amerindian trade network several centuries ahead of schedule). Given the network of waterways available to them, I'd assume that Thule traders would probably reach Lake Superior or at least Lake Winnipeg, which then (through intermediaries) would put them in contact with points further south.

Well, except that all these waterways are under the control of hostile cultures, the Cree, the Iroquois etc.

However, I agree that the Thule will get hit with the Epidemic wave, at about the same time, and it will hit them worse than in OTL, simply because of greater population concentrations and far more communication and contact within the territory. We'll see how they cope.
 
Arctic fox domestication might be a way to fill the "cat" niche, in the sense of a small predatory animal that eats agricultural pests. Depends on how quickly they can breed smaller dogs, I suppose.

Probably the single biggest challenge, once Thule agriculture gets going, is the population explosion and challenge formed by small arctic herbivores, particularly Voles. The reproductive rates of those little bastards would frighten tribbles. A greener, more biologically productive arctic would probably trigger runaway population. So the Thule culture is going to have to wrestle consistently with them.

One approach would be to develop techniques to harvest vole in numbers, some sort of dryland fishing net for instance. Even if they're nut considered human food, you could probably sustain a reasonable population of dogs on them.

But the other approach would simply be to support ongoing vermin eradicators. So Arctic owls, foxes and specially bred dogs might all eventually be used for those purposes, with domestication trajectories very similar to cats.

I'm guessing that seals and maybe walruses are semi-domesticated; the Thule encourage suitable habitat for them along the shore and have general rules on how many can be harvested at a time, but actively domesticating an animal that spends that much time underwater is probably impossible.

From my research, it seems that most of the Arctic seal populations breed and reproduce on ice floes, so they'd be very difficult to manage. I think that the best the Thule might do would be to develop some concept of the sustainable yield, and police that. Seals are fast breeders and fast growers, so that sustainable yield could be formidible. I suspect that seal hunting communities or subcultures would be very proprietary about their seals.

There may be ways for the Thule to encourage or support seal populations. Because of predators like Polar Bears, they're not shoreline breeders mostly. But ....

Walruses come to the shores to reproduce and establish breeding grounds. So its possible that you might expand the population by establishing new breeding shores, or improving the existing breeding shores. They're slow growers and slow reproducers. But between ivory and hide, they may be valuable enough that the Thule might look at managing the species.

I'm distinguishing between domestication, semi-domestication, and managed, as opposed to simply harvested.

And on the far-out crazy end of things, how much bear taming is there? I'm assuming domestication of any bear species is pretty much impossible, but I'd think that a group of tame polar bears or grizzlies would be a nice status symbol for the rulers of the eventual Thule kingdoms.

Polar Bears and Grizzlies will not be doing well in this Timeline. But they will probably survive. I agree that there might be some taming going on as status symbols.

On the subject of metal, iron and bronze (especially bronze, I think, given the amount of water both frozen and liquid in the region) would be important for use in tools. Better arrowheads won't matter much, but better plows, picks, shovels and other tools to fell and carve trees, dig into the permafrost, shape earthworks and other such pursuits would be another major boost to Thule productivity. Dried caribou and musk ox dung would help explain how the Thule could avoid completely deforesting the region in search of firewood.

Metal is a valuable thing, especially if its difficult to procure. Arrowheads are almost disposeable. Farmers fields plow up buckets of them. I don't think any early metallurgical society would be so reckless as to waste metal on arrowheads which are so easily lost.

But you're right, metal for agricultural components would likely be a useful investment. Given the lack of wood in the arctic environment, wood itself is going to be a valuable commodity, perhaps one that the Thule travel far for.
 
Hi, guys! As you know, my life abruptly took a turn for the worse a few weeks before Christmas. Finally, I'm back on track and ready to get back to work on this. I've sent an update to DValdron to proofread and I should have it all edited and ready to go by tomorrow!

Cheers,
DC
 
Hi, guys! As you know, my life abruptly took a turn for the worse a few weeks before Christmas. Finally, I'm back on track and ready to get back to work on this. I've sent an update to DValdron to proofread and I should have it all edited and ready to go by tomorrow!

Cheers,
DC
Woot! Can't wait to see it.
 
Hi, guys! As you know, my life abruptly took a turn for the worse a few weeks before Christmas. Finally, I'm back on track and ready to get back to work on this. I've sent an update to DValdron to proofread and I should have it all edited and ready to go by tomorrow!

Cheers,
DC

Oh good! I love what DValdron does, but you launched this thread and I was starting to fear you'd withdrawn from it. DValdron could do fine things with it on his own but I've been curious from the beginning what direction you are going to take it in.

You might notice a lot of my speculations have to do with the details of the culture, with politics, political geography, all that kind of thing. I've figured DValdron had to stall those because that department is particularly the one you two collaborate on. He doesn't do "slice of the timeline" posts here, he does overview.

