Kolyma's Shadow: An Alternate Space Race

Part IV Post#5: Planetary Pilgrimages
  • Morning all. I’m afraid I’ve fallen a bit behind on responding to comments. I’ll try to catch up in the week, but in the meantime here is the next installment of...

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    Part IV Post#5: Planetary Pilgrimages

    The relatively smooth progression of planetary exploration missions that America had launched under the auspices of NESSA in the 1960s was beginning to experience some bumps in the early 1970s. The first and most serious setback came in 1971, when the Mars Surveyor orbiter failed to light its engine and continued past the Red Planet in a repeat of the Pathfinder-1 mission four years earlier. Unlike the more recent Pathfinder missions, the Mars Surveyor had no twin to carry on in its stead, and so the disappointed scientists had to make do as best they could with a few readings grabbed as the probe swung by the planet and back into deep space.

    Back on Earth, the next of the planned Surveyor missions, the ambitious Venus Radar Surveyor, was proving to be a lot more problematic than originally expected. In particular, the heavy power and sophisticated on-board computing requirements for its cloud-piercing radar were causing headaches, as was the robust thermal control system for the probe. By 1970 it was already clear that meeting the 1972 launch window was going to be extremely challenging, as costs expanded well beyond the original limits for a Surveyor-class mission. The failure of Mars Surveyor, with which the VRS shared a number of systems, was the final straw for a 1972 launch, and NESSA management officially confirmed a launch slip to the beginning of 1974. This relaxation of the schedule allowed the technical issues to be solved and, most importantly, fully tested. Ground testing was receiving a lot of attention following the loss of Mars Surveyor, with a renewed determination to ensure that the missions launched were as ready as they could be, even if it meant spending more time and money to safeguard the investment already made.

    The growth in the cost of the VRS had knock-on effects for the rest of NESSA’s planetary programme. The original intent had been to launch Surveyor missions every 2-3 years (depending on launch windows), with the more expensive Pilgrim-class missions coming once every five years or so, and cheaper Pathfinders filling in various gaps. So far, the only Pilgrim mission had been 1970’s Pilgrim-1 lunar sample return mission, and NESSA had hoped to follow it up with a Mars lander in the mid-1970s before turning its eye towards the big opportunity of the decade, the so-called “Grand Tour” of the outer planets. First identified in the early 1960s, this mission would take advantage of a unique planetary alignment to make flybys of multiple outer planet targets by individual probes. Although flybys would normally be considered as Pathfinder-class missions, the extremely long duration of the mission (the probes would have to survive twelve years or more in space), as well as the desire for multiple probes to explore different targets, meant that NESSA had quickly bumped these up to the status of a Pilgrim-class mission, soon rebranded as the “Outer Planet Pilgrimage”.

    By 1970 there had already been concerns that the demands of the Outer Planet Pilgrims would eat into allocations for the Mars lander. NESSA were proposing four separate probes for the OPP, with one pair to launch in 1976 and 1977 bound for Jupiter, Saturn and Pluto, whilst two more probes would depart for Jupiter, Uranus and Neptune in 1979. With the failure of Mars Surveyor, in 1971 NESSA confirmed the cancellation of the Mars Pilgrim, to be replaced by a second Mars Surveyor for a 1975 launch. This should have freed up sufficient funding for the full Planetary Pilgrimage, but the problems with the Venus Radar Explorer presented NESSA with some tough budgetary decisions in 1972. Unable to get an increase in funding from Congress, NESSA management elected to buy time by giving the go-ahead for just the first two Outer Planet Pilgrim spacecraft, to be ready for the 1976/7 opportunity. The hope was that funding for the second pair of probes could be found in the next couple of years, in time for their construction ahead of the 1979 launch window.

    This hope in turn ran up against the second great celestial opportunity on NESSA’s radar: the return to the inner solar system of Halley’s Comet. Probably the most famous comet in history, Halley was expected to make a spectacular reappearance in the night’s sky as it approached perihelion in 1986. Almost from the agency’s inception, NESSA had highlighted Halley in its long range planning documents as a target of extreme interest, and they intended to make the most of it. The problem was that, in comparison to the planetary targets already visited, Halley was in an extremely energetic orbit. A conventional space probe on a flyby trajectory would pass the comet at a blistering relative speed of over 60 km/s, far too fast for the kind of extensive scientific measurements NESSA wanted to conduct during this literally once-in-a-lifetime opportunity. What was really wanted was a rendezvous mission, that would match the comet’s orbit and pace it as it rounded the sun and headed back out into deep space. Unfortunately, the massive delta-v requirements of such a mission were well beyond the scope of any conventional probe of useful size, even if it were launched on a Minerva-B24 moon rocket.

