La Larga y Oscura Noche

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maverick

Banned
La Larga y Oscura Noche

The long and dark night

The Argentine Civil War of 1955

As it happened with the history of Spain in the 20th century, there was no event in our own history as defining as the cruel and bloody Civil war that ravaged the nation, divided our people and forever shaped our history and identity.

The year was 1955 and a winter of Discontent had settled in the Argentine Nation, from the End of the world to la Quiaca, winds of change and rebellion were blowing and the convulsed political and social climate that dominated the country served as an ominous prologue to what would transform into a storm of iron and blood in the dying days of the winter…


Buenos Aires, Argentina
Ministry of the Navy
June 16th of 1955

The distance between the Ministry and the Casa Rosada [1] is of only three blocks, and there is no building or structure whatsoever to separate the two, only an open space, a parking lot, now occupied by military vehicles and hundreds, if not thousands of government loyalists with the intention of taking the rebel ministry and killing everyone inside.

It’s been three hours since the initial bombings began the prelude to the failed revolution.

Three days before 250,000 people had gathered at the National Congress, encouraged by several religious figures, in protest to Peron’s Government. The subsequent engagements between Peron’s supporters and his opponents on the streets had only resulted in a deterioration of an already barely controllable situation. [2]

Admiral Toranzo Calderon, one of the leaders of the rebellion, has a clear sight of the Casa Rosada and the Plaza de Mayo from his office at the ministry, as well as a perfect view of the growing crowds of armed civilians and army soldiers in front of his ministry, across the empty parking lot. The Army Machine guns located at the Plaza de Mayo and the Casa de Gobierno have already opened fire against the rebel-held base, but it is the mobs of armed workers and fanatical Teronists what worries the rebel admirals and their men.

At 13:12, nearly three hours after Admiral Gargiulo began the mutiny and ordered the bombing of the Casa Rosada and began the revolution, the General Secretary of the CGT, Hugo Di Pietro, called the workers of Buenos Aires and ordered the defence of the Government. [3]

Thousands of workers had left their works and gathered at the CGT, the Plaza de Mayo and the bases of the Nationalist Alliance, the major paramilitary organization behind Peron’s movement and the only openly distributing weapons to the workers. Along the Avenida Corrientes and using Jeeps and military vehicles to pass along the army rifles and pistols, the Nationalist Alliance gathers its people’s militias and calls for an attack of the Ministry of the Navy, much to the worry of both the rebel officers and the loyalist army officers.

“What are they doing now?” asked Admiral Torranzo Calderon to one of his men, stationed at the rooftop of the ministry and keeping an eye on the events in the street.

“There are barricades being built around the Casa de Gobierno. Civilians are building them; the soldiers are only standing around, preparing their tanks and anti-aircraft artillery”

“I see”

“At the Correo Central there are hundreds gathering sir, I can’t see much”

“I see”

The Admiral did not need to actually see what was going on at the Post office to know what was taking place there. Peron’s most fanatical followers, the Nationalist Alliance, were obviously using the blind spot to gather their own troops and arm them with military equipment. They were only two blocks away, but the corner and the blind spot at Alem and Corrientes were enough to cover their movements.

**********************************************************************
Vecinities the Ministry of the Navy
14:15 hrs


“What is going on?”

“Those idiots are still yelling” announced the officer through the radio. “They still haven’t learnt their lesson”

As he communicated with his fellow officers at the Plaza de Mayo, he took another look at the parking lot used by the Navy as a demarcation line. Between twenty and thirty corpses covered the place, all workers called by the CGT and armed by the Nationalist Alliance, all attacking without cover, protection or any strategy whatsoever other than blind fanaticism.

“Idiots”

“Did you say something, sir?”

“Are the reinforcements ready, corporal?”

“They are taking a while to get here because of the civilians, sir. Corrientes and Saenz Peña cannot be used, and the other avenues, well…”

“Nevermind” I can see the problem from here. Surrounding the army vehicles and accompanying the soldiers there were thousands of armed workers yelling and chanting, sometimes singing some of the Marcha Peronista, sometimes chatting with the soldiers and discussing “Strategy”

From his position the Captain could see the Ministry, surrounded by the armed sailors and ‘Infantes de Marina’, barricaded and waiting for another “valiant charge”. He took another glimpse at the dead men scattered along the parking, dressed as civilians and armed with rifles and shook his head. [4]

**********************************************************************

Underground facilities, beneath the Ministry of War
14:20 hrs

The air was getting quite rare in the war room. On the table there were piles of documents, reports and scattered papers over a map of the city of Buenos Aires. Around the table, the President of Argentina was surrounded by his trusted Generals and his Minister of War, General Franklin Lucero.

“As you can see, we have been able to blockade any incoming reinforcements from the Navy’s School of Mechanic at Nuñez, and we expect to have enough troops to surround the Ministry of the Navy by 15:00 sir, if the traffic conditions allow it. For the moment, Mr. President, the flow of workers at the main avenues…” continued the minister of war…

“I am aware” interrupted the President while shaking his head and covering his face with his hands.