I really like the encyclopediac approach and the freedom to talk about the timeline "in third person" as it were, but now it's time for some second or even first-person narrative. That will give us a much better idea just who these people are.

What do you think of my characterizing them as "Ice Arabs?"

I want to be very clear, I'm aware of huge differences between the Arab cultures and this one. For one thing, the Arabs (and Semitic people in general) seem to have arisen into known history in close conjunction with the earliest civilization known, the Sumerians. In fact I've seen it theorized that the Semitic peoples pretty much developed in Mesopotamia, becoming the dominant ethnicity there in fact, and then the various pastoral and desert Semites known from say the Bible moved out into these niches. So they were always aware of these relatively highly developed civilizations and in fact developed their own identities complementary to the city people.

The Thule on the other hand rise up pretty much on their own from their own icy soil; by the time they are dealing with the Norse on their margins they are pretty far along, and it is only long after that that more Europeans start intruding on them. They have no contact with the other civilization complexes in North America, not until after the Europeans are there to mediate it anyway.

When I call them "Ice Arabs" I'm thinking of their place geographically and geopolitically.

I've also wondered if the Alaskan Thule might turn into something more like "Snow Greeks," like the Greeks of early Classical times, venturing out into strange worlds old to the ancient peoples they find but new to them, keen to absorb everything they can.

Your take on the basic nature of Thule culture will tell me how far off base I am.:p:eek:
 
...
But good point. I don't think that the late trajectory of the Thule, particularly in the 19th century is going to be easy....
How that develops in the late period, and particularly what happens in the clash between Thule and Europe is something that my partner, DirtyCommie will probably be heading. He has some ideas there.

Like I was saying in the post above I've been waiting for DC to come back so I can ground my notions of what the Thule could be like in the timeline's canon of what they actually are like.

Based on my own provisional notions, I figured the dangerous crunch time for them would be somewhat earlier than the 19th century, pretty much in conjunction with the outbreaks of disease. Some Eurasian diseases are going to be particular murder on people who live very closely together, especially if there are lots of some kind of rodent around.

Also it seems the Thule get the attention of quite a lot of Europeans quite early. Certainly OTL Cabot is considered a close, almost photo-finish, second to Columbus in "discovering" America. And Cabot, having availed himself of a better globe than Columbus chose to look at, headed north and west, looking for the Northwest Passage in fact, as did so many other very early English and English-sponsored explorers. OTL they did not find a useable NW passage but they did find land rich in valuable furs and settled down to trade in them. Here, they sail straight into the tender arms of the Thule.

Well, they aren't Ts'alal, nor even Draka. It seems likely to me that some familiar names from the history textbooks (assuming Europe before 1500 is not very butterflied yet) might never have made it back. But others, perhaps less famous OTL, would probably succeed in making more or less friendly contacts, and return to Europe with the news. Knowing substantial numbers of people live in the Arctic, and have towns and crops, and trade goods of their own, will draw more attention in that direction; in particular the Euros might persist in trying to map out that pesky NW passage, and try to get permission (or authority) to use it. That's a dead end in pre-industrial days, though between motorized sledges of some kind and possible engine-powered icebreakers the idea may come back into fashion later. (This would be one reason they'd be vulnerable in the 19th century!)

So with extra numbers of European ships coming up to Greenland and beyond to pester them, the Thule are going to get early doses of Eurasian diseases.

This is where all kinds of detail we've been waiting for DC to fill in becomes crucial; it all depends on the nature of Thule society what happens next. I do think the geography means it will be very difficult for even a determined European power to wipe them out, or merely subdue them; they might succeed in manoralizing some segment of the Thule, but there would always be "wild" ones farther north and west. The question is, how flexible would these free Thule be, culturally? How resilient?

I'm counting on them being very pragmatic about absorbing any and every aspect of European technology that seems useful in the Arctic. Magnetic compasses for instance. Some Thule live right on top of the magnetic north pole; Thule uses of the compass will be rather different than "the arrow points north" use the Europeans count on. That far north, the magnetic field lines will dip vertically quite markedly; the angle of the dip will give them a sense of how far they are from the magnetic pole. So while it might take them a long time to learn to make them themselves I bet they grab every one of those things they can get their hands on. European traders with the right level of armed protection (not so much as to appear to be there as a raider or to start a war, not so little the Thule neglect to pay for their acquisitions) can probably make a mint just selling them.

But my notion of who I hope the Thule are is that at least of some of them are very canny and curious; they'll want to know how they can make some themselves, and everything they can find out about what it is and how it works.