    Undeterred, NESSA’s scientists and engineers proposed not one, but two options to meet this challenge. The first and most elegant was the solar sail, a huge, lightweight expanse of metallic foil that would use the pressure of solar photons to slowly accelerate it out of Earth orbit towards a rendezvous with the comet. By sailing on light, such a probe would expend no propellant, and so could remain with the comet for as long as its systems remained functional, or travel onwards to a second, or even third target.

    The second option proposed was the ion drive. Studied in laboratories since the 1950s, this rocket engine would use electrical energy in place of chemical reactions to accelerate its propellant. In principle limited only by the power available, such an engine would have efficiencies far greater than chemical engines, or even the hypothetical nuclear thermal engines that had been briefly studied in the 1960s. By also taking advantage of a gravity assist from Jupiter, this would enable a probe of only modest mass to accelerate through the large delta-v needed for a rendezvous with Halley’s Comet.

    Both proposals relied upon unproven new technologies. For the solar sail, the main questions were whether such a large, delicate structure could be reliably deployed and controlled in space. For the ion drive, was it even possible to build engines that would function reliably and continuously, day after day, for years at a time? If NESSA was going to rely on these technologies for a major mission, there was clearly considerable technological development to be done, which meant starting immediately, in the early 1970s. If selected, the ion powered probe would have to be launched in 1978 in order to perform a complicated transit via Jupiter to bring it into Halley’s high-inclination, retrograde solar orbit. Even the faster solar sail would need to be on its way by 1981, to first spiral in close to the sun before boosting itself towards a 1986 rendezvous.

    In order to resolve these issues and make a final selection on the method to use, NESSA proposed to use two Pathfinder-class missions to perform a fly-off. To avoid possible schedule slips in these high-risk probes from being constrained by tight planetary launch windows, both were to aim for a target that wasn’t subject to significant orbital motions: the sun. The probes would spiral inwards to half the Earth-Sun distance, making close-in observations of our nearest star, whilst at the same time validating the technologies needed for the Halley encounter. The choice of target also played to the strengths of both propulsion systems by offering plentiful solar energy.

    Authorised in 1971, the ion drive powered Pathfinder-4 was built in just 18 months at NESSA’s Pasadena affiliate, the Jet Propulsion Laboratory, and launched into an Earth-escape trajectory by a Minerva-20c rocket in February 1973. Once checked out by mission control in Houston, the ion engines were fired, and Pathfinder-4 began to gently shape its trajectory towards the target orbit. The drive used was an electrostatic device based upon pioneering work carried out in the late 1950s by physicist Harold Kaufman at the then-NACA Lewis Flight Propulsion Lab. The subject of thousands of hours of testing in vacuum chambers on Earth over the previous decade, this was the first time such a device had been used in space. Its performance proved to be just as spectacular as hoped, reaching a specific impulse of up to 2700s, a vast improvement on traditional chemical rockets. Concerns that the engine’s operation might interfere with the science instrumentation was also allayed, as Pathfinder-4’s electrostatic, electromagnetic and plasma field detectors were all able to operate nominally with the drive active, though some of the more sensitive detectors did show an improved performance with the drive off.

    The principal problem found was with the endurance of the ion drive. Pathfinder-4 carried a single engine with a thrust of around 50 mN, which was intended to fire more or less continuously for six months to reach the final orbit. Unfortunately, after two months of operation, flight controllers observed the engine’s thrust beginning to drop. It was not a steady decline, and was even subject to brief increases before continuing its downward trend. By the end of the third month total thrust was down to 42 mN, where it remained for the next two weeks, before the engine suddenly cut off. Attempts to re-start it failed, and Houston was eventually forced to accept that the engine was dead, although they pointed out that science operations were continuing and were only marginally affected.