“Reports of armed civilians, being armed by the Nationalist Alliance and the CGT” [5]

“I am aware!” interrupted the President once more

“This is not what I wanted” muttered Peron to himself, as he imagined the bloodbath and the thousands of dead civilians on the streets of Buenos Aires

“What of the casualties?” inquired Peron loudly as his posture normalized, much to the relief of his men

“Well, once we secure the areas around the rebel held area at Madero and…”

“Civilian casualties, General…”

“Well, Mr. President, Thus far, counting the dead and wounded from the initial bombings at the Plaza de Mayo and the use of machine gun fire against the civilian population, we can estimate casualties of at least 400 dead, perhaps even more, and thousands of wounded, not to mention the civilians still surrounding the Ministry and subject to enemy fire…and we also must consider that there are still enemy planes in the air”

“Shoot them down”

“We already have our own planes in the area, and are engaging the enemy over Newberry and the Rio de la Plata (River of La Plata)…and we’ve got some reports of the rebel Meteors…”

“Keep me informed…what about of the fight on the land?”…as he asked, the tensions in the room became more evident. Several dozen meters underground, in the midst of a possible civil war and under danger of direct enemy fire…

“Well, reports about enemy civilian troops have ceased, probably because of the intervention of armed militias gathered by the CGT…”

The pause was not good, but it was necessary to state the obvious, that the people were armed and fighting in the streets of Buenos Aires. The awkward silence was interrupted by the sound of the radio and the continuation of the reports.

“Sir, there are reports from the affected area. Units of the Fourth Battalion of the Naval Infantry have opened fire around the Correo Central, they might be trying to break the siege on the ministry…” announced the General ominously

“And our reinforcements…”

**********************************************************************
Ministry of the Navy
Between 14:50 hrs and 15:00 hrs

“This better work” muttered Admiral Torrenzo Calderon as his men placed the white rag, the biggest piece of white fabric they could find in the ministry, and hanged it from a window, to the sight of everyone as far as the Casa de Gobierno. The message was clear; the rebels were willing to negotiate.

From his office, the admiral could only see the transformation overtaking the mob with a sensation of insecurity and fear.

In the streets and plazas, a massive wave of euphoria and jubilee swept through the massive crowd that had been witnessing the fighting or had taken active part in it. In typical outfits for workers and common city people, armed with everything from planks of wood, hammers, sticks and clubs to Mauser army rifles distributed by the Nationalist alliance, the crowd cheered the apparent surrender of the rebel base.

What exactly possessed the men heading the mob we will never know, but in an impulsive outburst of triumph and anger, the Peronist militias began a swift march upon the surrounded Ministry. The fifteen seconds that followed were utter chaos and bloodshed. Machine gun fire from the besieged rebels caused numerous casualties amongst the militia ranks.

The rebel volley had left over 40 men, dead and wounded, lying across the parking lot that separated the Ministry of the Navy from the government forces.

“¡Estúpidos!” yelled Admiral Torranzo Calderon

“Sir” interrupted one of the officers “Admiral Oliveri has informed us that the next attack is underway and that new targets have been selected”

“Let me see” said the Admiral has he read the communiqué that his man had handed him

“New bombings on the Casa de Gobierno, Radio del Estado and upon the Confederación General del Trabajo…Good heaven”

**********************************************************************
Navy’s Communications Station at Costanera Norte
15:00 hrs

“Bombardear Casa de Gobierno, Radio del Estado y la Confederación General del Trabajo”

Captain Carlos Álvarez, in charge of the Communications Station at the Costanera Norte, receives the orders and passes them to his subbordinate, Suboficial Segundo Paulino Godoy.

Enough years in the armed forces will teach you the importance of the chain of command and obeying orders, but it was Claus von Clausewitz who said “No battle plan ever survives contact with the enemy. Far from being a disloyal officer or a mutineer, Paulino Godoy was still far from a robot. Whatever his motivations were that day, whether it was common sense or peronist loyalty, Godoy reads the message, returns it and says:

“I won’t transmit this dispatch, it’s unconceivable”

Captain Alvarez reacts and realizes what is being ordered. Upon a few seconds of hesitation, he contacts his immediate superior, Captain Oscar Hourcades and they deliberate. The CGT, where there are currently 50,000 workers gathered and ready to march upon the besieged ministry of the navy, is far from a military target and therefore cannot include in the list of targets.

“We shall proceed with the main targets, the Casa de Gobierno and the Government’s Radio Station”

*********************************************************************

Casa de Gobierno

Two 12,7 mm Colt Machine guns on the rooftop of the Casa Rosada constituted only half of the available anti-aircraft defense, but in the midst of the panic and the nature of the attacks, it was all that the circumstances could allow.
Armored vehicles along with members of the Granaderos a Caballo and other loyal army units were surrounding the casa de Gobierno, accompanied by armed civilians and rescue personal still assisting the victims of the early bombings at the Plaza de Mayo.