I'm rather counting on the shaman class themselves to include these sorts of scientifically curious intellectuals, rather than to be a bunch of flim-flam artists jealous of their privileged position. Oh I bet they will be jealous all right, but also it will seem obvious to them that to maintain their leading position, they had better master all the foreign magic they see. If they are somewhat successful along these lines they'll have more confidence in themselves and their position in their society, and open up to frank dialog with various European savants and semi-savants--like Christian missionaries for instance.

There are interesting possibilities in Thule adopting Christianity early and wholesale, and also in their holding it at arm's length critically. Of these two I like the latter just because I like diversity. But I bet they have some fun arguing with Jesuits, for instance. And some Jesuits get very deeply acculturated to them.

Of course there may not be a Society of Jesus in this timeline. Well, SJ was already founded before 1540, and we can trust the butterflies will not have swept over Europe en masse by then just yet. But it could be it took most of the rest of the 16th century for them to solidify the identity they were later known by, though they were devoted to education and a high level of intellectual engagement from the beginning. So the jury is out on that. But I'd think if the Jesuits fail to develop on that path ITTL, the Pope will want someone or other to do it. Some intellectual order will surely send missionaries north.

Anyway my main interest is, how fast can Thule integrate the flotsam and jetsam of the evolving European technical revolutions in appropriate ways into their very unique environment? How flexibly can they handle the constantly shifting ice of a changing society, one that must mutate and evolve in diverse ways to stay on top of wave after wave of European-originating challenges? I rather hope that precisely because they do have the deep fastness of the Arctic to retreat into, they don't all choose to do that, reasoning that if things get too hot then they can run away, but in the meantime there is stuff to be learned and angles to be worked.

So I'd think the time of crisis would actually be well underway in the 16th century, which in a way is very good because at that time the European ability to send legion after legion of colonists, traders, missionaries, and so forth would be limited. Nor do I suppose they'd go all out for converting or conquering the Arctic; there are lots of other fish for them to fry in the world. So the Inuit get battered, but at a time when the Europeans are just winding up, and if they can adapt to the diseases and adapt their society to new technology, new knowledge, and new alliances, they can buy themselves time to learn to hold the Europeans at bay. While profitably trading with them too.

So I'd hope that by the beginning of the 18th century, things would have largely shaken down into familiar patterns; the larger Thule polities would be thought of in Europe the way the Ottomans or to some extent Russia was, as large important somewhat faraway powers that are alien but known about and dealt with on a daily basis.

The question is, is this going to amount to a long, gradual Pulling a Meiji, or will they simply have the fortune to survive in some successor form the way India or Turkey has today?

From the tone, I don't think the timeline authors think Meiji Arctic with a cutting-edge scientific and technical establishment specializing in icebreaker trading ship manufacture and the like are in the cards. They certainly don't have a huge population, and a disproportionate amount of that will not be integrated into the highest-tech elites because their basic economy demands they spread themselves rather thin.

I still don't think the European explosion of world colonization of the later 19th century is going to blow much shrapnel northward, even if the Thule are rather marginal and weak in power terms at that point. By then, Europeans would know more about just how the Thule feed themselves in this marginal environment and won't envy them. If the Thule regime(s) can manage mining operations and the like well enough, and the uses of what trade routes are practically available are well established, I think the European vultures will sooner look to China or Turkey or other "Sick Men" to prey on, and let the Thule manage their Arctic.

The weaker the Thule are, the less tempting the territories will look; vice versa if the Thule are doing well they can then probably defend themselves credibly well enough that the Europeans (and whatever sort of independent North Americans of European descent may exist) will look for easier pickings and concentrate on sewing up advantageous alliances. There may be some "optimally bad" middle ground where they look prosperous enough to be worth incorporating and ruling but not strong enough to hold off a determined conquest effort.

But then, the wide and hostile reaches of the Arctic will be their ally; I can see individual Thule nations succumbing but it is hard to see the whole complex going under in just about any scenario.

OTL the English, later British, monarchs have counted all of the continent north of the US border all the way to the North Pole as "British" and drawn their maps accordingly; but it is the Inuit who really live there. ITTL, whatever European derived powers may evolve in the Saint Lawrence and other river complexes to the south, the line, or wavy ridge or whatever, between them and land that is either only nominally under some European monarch or American republic but is in fact actively autonomous, or just outright independent, is going to be much farther south than the Pole!
 
PTARMIGAN: SMALL DOMESTICATE, BIG IMPACT

One of the most remarkable elements of the Thule Agricultural Revolution is its timing. The Thule Agricultural Complex was an independent invention, none of its plants or techniques were derived from other existing agricultural complexes. The Thule Complex is one of the handful of known independent inventions of Agriculture in the world, and significant for that alone.

It is especially significant since it took place so recently, in fact, that a significant body of cultural lore allows us to chart its early evolution and development. The formative period of Thule Agriculture took place within a period of a few hundred years, and literally, within a century of that, the development of writing created an unparalleled occasion to document that history.