    Engineers analysing the failure concluded that it was due to a weakness in one of the main electrostatic plates leading to a higher than expected rate of erosion, causing a “burn through” in one sector that then allowed the ion stream to impinge upon a poorly placed control wire. When the wire eventually severed, the engine was shut down. The analysts were however confident that this issue could be solved by improved quality control and a design change to the control wiring, as well as through the use of multiple redundant engines on the Halley probe. Whether they would get the chance to prove this depended in a large part on how Pathfinder-5 performed.

    Approved at the same time as its ion-propelled sibling, Pathfinder-5 was the test mission for solar sailing. Planning at first to use a simple square sail around 10 000 square metres, the NESSA engineers had struggled to come up with a way of reliably deploying their design in zero gravity. Any such mechanism was virtually impossible to test on the ground, and so would have to be as simple and fool-proof as possible. Eventually, they decided upon the novel solution of dispensing with the square, monolithic sail and instead dividing the reflective area between a number of long, thin, blade-like sails. These could be rolled into dispensing drums for launch, after which the spacecraft would be given a spin such that each blade was deployed by centrifugal action. The final design called for two sets of four blades, with each set rotating in the opposite direction to balance angular momentum. The spin would help maintain the rigidity of the deployed “heliogyro”, whilst control of the spacecraft could be implemented through minor tilts in individual blades.

    Complications in the deployment and control systems meant that Pathfinder-5 took longer to reach the launchpad than its sibling, finally being lofted by a Minerva-B20 in June 1974. Like Pathfinder-4, Pathfinder-5 was injected directly into a heliocentric orbit to ensure that a failure of the propulsion systems would not lead to a loss of scientific data. Once on its way, but still within a few light-seconds of Earth, the twin, four-blade barrels were commanded to spin up and deploy the sail. The deployment was complicated by the need to ensure that each blade spooled out at the same rate, to keep momentum balance, and there were several stops and starts as one blade or another exceeded the strict deployment speed limits programmed into the controller. Almost a day after the start of deployment, as the blades reached just over 750m in length, one of the spools on the A barrel stuck for good, bringing the entire deployment sequence to a halt. A few days later, deployment of the B barrel restarted, allowing its four blades to extend to their full 1250m length, but the A blades stayed at 750m, necessitating a faster spin to balance the momentum of the B blades.

    As Pathfinder-5 continued its mission, the complications arising from this difference in spin rate were exacerbated by problems with the steering mechanism, as blade-twisting adjustments were found to cause waves to ripple along the blades, threatening a loss of control. This issue was manageable at first, and the probe was able to demonstrate some powered manoeuvres from pure photon energy, but when a control line snagged briefly three weeks into the mission it set up a ripple that led to a collision between blades on the A and B barrels. The delicate aluminised membranes and their complex control wires wrapped around each other in a dense knot, throwing the probe off-centre and causing more blades to tangle. Houston control quickly lost contact with the probe as it was smothered by its own sails.

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    Pathfinder-5 deploys her solar sails.

    With the results in from both Pathfinders, NESSA engineers were faced with a dilemma. Both proposed methods had suffered failures, with Pathfinder-5’s seemingly the more serious. However, use of a solar sail for Halley would mean launching in 1981, giving plenty of time to resolve the problems found. Pathfinder-4’s engine trouble on the other hand would have to be solved in time for a 1977 launch, now just three years away.

    What finally tipped the decision in favour of the ion drive was the flexibility of the system compared to solar sailing. Large and delicate, solar sails were good candidates for rapid transits to distant objectives, but would be less useful for complex close-in manoeuvres such as those that might be experienced on an asteroid rendezvous or a mission to the moons of Mars. Their large size also made them impractical for Earth orbital use, as a fleet of such craft transiting between orbits would vastly increase the risk of collision. Also, their efficiency for more distant rendezvous missions in the outer solar system was severely limited by their dependence on sunlight. Ion drives on the other hand could be adapted to use other power sources, including nuclear fission. They could also find uses in satellite station keeping, extending the lifetime that could be squeezed from each kilo of propellant. This wider applicability is what led NESSA to confirm in early 1975 that the Halley Rendezvous Probe would be powered by a solar-electric ion drive. However, this announcement became somewhat lost in the noise, as NESSA was by then making headlines for other reasons.