In the first bombings, 22 North American AT-26s, 5 Beechcraft AT-11s and 3 Amphibious Catalinas had taken part of the attack, throwing over 9500 kgs of bombs, many of which were 50 kg fragmentation bombs, which caused terrible damage amongst the civilians at the Plaza de Mayo and the surroundings. The subsequent machine gun fire opened by the planes caused even more casualties, up to 800.
Little did the men at the Casa de Gobierno and the Plaza de Mayo know that the nightmare was far from over for them. Orders had been transmitted just minutes ago and the rebel planes, still flying over the skies of Buenos Aires, were on their way to continue with their task.

This time the rebels had included even deadlier weapons to their arsenal of terror: four Gloster Meteor interceptors, previously under loyalist command and even part of the early engagements against the rebels.

Panic is widespread; the people scream and take cover as the anti-aircraft-artillery opens fire on the enemy warplanes. Beneath and behind the government tanks or at the very Casa Rosada, people try to escape the carnage that ensues. Machine gun fire follows the dropping of over 33 bombs over the Casa de Gobierno. 8 bombs fail to explode, but the rest work with deathly efficiency.

After a few minutes, there is only silence.

**********************************************************************

20:00 hrs
Ministry of the Navy

The surrender of the rebel units had taken place two hours earlier, and the last rebels had either surrendered or escaped to Uruguay by plane, those which had not been shot down in any case. Yet there were still some somber figures remaining in the abandoned and occupied building.

“…Igual que en España ¡Es tremendo! ¡Esto es insoportable para mi, me siento responsable de todo!”

(Just as in Spain, it’s terrible! I cannot bear this, I feel responsible of all of this!) [6]

Admiral Gargiulo’s face had turned completely white and his eyes were wide open. From the windows of the formerly besieged ministry, could see the fire of the churches burnt by the Peronist militias, as well as the smaller fires on the streets and the torches carried by the dispersing mobs. The fire surrounding the cathedral of Buenos Aires is the most heartbreaking image of the day.

The two officers joining Gargiulo are also lamenting the scene, but they must leave as well if they want to leave the building alive. The alleged amnesty offered by the government has a dead line and there are few willing to prove the government’s forgiveness. Even if Peron is willing to forget and forgive, the mob is a different story. Thankfully there was always the army. Surrendering to the army was the safe option offered by the authorities. Everything was better than the mob.

“I’ll join you later” lays the admiral

“Goodbye sir! Saluted the two officers as they led on the three major leaders of the revolution alone with his thoughts…

The fire, the destroyed vehicles, the scenes of devastation in front of the ministry and across the city, all of the images disappear as a shadowy figures crosses the door of the office.

“Buenas Noches, Almirante” greeted Major Vicente, of the Motorized Regiment ‘Buenos Aires’

“Good evening, Major”

“I have been instructed to detain you”

“I expected that much. I was hoping you wouldn’t turn me to the mob. Anything but that; there’s little future with an angry mob as judge and jury”

“I wouldn’t worry too much about the future if I were you Admiral”

As he approached the Admiral’ desk, he left a small object covered with a small white handkerchief. It was a pistol, as Gargiulo had suspected.

“Tell me, Major, have you made this same offer to Calderon and Oliveri? [7]

“I am about to, yes”

“It’s better than nothing”

“It’s better than them” said the Major, referring to the crowd.

Outside, in the city, things were relatively calm, at least after this storm. But everyone involved knew that the end was far from near and that the calm of today is but the eye of the hurricane.

Inside the ministry of the Navy, a Sound of Thunder and silence
[8]






Notes:1. Casa Rosada and Casa de Gobierno; Argentinean version of the White House

2. The 250,000 people gathered because the Government was aiming at banning the religious processions of Corpus Christi, which they saw as a gathering of the opposition;

3. CGT: Confederación General del Trabajo; Worker’s General Confederacy; the Worker’s Unions

4. Pretty much IOTL, but with more civilians;

5. This is the POD; IOTL there were armed civilians on both sides and Peron was reluctant to arm his followers; ITTL, there are even more and thousands of casualties

6. Actual quote, actually, all of this prologue is OTL, except for some minor tweaking...

7. Admiral Samuel Toranzo Calderon, the main rebel leader, Admiral Oliveri is minister of the Navy and only joins due to loyalty to his men; as IOTL, Gargiulo is the only one to commit suicide

8. Sound of Thunder, I do use that a lot, don’t I?
 
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maverick

Banned
This is the second TL on Argentinean history I've done so far...

Unlike the "Argentina without Peron" project, which was more rosy and which I do have to revive one of this days, this one is intended to show a darker reality based upon a different decision...

The last bit was just a prologue, with a small POD which is the open intervention of armed civilians in the conflict between Peron and his opponents in 1955, when IOTL he opposed such involvement due to the possibility of a bloodbath and the conflict transforming into what happened in Spain in 1936...this was the same reasoning that drove him to resign to the Presidency in September IOTL instead of fighting even when he had the support of most of the army and the people...

Inspired by documentaries and reinforced by readings like Rosendo Fraga's "Que hubiera Pasado Si"...