Much of this, of course is subject to the archeologists ambiguity. We can say that the practice of root cutting and planting was acquired from the Dene-Ina and spread from a region of Alaska around 900, into Thule culture. But we can’t identify the first cutting, or the first Thule clan to engage the practice. We can identify the three locations where Agriculture began, but can’t say which one was first or exactly what year the first crop was planted. We don’t know who domesticated the first Caribou, although there are numerous stories and claims.

But with the Ptarmigan, we can actually say when, and where and who, or so the Thule tell us. The year was 1310 plus or minus 5. It took place in a Thule agricultural village called Mittimatalik in the northwest corner of Baffin Island, remote from the agricultural core region. The person was Anayoutopak.

**************

Anayoutapak stumbled through the wan light of midsummer. She turned back, marking the location of a hill in her mind. She was perhaps two days walk from home, perhaps three. She would need to know the landmarks to find her way home to her children.

It was getting harder. Everything around the village was picked clean. Not even foxes could be found. It hadn’t been so long ago that a half day’s walk could bring home enough to feed her children.

Those had been better days. Her husband had been alive then. The ice had not taken him yet. The two of them had a Caribou, had plowed good fields and enjoyed the bounty of the land. His death had devastated her. More so when his relatives took their caribou and forced her from their fields. A woman alone had no need for such fields, they had said. Alone? What of her children? But she’d had to stand by as they claimed the ripening next year crop for themselves, and left her to beg for scraps of what had once belonged to her and her man. A man might have made the difference, but she could not find one. She was older, and there were no shortage of younger women. She had mouths to feed, and her rivals had none or fewer. She had few kin to offer alliance.

She’d been allowed fields of her own, for her and her children. On the outskirts of the village, poorer sandy fields. She and her children had painfully dragged sacks of rocks, had tried to raise such windbreak mound as they could. It wasn’t enough. She got by on roots and stems and leaves stolen from other fields, a little here, a little there, and was beaten for her troubles. There were fish sometime though, and mice if they were hungry enough, and travelling out beyond the village, well, there were spots where if you knew how to look, you might catch a rabbit or a fox, or knock down a bird, or find a small patch of bistort.

But it was getting harder. Harvests had not been good. Even her meager garden was stolen from. Men and even a few women travelled out from the village, hunting for a little more. The men of course had the advantage. They could travel the shores in their Kayaks, they could go further afield, hunt the bigger game, what there was of it.

All she could do was walk. Three days walk, and barely half a sack filled. Her feet ached, she was weary and sick of the unforgiving land. She traversed the wind sheltered side of a gully, looking for bits of green in the sun kissed spots. Perhaps some sweetvetch? Perhaps a stray roseroot?

Up ahead, a stray breeze brought a sound to her. A croaking. The sound of ptarmigan, a slow bird of the tundra. She listened carefully. More croaking. They were up ahead, around the next bend. The sun would be hard there, they were probably feeding. Laying her sack down, she gathered up a handful of gravel in one hand, lifted her walking stick in the other and crept forward. Peaking around, her heart fluttered. There were easily a half dozen birds. More. Feeding or roosting in a matt of arctic willow.

Steeling herself, she rushed forward, yelling to shock them. A handful of gravel thrown hard stunned three, knocking them over. With her stick she struck another just as it was taking off. A wild swing brushed the wing of another in the air, sending it tumbling, she smashed it as it hit the ground.
She was elated. The birds were wealth. Meat for her and her children, and fine feathers. If only there were eggs. Then she spotted the signs of a nest.

Almost ecstatic, she dug it out. Six fine eggs. She seized one, cracked the tip and swallowed the contents down, luxiating in the taste.
Oh this was such a find!


Ptarmigan country. The birds were still common around here. She could come again, take more. Idly, avarariciously, she stroked the eggs, thinking of swallowing another down. Save some for the children, she thought. Eggs would be such a treat. She imagined the looks on their faces.

Or maybe not, eggs were delicate. They might break on the way back. Perhaps she should have them all here, herself. The birds would be treat enough.

But.... she was still a mother.

Perhaps wrap them in moss and arctic willow, that should keep them safe enough for the trip back, especially if she was careful.

Eggs. It reminded her of the little pearls of bistort, that grew into new plants.

Wouldn’t it be wonderful if you could plant eggs like bistort pearls and grow a crop of birds. Oh what a bounty that would be.
She paused.

Well.... Why not?

Eggs hatched, chicks came forth, they grew into birds. So why not? Something like a plan came into her mind.

Carefully, she took each bird she’d killed. She slit their stomach and buried an egg inside each one, then packed it carefully in her sack. Her steps, as she began the long walk home, were light.

********************

She took a more direct route. It was two days walk, though the ground was harsh. When she arrived home, her children feasted with her.

One of the eggs was broken when she got home. That left four. She minded them carefully, and more by luck than skill, all of them hatched. She had no wisdom for the feeding of chicks. She experimented, trying to determine what they welcomed. She had the crops and gullets of adult birds to guide her. Two of the chicks died before she determined that they needed insects as well.

The other two chicks grew rapidly, one better than the other. She was amused by the way the little birds flocked after her as they grew, always trying to follow her when she was around. Her children adored the little creatures as pets. One died, she wasn’t sure why.

She made another trip, bringing back three killed birds. But she’d found two nests. Eleven eggs. Nine hatched. Another trip. Six eggs. Four hatched. Her children learned to feed the chicks as she went out on her long expeditions, bringing back whatever she could find. The chicks, under supervision of her children, wandered among her field, picking what they could. Sometimes she and her children were hungry, and the chicks were tempting. The first bird that grew to maturity was spared, they were too fond of it.

Wait, she counselled, wait.

But it was hard. Nights were hungry. The crop came in. In celebration, they killed the largest of the younger birds, and shared its meat alongside a meal of sweetvetch. Some of the half grown birds vanished. Flown away? Or taken by neighbors. She considered breaking wings, to keep them from flying away.

Then, one day, in a corner of her garden, she found a nest of eggs. Her oldest child saw her smile when she returned home, and thought that it was like the sun breaking over the warmest day of summer.

******************

By the third season, her flock had, despite eggs failing to hatch, despite chicks dying, or birds vanishing, grown to over forty birds. Cutting the feathers or breaking the wings kept them from going too far away. They were better at raising chicks it turns out, than she was.

Her neighbors regarded her with something like bemusement. This notion that birds could be raised like a crop took a certain off kilter point of view, but it seemed to work. A cousin was lamed in an accident, and he came to live with her. Not much for hunting, he could still get around, and between him, herself and her older children, they defended what she built
Confidence was her best weapon. She was no longer the despairing woman who her husband’s kin had dispossessed so easily. Years of self reliance, the thrill of accomplishment, the fascination of her project had made her something different. Confident, capable. Fascinated. She knew her birds as well as she knew her children.

Her neighbors stole a bird or two, of course. She could not help that. She gave a few as gifts. Offered eggs as compliments to the birth of children. A few of the more ambitious women tried their hands at the effort themselves, with significantly less success, but with enough to keep them at it.

One day a famous shaman, a man whose name was known the length and breadth of the land came to the village, leading two caribou. Much was whispered about this man. That he could tell at a glance what land would be bountiful, and what would not. It was said that the spirits whispered constantly in his ear. That whatever he planted grew faster, tasted sweeter, that the sun loved him, and he knew all the secrets of water, and a hundred ways to plant and plow.

The village was agog. The richest farmers stood proudly at their fields, dressed in their finest skins, their chests puffed out. Women bowed before him. Children collected leaves and seeds to show him.

But of all the people in the village, it was her he came to see. Three days he stayed in her home. She told him everything she knew or thought, every guess and every conclusion, every lesson she had learned or taught herself about raising birds like plants. Finally, when he went away, he took two living birds with him, and a nest of eggs. He left a Caribou as a gift.
The village was astonished, and more than a little intimidated.

She just smiled.

**********************

Over the next ten years, more Shamans came and went. She would not travel, and so instead, great and wise men came to her, to learn her ways. Her fame spread. Some came from vast distances, even from beyond the Island. Gradually the village came to accept that among them was a person of profound magic and supernatural importance.

As her flock grew, her children matured. She was vaguely surprised to find herself able to arrange advantageous marriages. The fields of her family expanded and prospered, children and grandchildren following in her ways.
By the time she died, she had changed the world of the Thule.

*********************

The ptarmigan is a sedentary bird living in the arctic and subarctic in North America and Eurasia, found in tundra and rocky hills and mountainsides. Non-migratory and relatively poor flyers, the Ptarmigan are mostly ground birds occupying remote habitat, and avoid predators by hiding, fleeing or establishing secure nests.

None of these strategies are particularly effective. In the wild, up to 80% of ptarmigan die in their first year, with mortality rates of 50% thereafter for each year of a three or four year lifespan. To make up for this, Ptarmigan have a formidible reproductive rate, laying clutches of six to nine eggs three or four times a year. Eggs are incubated within 24 to 26 days. Offspring are independent within ninety days, and reach sexual maturity inside of a year. In two generations, approximately 16 months, a ptarmigan hen may produce 324 descendants.

The diet of ptarmigan is roughly similar to Musk Ox or Caribou, in the wild, they eat principally plants - willow buds and catkins, seeds, leaves, flowers and berries of other plant species. They thrive in and around Thule agriculture, without distressing the plants or undermining crops. In the wild, insects are eaten by the developing young. This is a trait that has been retained into adult birds as a result of selective breeding of domesticated birds, and ptarmigan have found a secondary use in many areas as insect control and crop management.