What if a Civil war had been brought about in September of 1955?
 

maverick

Banned
Maps

I don't have to post a map locating Argentina, do I?

Here's the First one...

3059257573_7c46552768_o.png

http://farm4.static.flickr.com/3063/3059257573_7c46552768_o.png
And for Those who can read Spanish...

3060073978_01ba018eb8_o.png
 

maverick

Banned
It sure did IOTL!

And I found the maps to be necessary:p

Now, more IOTL stuff to get the people knowing what is going on...

****************************************************

Chapter I

La Argentina de Peron

Our story begins not in September or June of 1955, but on October 17th of 1945, with the birth of the Peronist movement and the famous events that led to the ascension of General Juan Domingo Peron to the Presidency in 1946, by the hands of thousands of thankful workers and fanatical followers. The Confederación General del Trabajo (Worker’s General Confederation-CGT), in representation of the workers, along with the most nationalist sectors of the military joined the industrialists and conservatives that supported Peron in those harsh months of 1945.

The nine years that followed that historical night of October saw the country steer through the paths of industrialization under the three doctrines of the Justicialist dogma: “Una patria economicamente libre, socialmente justa y politicamente soberana” (a county economically free, socially just and politically sovereign)

The unprecedented economic conditions of the post-war world and his social policies made Peron and wildly successful and popular leader in his first five years of government, in which the lower classes and the workers became his most fervent followers along with the nationalists and industrialists. As the economy grew, so did Peron’s power, through several authoritarian policies and the birth of a personality cult centered on himself and his wife, Maria Eva Duarte. And so the opposition, as they had in 1945 and 1946, continued their criticism of Peron based not only on his dangerous economic policies, but also by likening him to the fascist Governments of Mussolini and Franco, which Peron so callously imitated.

But the year of 1951 saw the appearances of fissures in the structure of the Justicialist State, and so the greatest success Story of the continent began to crumble.

The bonanza that followed the Second World War ended in the same year that poor harvests and a confrontation between the government and the Agro-Industrial economic sectors began to cripple the economy. The redistributionist economic policies of Peron’s welfare state could no longer be sustained, and to add to this poor situation, the political climate in the country began to turn even more turbulent.

Following a coup attempt in 1951 by discontent army officers, the popular First lady, known by the people as “Evita” died of cancer in 1952. Another pillar of the movement had caved in, but not the last.

In the past few years members of the opposition had been jailed, conspirators tortured and disappeared, civil liberties restricted and the personality cult around Peron had taken immeasurable dimensions. Children would learn the “Marcha Peronista” and take an oath of loyalty to Peron along with the National anthem and the oath of allegiance to Peron. Teachers and workers could only work if they were card carrying members of the Peronist Party or the CGT. Opposition leaders as important as Radical Ricardo Balbin had been imprisoned for months without due process and the army had the same role as paramilitary organization in the suppression of opposition activities. But in what was perhaps the most important policy of the Peronist government, a new constitution was approved in 1949, establishing not only a myriad of new rights for the workers, but also the possibility of re-electing the President, previously limited to two non-consecutive six year terms.

And now we return to 1955, back at the beginning of our story; leaders of several of the three Arms, the Navy, the Army and the Air Force, plot with diverse factions with or against Peron’s Government.

The year has been tense. To the traditional opposition of Radicals, conservatives, communists and socialists, the Catholic Church has been added in the past few years, following the laws of Divorce and the recent anti-Church stance of the government. Economic sectors adverse to the Peronists but aligned with the interests of the United States and Great Britain have also taken part in the plots against Peron.
 

maverick

Banned
Glossary:

Juan Domingo Peron: IOTL, President from 1946-1955, part of Nationalist groups in the 1930s and 1940s, military observer in Italy and Spain in the 1920s and 1930s, part of the 1943 coup and the nationalist circles that drove the military government away from the allies. Using his positions in the government, he became ministry of labor, war and VicePresident, all at the same time once, building a political base of workers, nationalists and industrialists. Accused of fascist symphaties, he allowed WWII refugees from fascist regimes to come to Argentina, but ironically, most immigrants at the time and some collaborators of Peron were Jews

Opposition: Radicals (Center) Socialists (Left), Communist (Left-Left)Conservatives (Right) Catholics and the Church, not to mention the economic powers that be, represented by the agro-industrial economic sectors in organizations like the Rural Society (Sociedad Rural)

Justicialismo or Peronism: Peron's movement, Nationalists, Industrialists and workers...mixing the more interesting parts of Socialism and Mussolini' Italy...Five years plan, national industry, production of cars, airplanes and other vehicles and parts of the heavy industry; internationally, it postured a third position between the Soviet East and the Capitalist West.

UCR: Union Civica Radical (Radical Civic Union): the main opposition and eldest party, founded in 1891 after a failed revolution, it started as a leftist revolutionary party and evolved into a moderate, center-left and even purely centrist party by the 1950s...

Socialist Party: Argentine Socialists, hardly fanatic revolutionaries, but nonetheless the left...