Because of their preference for remote habitats with few predators, even wild ptarmigan are surprisingly approachable. The domesticated variety is extremely human tolerant and will remain close to human territory. Domesticated ptarmigan display neotenous features, often behaving like chicks and preferring to flock around human keepers. Wings can be clipped or broken to prevent flight or escape, but this is seldom done.

Oddly, domesticated ptarmigan are at more risk of predators than wild specimens. Dogs, Arctic Fox and Arctic Owl will all prey upon ptarmigan out of the presence of humans. For this reason, a flock herder is preferred to discourage opportunistic predation. It’s often a balancing act, as these predators are used to control vole which would otherwise be a threat to crops, so the loss of a few ptarmigan from time to time is seen as an acceptable price.

In the wild, ptarmigan weight ranges from one to two and a half pounds. The birds gain weight for winter, and as much as one third of winter weight will be fat. Domesticated ptarmigan tend to be 50% larger. In addition to meat, ptarmigans are also raised for eggs, and selective breeding has increased the laying rate, domesticated ptarmigan whose eggs are harvested may lay as many as eight clutches a year. Ptarmigan are non-migratory, and as a result moult or shed feathers from white for fall and winter to brown in spring and summer. The moult feathers are collected and valued for padding.
Ptarmigan fall into the category of micro-livestock, small, docile and easily managed, rapidly reproducing animals with broad diets that can be raised for meat. Other examples of microlivestock include rabbits, guineau pigs, chicken, turkey, geese and duck. They are often critical sources of protein, comparable to larger domesticates, and vital to poorer areas.

Ptarmigan were particularly valuable to the Arctic Thule, given the limitations of the perrenial agricultural package. The harsh arctic environment restricted productivity for humans, so ptarmigan offered a ready opportunity to indirectly access inedible vegetation.

From the initial domestication, ptarmigan were readily adopted and spread rapidly through Thule territory, proliferating anywhere the agricultural complex established itself. From the estimated initial domestication in 1315, by 1335 ptarmigan were spread throughout Baffin Island and as far as the southern reaches of Ellesmere. By 1345, domesticated ptarmigan had reached the mainland. By 1360 they were found in the heartland of the Hudson Bay agricultural complex. By 1390 they had reached Alaska and begun to spread into Greenland. By 1400 they had reached Labrador. 1425 the southern reaches of Greenland. By 1435 they were found in Thule settlements in Siberia.

The rapid spread of Ptarmigan can be attributed to the limitation of Thule agriculture and the pressing need to supplement those limits whenever possible, it also responded to an overwhelming shortage and extremely high demand in Thule society at the time for protein of any sort. It came along at exactly the right time to proliferate dramatically.

The Shamanic networks were also critical to the spread of Ptarmigan. Shamans were key, not only to the distribution of birds and eggs, but they also provided the knowledge and lore for raising, breeding and maintaining the stock. Shamans were indispensible because they provided the entire package, the birds and the techniques or toolkit to manage them.

It’s estimated that ptarmigan provide as much meat to the Thule as Caribou and Musk Ox together.
 
Total time to get to an Agricultural society in this case, I'm projecting roughly 700 to 800 years.
Actually, I don't disagree much in this part.

Now, as to the organization of an agricultural society into state or statelike polities. Again, working without a net here. We don't have a documented record of seeing it happen. Obviously, its occurred and occurred many times. The mechanism and speed of transition, not very clear.
This is probably more of a question of how that polity looks like. When I read "Empire", I think of something sophisticated with cities, bureaucracies, elaborate structures etc. If what you have in mind is less like Ancient Rome or the Aztec empire and more like a tribal confederation or like the polities the Megalithic people in Europe must have had, without cities or other urban structires, but certainly with an elite of rulers and priests that was able to organise imposing central structures, then developing that kind of polity in your time-frame wouldn't look out of line to me.
 
Urban or urbanized polities of various sorts show up quickly in many agricultural societies. It's likely that they will show up here, although the nature of Thule Agriculture will and the larger areas needed to support people will likely mean relatively smaller urban centers. You won't see the sort of cities that the aztec and maya produced, with hundreds of thousands of people.

You probably will see communities of hundreds, and towns of thousands. Among the Thule, 10,000 may be a huge place.

Even focusing almost exclusively on the food basket, we're seeing the emergence and diversification of a specialized caste in the Shamans, and the emergence of different and sometimes regional subcultures based around different methods of production. Berry farmers, ptarmigan breeders will be two widely distributed subcultures or trades, various specialties of caribou herders will emerge, musk ox horticulturalists, seal and walrus hunters will become regional production subcultures. Thule culture is moving rapidly towards complexity and resource inequalities, which promotes diversification.

We'll have to explore that on its own terms though.



We've barely even begun to allude to that sort of development, so it may be premature to discuss it.
 

corourke

Donor
This tendency to spread population into a bunch of similarly sized smaller polities instead of concentrating it into a smaller number of large ones could have interesting political effects. Because it would be more difficult for any one polity to establish real hegemony over many others, it seems like city-states, rather than large empires, might be the path things take here.
 
Part Two: In Which An Emperor Is Dethroned

“I am the shadow, and the smoke in a clear sky. I am the ghost that hunts in the night.”

--From the ritual chants of the Kadzait

Issorartuyok, Hey Nuna

The Year Of Our Lord 1510

The mighty citadel-beast of Angutiriyok(1) hulked over the fortified imperial city, its sleek flanks reflecting the bright sheen of the winter moon. Tussiatatok, Ataneq Inuvialuk(2), shivered, his eyes seeing a nightmare image of the manmade hill rearing up like a living beast and howling at the moon for blood. These were merely waiting jitters, he knew—but the image stayed with him much the same. Many months before, he and his tribe, blessed by Aama Pokittok and using the superior mobility and war-artistry granted by their caribou mounts, had swept out of their forsaken homelands at the edge of civilization(3), riding south into Hey Nuna proper. Sinnektomanerq’s ngoar-clad(4) spearmen, despite their heroism and skill, were unable to stem the tide and had been swept aside; though the powerful composite bows of their comrades had made his retainers hurt when they had the chance.

Now, he, Tussiatatok, lord of a humble assiminik(5) in the coldest and harshest of lands, stood before the defensive trenches(6) of the greatest city in all the world, ready to launch his final assault against the God-Emperor who had for so long exercised his dominance over Hey Nuna. Clenching his scarred fists in the thrill of battle-about-to-come, the imposingly tall, startlingly young man slid his ngoar taggarik from its sealskin sheath and lifted it in the air, silently calling on the power of the Low Mother to guide his blade to the Emperor’s blood. Kicking the sides of his mount violently (causing the caribou to lower its head and bellow(7) angrily), the Ataneq led the first charge of his riders into the trenches, their caribou bounding over the heads of the spearmen. Hugging close to the neck of his beloved Tiglikte(8), Tussiatatok, spotting a harsh-faced spearman clad all over in bright ngoar, swung low with his taggarik and neatly sliced the man’s exposed jugular, scoring his first kill. As the man toppled—Tiglikte running too fast for Tussiatatok’s eyes to see it—the Ataneq felt his blood-spattered spirit harden with death-lust, and felt his senses all attune to the battle. Before he could see it, in fact, he heard the near-dead spearman throw his weapon at him, and felt the hum of impending death in the air. Shifting quickly to the left, he dodged the spear, but felt Tiglikte collapse under him.

Stunned by the fall, Tussiatatok felt the great caribou break his—the Ataneq who had burned whole cities—left leg on the hard ground. He realized blearily that he had fallen between two of the city’s homes, where none of his men could see him. Suddenly, the pain from his arm struck and he looked down, seeing blood steaming out of a great wound cut by his own taggarik in the fall. He could not move. And now, as he reflected on it, the city’s ground was as good a place to die as any.
After dawn had come, while the city burned, his now long-dead body and that of Tiglikte were consumed by the flames while his men desperately searched for their king.

By nightfall, only the three low, stone houses on top of the hill-citadel remained of the great imperial city, while Tussiatatok’s men spread to the three corners of the world, spreading the chaos of the Low Mother with them. They also spread a burgeoning mysticism which had grown up around Tussiatatok—a mysticism which would, one day, spawn the famed assassins’ brotherhood of the Thule; the Kadzait(9).

Notes
(1) Literally, “holds its own”. This is the manmade hill referred to in Part 1.
(2) Literally, “He Who Limps, King of the Inuvialuk”. The Inuvialuk are the first Thule tribe to domesticate and ride caribou, and are significantly further east than IOTL.
(3) Civilization here referring to Hey Nuna and the rest of the Inuit lands.
(4) Ngoar—bronze. Yes, the Thule have bronze.
(5) Literally, “Zeality”. A quasi-fief or dukedom, subservient to the Emperor or a king but largely autonomous and with a large cadre of locally-raised fighting men who have all sworn a personal oath to their ataneq and see him as their conduit to all legal authority. Technically, like all things in Thule society, a zeality ataneq’s power rests on three things; the legal authority granted him by the greater ataneq, the spiritual authority granted to him by the local shamanhood via several ceremonies, and the loyalty of his warriors.
(6) The Thule at the moment waste no wood in defensive structures and are not yet advanced enough to build large stone walls, so instead dig defensive trenches around their cities and villages.
(7) What the hell noise does a caribou make anyway?
(8) Literally, “thief”.
(9) Literally, “wandering wolverines”. The mystical priest-assassin organization that will later help catapult Amaguq to Ataneq of Hey Nuna. I’ll explore them more later on.