Communist Party: The hard, revolutionary worker's left, they were stolen their worker base by Peron and now only have some workers but mostly communist thinkers and middle class revolutionaries...

Argentine Army: mostly loyal to Peron; the officers would later prove to be less loyal than the non-commissioned officers (suboficiales)

Pro Government: General Franklin Lucero, General Juan Jose Valle, etc.

Anti-Government: General Pedro E. Aramburu, General Leonardi, several admirals, etc.

Argentine Navy and Infanteria de Marina: the Navy and the Marines, the first of the armed forces to rebel agaisnt Peron.
First Torrazo Calderon and Gargiulo in June, then Admiral Isaac Rojas IOTL in September led the navy during the coup and coup attempts

CGT: the workers' unions, in one colossal organization that directly or indirectly represents all workers in the countries through the diverse unions and syndicate organizations.

Alianza Nacionalista: Nationalist alliance, paramilitary peronist organization, armed and dangerous as you can guess from the name
 

Goldstein

Banned
Unlike the "Argentina without Peron" project, which was more rosy and which I do have to revive one of this days, this one is intended to show a darker reality based upon a different decision...

This TL has a very interesting and promising start, but I would be VERY interested in reading a No Peron TL. I see Argentina as a country with a great potential in most of the fields, and I've always sensed that OTL's Argentinean misfortuned history is, in some sense, kind of an anomaly. Reading a timeline in which Argentina do better (and IMO, without Peron, Argentina would have done better), would bring fresh air to the realm of AH. Anyway, I have a taste for dystopia too, so consider me subscribed to this. ;)
 

maverick

Banned
Oh, thanks, that TL is going to be revived, now that I have more experience and actual research...:p

Interesting that you mention Argentina's potential...

An economist one presented this division of today's economies, which I find interesting...

"e puede dividir a los paises en 4 categorias: Desarrollados, subdesarrollados, Japon, que no se sabe porque es desarrollado, y Argentina, que nadie se explica porque no es desarrollada"
:p
 
Thanks...let me know if you have any ideas for Brazil ITTL...do you foresee any repercussions?

Well, 1955 was an electoral year in Brazil, when Juscelino Kutbischek was elected and started 05 years of economical development. But he didn't won by absolute majority, and right wing politicians tried in November to make a coup in order to prevent him of being inaugurated, and General Lott, Minister of the War, needed to make another coup to prevent this coup and allow Juscelino's inauguration. So, I think you can have some fun here. :p
 

maverick

Banned
Chapter II

Sobre lo que sucedió el 16 de Junio de 1955

What took place on June 16th of 1955 was hardly a new occurrence in the political life of Argentina; in the 100 years preceding the coup attempt, from the signing of the Constitution of 1853 to the breaking hours of that bloody winter day, there had been seven major military-civilian attempts to disrupt the constitutional order of government, of which the last ones, the so-called revolutions of 1930 and 1943, were successful.

The last unsuccessful attempt, and the first major one during Peron’s government, took place in 1951 in the form of an army mutiny led by malcontent officers under General Benjamin Menendez. Peron’s authoritarian style of government and the concerning similarities to Francoist Spain and Fascist Italy had driven the opposition to desperate measures before, but when a new Constitution was created in 1949, allowing for the re-election of Peron, tensions reached unprecedented levels.

At the height of his power and popularity, Peron tried a move that would break the camel’s back: to promote his wife, the popular and wildly beloved (and equally hated by other circles) Maria Eva Duarte de Peron from First Lady and standard bearer of the movement to the Vice-Presidency for the elections of 1951.

What happened later is well known. Menendez tried to repeat the successes of the 1930 and 1943 coups, in which a minority of officers overthrew a government with the help of rebellious troops. The operation nevertheless backfired.

While Peron counted at the time the support of the majorities of the population and the military personnel, as well as the nationalists and the church; this zenith that had started in 1946 would unfortunately for the General began to turn as did the fortunes of the Country and the Government.

Evita’s health had been deteriorating through the years of 1951 and 1952, and such a problem in combination with the coup attempt of 1951 pushed her out of the prospective ticket, the Vice-Presidency instead going to a party loyalist and conservative admiral Tessaire. Evita, the idol of millions and the face of the regime, died on July 26th 1952.

The death of the First Lady could not have come in a worse time, and following the massive funeral processions, attended by tens of thousands and even hundreds of thousands of people, the popularity of the regime began to sharply decrease.

The authoritarian trends within the government grew as did the fanaticism of its followers and detractors.

Following 1951 and around the time of the elections, political violence became widespread in the country and especially in Buenos Aires as it had not in decades; Ricardo Balbin and Americo Ghioldi, leaders of the Union Civica Radical and the Socialist Party respectively, were subject to life threatening attacks, Ghioldi even wounded by a peronist shooter, while the strategy of the opposition changed: as some turned to more virulent propaganda attacks with the help of the Church, others refused to even take part in the election.

Some members of the Union Civica radical, ironically the most moderate in its approach towards Peron thus far, were the first to operate in the same way, with several operatives using terror attacks just as the Peronist militias and intelligence apparatus had. A notable case took place in 1953, when a peronist rally attended by Peron himself was subject to a terrorist bombing by men who’d later take part in the June 16th Conspiracy.

Thus, June 16th was, while only a small tease, a show of things to come, it was also the result of a long political and social process that had been gestating for years.

The Argentine Navy had become the nest of all revolutionary conspiracies and opposition to Peron, the naval Base at Belgrano serving as the epicentre of all revolutionary operations.

The movement had contacted several army officers, some as high ranking as Generals Eduardo Lonardi and Pedro Aramburu, but both presented practical and personal excuses not to take part in a plan that they considered premature and dangerous.
The military wing of the June 16th Plan was headed by Admiral Samuel Torranzo Calderon, while military operations were commanded by Admiral Benjamin Gargiulo, who had only become part of the plot hours before the first operations began. The last of the three admirals, the Minister of the Navy, Anibal Olivieri ,joined his men out of loyalty to them and to his arm, the Navy.

The civilian leaders represented only factions of the larger opposition that existed, and to a degree operated without the knowledge of party leaders such as Ricardo Balbin. But while political support was actually limited on June 16th, the civilian leaders of the movement included Miguel Angel Zavala Ortiz (UCR), Adolfo Vecci of the Conservative Party and Americo Ghioldi of the Socialist Party. Nationalist Catholics also took place in the planning.

The diverse political leanings of the opposition, going from Conservative Catholics to the Communists, was perhaps a critical factor given the fact that the only thing the majority of the opposition circles agreed upon was that Peron had to go.

The plan, which had to a degree been rushed and met with several difficulties no one had foreseen, was an indication of the lack of support and resources the rebels had. Even when they had the geography and the element of surprise on their side, they couldn’t count on the fast reaction and response of the government and the people of Buenos Aires.

Furthermore, the plan had considered the addition of other opposition factions and sections of the armed forces not originally involved in the plan, an eventuality that did not take place, while it dismissed the possibilities of a rapid military reaction to the revolution or any involvement of armed civilians on behalf of Peron.

The operation nonetheless proceeded as planned in the early hours of June 16th, when Admiral Gargiulo took the men of the Batallón de Infanteria de Marina 4 (Marines Batalion 4) and marched on the Plaza de Mayo and the Casa de Gobierno, where they’d meet with groups of armed civilians supporting the coup.

The ground attack was however to be preceded by an aerial bombardment of the Casa de Gobierno and the Plaza de Mayo, for both operational and psychological purposes. Destroying the capabilities and the will to fight was the reasoning behind the use of the Naval Aviation against the capital of the city and a public square filled with civilians. As one could expect, collateral damage was monstrous.

To make matters worse, not only were the vicinities of the Casa de Gobierno machine gunned and bomb, but the bombs used were fragmentation bombs that multiplied the damage to people and property exponentially.

This was the Bautismo de Fuego of the Naval Aviation and the Air Force, the assassination of hundreds of civilians and the bombing of the most emblematic signs of the nation.

Lack of coordination and poor weather conditions doomed the revolution from the start. Thanks to the morning fog the planes were not able to begin their combat operations until noon, and thus the attack against the Casa de Gobierno had to be postponed for nearly two hours, giving enough time for the government to catch on the suspicious movements undertaken by the navy that morning.

The inability to coordinate the operations of the naval aviation and the warships unable to leave the docks due to technical difficulties would be of course the last of the Navy’s problems when their assault force met the Granaderos a Caballo defending the Casa Rosada, loyal troops that were reinforced by soldiers under the command of General and War minister Franklin Lucero himself.

The legendary corps founded by San Martin had repealed the attack of the Marines and that of the armed civilians. As the mutinous troops retreated to the Ministry of the navy through the parking lot of the ACA (Argentinean Auto Club), the gathering storm began to show its ire and its power before the rain would finally fall upon the country.
 

maverick

Banned
Images

peron_eva_2.jpg


President Juan Domingo Peron and his wife, Eva, circa 1950


300px-Ricardo_Balbín_y_Arturo_Frondizi_1946.jpg

Radical leaders, Ricardo Balbin and Arturo Frondizi

Download.aspx

Anti-Peron protesters, 1955


plaza1.jpg


Newspaper Ahora, depicting the events of June 16th


250px-Plaza-Mayo-bombardeo-1955.JPG


Most emblematic image of the attacks

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The Torched remains of the Cathedral of Buenos Aires
 

maverick

Banned
Chapter III

Sobre lo que sucedió en los tres meses que siguieron a Junio de 1955


It took only a few minutes flight for most of the leaders of the June rebellion to find a safe haven in Uruguay and put what had taken place behind them, but for those who remained, the nightmare was only beginning.

The very first night the city lights were overshadowed by the fire of the Buenos Aires Cathedral and the Ministry of the Navy, amongst other various centers of the opposition. As it had happened before, the headquarters of the Socialist Party and the UCR were attacked and firebombed, as was the Jockey Club and the Sociedad Rural, all symbols not only of the left wing and right wing opposition, but also of the social enemies of Peronism: the upper classes.