This is only another "glimpse into the past", and a fairly short one, unfortunately. I'm not great at conforming my ideas into a straightforward timeline, so I do jump around a bit. Next time, we'll be visiting the Snow Greeks, as Shevek23 puts it, then jumping forward a bit to explore the Portuguese rediscovery of Greenland and the beginnings of the Portuguese colonial empire!

Will post answers to your questions in a minute. ;)
 
Oh good! I love what DValdron does, but you launched this thread and I was starting to fear you'd withdrawn from it. DValdron could do fine things with it on his own but I've been curious from the beginning what direction you are going to take it in.

Worry you not, I plan to write a lot over these next few months.

You might notice a lot of my speculations have to do with the details of the culture, with politics, political geography, all that kind of thing. I've figured DValdron had to stall those because that department is particularly the one you two collaborate on. He doesn't do "slice of the timeline" posts here, he does overview.

Indeed. Usually, I provide ideas on cultural, religious, social, and political developments while he worries about the tech, the diseases, and the domesticates.

What do you think of my characterizing them as "Ice Arabs?"

I think it's a rather apt characterization, though I would call them "Ice Bedouin" more than anything else. The Inuit hold "ice power", after all, the desert equivalent of which the Bedouin have long had a monopoly on in Arabia. However, you'll see as we go along that they are far more ritualistic and, paradoxically, open-minded than traditional Bedouin culture.

The Thule on the other hand rise up pretty much on their own from their own icy soil; by the time they are dealing with the Norse on their margins they are pretty far along, and it is only long after that that more Europeans start intruding on them. They have no contact with the other civilization complexes in North America, not until after the Europeans are there to mediate it anyway.

Actually, IOTL, they did have some sort of contact with Cahokia, via Dene and Cree intermediates, and I imagine that cooperation will grow as the Thule urbanize and agriculturize. Think of it as contact between Rome and China; no real embassies or anything, but a certain awareness and respect for each other, and trade links.

I've also wondered if the Alaskan Thule might turn into something more like "Snow Greeks," like the Greeks of early Classical times, venturing out into strange worlds old to the ancient peoples they find but new to them, keen to absorb everything they can.

Another apt characterization. Yes, the Alaskan Thule will be something like the Greeks of the northern Pacific, setting down colonies everywhere, trading, exploring, etc.

Your take on the basic nature of Thule culture will tell me how far off base I am.:p:eek:

You're fairly right, but only in general terms. Thule culture will be completely unlike that of the Greeks or Bedouins (though with more similarities to the last due to similarly barren environments).

Watch this space. ;)
 
You know, the Ptarmigan is a useful addon to the agricultural package of the Thule. But I think the fact that all those shamans, the leading men of the Thule, are willing to come to that poor woman and learn from her will have a much more significant effect on history.

Keep up the good work!
 
For the record, Caribou grunt sometimes, but mostly, they're pretty quiet. The most noise the make usually is a clicking sound because their hooves spread and contract.

By the way, fun fact: Caribou are the only animal that can see in Ultraviolet. Their ultraviolet vision is critical in picking up discontinuities in white snow that mean hidden traps, soft cover or cracks. Basically, if your a several hundred pound animal, and you're migrating hundreds of miles through a landscape which is white on white... well, it pays to see a bit further up the scale.
 
This tendency to spread population into a bunch of similarly sized smaller polities instead of concentrating it into a smaller number of large ones could have interesting political effects. Because it would be more difficult for any one polity to establish real hegemony over many others, it seems like city-states, rather than large empires, might be the path things take here.

One thing to keep in mind though is that with Caribou and Dog Sleds, Caribou riding, and river and coastal skin boats, distance doesn't mean nearly the same thing for the Thule as it does, say for the Maya or Aztec.

In those territories, for the most part, information moved no faster than a man could jog, say 6 to 8 miles an hour, say 20 miles a day. And goods were restricted to what a man could carry, say 20 or 30 pounds and how fast he could walk, say two miles an hour, say 10 miles a day.

Thule messengers, on a fast dogsled or caribou, can make 25 miles an hour, maybe a hundred miles a day. Possibly more if there's a good relay system set up. Meanwhile, a man with a team of dogs or Caribou can move 500 or a 1000 pounds four to six miles an hour, as much as 50 miles in a day.

That makes for very different dynamics and economics. Thule agriculture needs much more territory to produce the same yield. But Thule polities are able to efficiently draw on much vaster territories, and potentially may be able to claim or influence even vaster territories.
 
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