Violence became as widespread as it had not been in decades.

The situation that followed the 16th of June of 1955 was a combination of chaos and horror that the government was not able, and in some cases, unwilling to control.

The first attacks had taken place the very night of the 16th and in the following nights. The Cathedral of Buenos Aires as well as the Curia Metropolitana and the Cathedrals of San Francisco and Santo Domingo were burned down, along with other 8 churches in the wealthiest neighborhoods of the capital.

A particularly horrid example is that of Dr. Juan Ingalinella of Rosario, a local leader of the Communist Party, who disappeared in August of 1955. It was later discovered that he had been illegally detained by the province’s police, only to be tortured to death. His body was never found.

It was in these days that Peron declared the official conclusion of the Revolucion Justicialista and called society to peace and the opposition to a process of dialogue as a peaceful resolution to the conflict at hand.

The opposition was nevertheless not interested in conversations, and used the media, for the first time since the Peronist censorship had begun, to denounce the government. In a matter of days the process of peaceful dialogue collapsed.

Peron’s own rethoric, conciliatory at first, ominously warned: “¡Por cada uno de los nuestros, caerán cinco de los de ellos!” [1]

Loyalist crowds swept the Plaza de Mayo in great numbers several times after the events of June to show their support to the government, every time being addressed by their leader from the balconies of the Casa de Gobierno.

In the meantime, what in June seemed a matter of a simple division, opposition vs. government, Army vs. Navy, the truth was that from the beginning the conspirators had been looking for the support of army officers and they had to a degree succeeded. Even when the army remained loyal to Peron in every visible aspect, a growing number of army and air force officers saw the events of June and those preceding it as a dangerous trend.

Not only were Generals like Aramburu and Lonardi, which had not even been involved in the 1951 attempt, but even formerly staunch Peronists, like Admiral Isaac Rojas, who prior to June had been a most loyal admirer of Peron, Evita and the movement, a sympathy that had gained him a good position following the limited Navy purges that followed June 16th. Now it would seem ironical that one of the leaders of the enemy side had been given the position to support the events of September by Peron himself as a reward to his loyalty.

But it was not only the armed forces, it was the people too.

The polarization of society that had started in the 1950s had reached a vast majority of the people by 1955. The workers and the lower classes were a monolithically peronist Bloc; the middle classes were divided, with a majority following the anti-Peronist crowd, whereas the higher classes were almost uniformly against Peron, excepting those who loyalists that had made their names and fortunes thanks to Peron.

A final player in the Argentine drama that is often left aside is the youth of the country, especially the Universities. Politically opposed to Peron since his rise to power in the 1940s, the campuses of the country were the most adamant enemies of his regime and would continue to be so for the remainder of our story. College politics were particularly affected by the confrontations between The Federación Universitaria Argentina, politically aligned to the Socialists, Communists and Radicals, and the unions and workers loyal to Peron.

By the end of the winter the situation was clear: you where either with Peron or against him.

September arrived with a stunning and deafening silence that clouded the vision of both the government and the people, and fooled the world with a perception that the storm had passed, when in fact the calm of the eye of the hurricane had settled in for a few days before the storm could fall upon our shoulders once more, with full strength.

And thus, we get to the night of September 15th of 1955, the last night of relative peace the country would enjoy in a decade.


Notes:
  • For each one of ours, five of them will fall!, real quote
 

maverick

Banned
Chapter IV

El 16 de Septiembre de 1955


News of the first mutinies did not reach Buenos Aires until they were confirmed, but they did reach Peron’s officer just in time to join those already reporting armed engagements between army units in Cordoba in the early morning.

The initial rebel movements took place at dawn, as could be expected, in the most important opposition strongholds of the nation: the National Navy, and the City of Cordoba.

In Cordoba, the Schools of Artillery and Military Aviation joined the pronunciamiento of General Eduardo Lonardi. The first actual fighting in the war took place in downtown Cordoba, in the very center of the city, where Captain Ramon Eduardo Molina took his men of the Escuela de Artilleria and engaged the neighboring Escuela de Infanteria [1] in a difficult battle before prevailing over the loyalist troops.

The rebel troops were joined by the Comandos Civiles [2], Hundreds of men armed with Mauser rifles and some machine guns, counting with their military training [3] and their determination. The Civilian Commandos, in numbers greater than those of June reinforced Lonardi and would continue to do so until the very end.

As the rebels took the key position throughout the city, the revolutionary command under General Dalmiro Videla Balaguer began to take measures to spread the fighting from the provincial capital.

A second uprising was at the same time taking place in the heart of the Navy, the first of the three arms to rise against Peron, three months ago.
In the province of Buenos Aires, members of the Escuela Naval, the Liceo Naval and the Escuela de Capacitacion de Oficiales [4] adhered to the cause espoused by Admiral Isaac Rojas, who took over the Naval Base at Rio Santiago, in the province of Buenos Aires, with the full support of the chiefs and officers of the base.

In the South of the Province of Buenos Aires, the most important naval bases in the country, Puerto Belgrano and the Aeronautical Base Comandante Espora, joined the anti-government crusade, thus giving the rebels the near complete control over the Argentine Navy and its seas and rivers.

The revolutionary successes at Cordoba and Bahia Blanca sent shockwaves through the country. The commotion caused through society and especially in the government, already tumbling and teetering, bringing about confusion and panic.

As it could be expected in a situation like this, the government was the last to react to the news.

The first movements against the general insurrection took place within the armed forces themselves, by the hand of the non-commissioned officers, the most uniformly loyal group behind Peron in the army.

At Curuzú-Cuatiá, in the northern province of Corrientes, where General Pedro Eugenio Aramburu had joined the pronunciamiento of Mayor Juan Jose Montiel Forzano, the Non-Commissioned Officers mutinied against the mutineers and took the upper hand, forcing the rebels to flee the scene.

Elsewhere, it was the civilians and the armed forces to take control of the situation. At the CGT and the headquarters of the Alianza Nacionalista, weapons were being distributed amongst the workers and Peronist followers, while the loyalist commanders gathered at the War Ministry, where General Franklin Lucero was trying to make heads and tails of the situation.

The fighting within Buenos Aires herself erupted around noon, when the city’s Civilian commandos launched a series of attacks against the forces gathering at the headquarters of the Nationalist Alliance. The number of people joining the civilian rebels at Buenos Aires would not match those mobilized at Cordoba at the height of the war, but it would nevertheless be enough to divert the attention of the government forces and wreak havoc amongst the government lines.

As the rebel civilians were repealed and forced to withdraw to the north of the city, around the Casa de Gobierno loyalist troops and militias were gathering in a pre-emptive move. Many even moved against the abandoned and burned down carcass that had once been the Ministry of the Navy, simply out of instinct.

In the six hours that have passed since the beginning of the rebellion at Cordoba, President Peron has not been seen and has refused to make any public appearance to comment on the military insurrections. War Minister Franklin Lucero is the one in charge of the government counter to the insurrection.

Chaos reigned and confusion ran amok in these early hours of the war, well before anyone knew it was the beginning of a war.

Unlike what had taken place in 1930 and 1943, in which the mutineers simply marched unopposed from the Academia Military or Campo de Mayo and a new government was declared that very evening, or what had happened in 1890, in which the insurrection was contained and crushed in a matter of hours, this time the situation was something that had not been seen in a century.

Little did General Lucero suspect when he ordered the V division under General Aquiles Moschini, and the Army of the Andes under General Eugenio Arandia, to march upon the seditious nerve center of Cordoba, and little did he know about how deep did the seeds of dissent run in the heart of the armed forces.

The sun is setting. Spring will arrive five days.

By the end of the day, most of the city of Cordoba is in rebel hands and defenses are being prepared; government troops are advancing towards the revolutionary city from the north and from the west, yet only one is moving with the intention of fighting the rebels;

Off the shores of the nation, the warships under Admiral Rojas, under his flagship, previously known as the 17 de Octubre and now renamed as the General Belgrano, prepare to attack government positions on the land;

At the Ministry of War, a tired and ageing General Peron hesitates and tries to buy some times. He had seen Spain, and would do anything in his power to avoid a war, but the decision had already been made for him three months ago.


Notes:

1. School of Infantry
2. Civilian comandos, armed civilians; also IOTL
3. The military service, everyman is supposed to do this at the age of 18, so most men in the country have a pretty good idea of how to use a Rifle around this time, meaning that armed civilians can actually be pretty effective…
4. The Naval academies
 

maverick

Banned
Images

54FOTO3.JPG


General Peron in the middle, with Generals Franklin Lucero (right) and General Juan Ignacio San Martin

LONARDI1.JPG

General Eduardo Lonardi, leader of the insurrection at Cordoba

pedroaramburu.jpg


Rebel General Pedro E. Aramburu

rojas.gif


Rebel Admiral Isaac F. Rojas
 
What's the strength of militias on the Nationalist side and how are they distributed between the groups (conservatives, UCR, socialists)?
 

maverick

Banned
Its hard to say...And I don't know what you mean by nationalists:p...the rebels or the government? (seriously, its hard to tell)

The CGT and the Peronists would have a tactical advantage in Buenos Aires, but there would be communists, socialists and radical militias there as well as in Cordoba, where they included everyone from the Catholic youth, to the left wing college students, local conservatives along with local conservative students...

It is nonetheless hard to estimate the number of civilians involved, although the number was high IOTL and considerably higher ITTL...

In number of importance, I'd say that the Loyalists had the advantage in Buenos Aires regarding the civilians, but that in Cordoba the situation is reversed...especially since its mainly the loyalist army the one to fight the rebels in Cordoba...

In importance, I'd say they're distributed in an unbalanced way...most for the UCR and the Peronists, then the conservatives and socialists, finally the communists...

Also, time for an update!
 
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