    The first was the steady stream of results from the long-delayed Venus Radar Surveyor. After arriving at the second planet in mid-1974, the VRS had settled into a polar orbit and began pinging the cloud-shrouded surface with radar pulses. Over the next eighteen months, the spacecraft gradually built up a global map of the planet, revealing a world largely free of the impact craters seen on the Moon and Mars, covered in a strange mix of rugged uplands, smooth plains, and curious domed features, nicknamed “coffee rings” by the investigating team because of their overlapping circular form, that looked almost artificial. The images would go on to spawn conspiracy theories of an alien base on Venus (which was no doubt in contact with the alleged Secret American/Nazi Moon Base), but a scientific consensus soon emerged that they were probably volcanic in nature. In addition to these radar results, infrared measurements detected a number of hotspots on the planet indicative of active volcanic eruptions, a hypothesis backed up by spectroscopic readings of increased sulphur products following large infrared emissions. The probe also spotted flashes of lightning in the atmosphere, completing the image of an exciting, dynamic world next door.

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    Venusian “Coffee Rings”, as imaged by the Venus Radar Surveyor in 1975.

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    Some groups offered an alternative explanation for the circular formations on Venus.

    Less positive were the headlines accompanying preparations for the launch of the first two Outer Planet Pilgrims. Despite having been given the more media-friendly names of Mayflower-1 and 2, many newspaper and TV reporters chose to focus on two more controversial aspects of the project: its budget-busting price tag, and, more emotively, the use of plutonium dioxide as a power source. In the dim, distant outer reaches of the solar system that the Mayflowers were intended to explore, solar panels simply weren’t feasible, whilst the extremely long duration of the mission (up to twelve years) necessitated a power source of equal longevity. The only practical solution was nuclear, and so each Mayflower probe was equipped with twin Radioisotope Thermal Generators (RTGs) generating a total of 500W of electrical power. Environmental issues were gaining more visibility as the 1970s progressed (ironically, partly thanks to the work of NESSA’s own fleet of Earth observation satellites), and coming hot on the heels of a major incident at the Oyster Creek nuclear power station in November 1975, the launch of Mayflower-1 on 27th July 1976 drew a considerable crowd of demonstrators. Fortunately for everyone, the Minerva-B20c launch passed off without a hitch, projecting the 850kg probe towards its rendezvous with Jupiter. Just over a year later, on 30th August 1977, its twin Mayflower-2 spacecraft enjoyed a similarly trouble-free launch. Coming just two months after Congress had approved the funding needed to complete the follow-on Mayflower-3 and -4 probes, the mood in Houston was one of euphoria. America’s grand tour of the outer planets had begun.
     
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    Part IV Post#6: The Expendables
  • The clocks go back in Europe this weekend, so it seems a fitting time to turn back our own European clock and see what’s happening in...

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    Part IV Post#6: The Expendables

    Following the European Space Launch Agency’s 1970 decision to abandon the troubled Europa rocket, development of the new Theseus launcher proceded relatively smoothly. Directed from ESLA’s central office in Antwerp, the various national subcontractors began working together far more smoothly than before. When technical problems did emerge, as was inevitable on such a complex project, they were attacked in a coordinated and systematic way that led to effective solutions. More difficult to manage were the political and funding problems of maintaining support from various national governments, several of which would change political colour during Theseus’ development. Here too though, the benefits of ESLA’s new structure, with annual allocations confirmed in line with an overall five-year budget plan, quickly became obvious compared to the unending horse-trading and manoeuvring that had been a feature of the Europa project.

    The first Theseus rocket was delivered to its launch site at Kourou, French Guiana, in mid-1975, less than a year later than the original schedule. The delay was largely down to complications in adapting Kourou’s facilities for Theseus, in particular the refrigeration and storage systems needed for the 3rd stage’s liquid hydrogen fuel. The jungle heat and humidity also posed challenges for the integration and test crews, who on several occasions found sensitive electrical equipment producing spurious results under decidedly non-European environmental conditions. Similar issues had been encountered with Europa, but Theseus’ greater sophistication multiplied the problems, and it was several months before ESLA declared the rocket ready for its first launch in September 1975.

    Unlike the case with Europa, the first launch of Theseus was planned as an all-up test of the complete stack, with no dummy stages. This added complexity to the flight preparations, but would make for a more representative test. The payload was a simple, 150kg engineering model from the University of Southampton, which had cost a total of £175 000 and was not expected to do much more than signal its post-launch health. In case of a failure, it was considered expendable.

    Unfortunately, expendable it would prove to be. Following a perfect lift-off and nominal burns on the first two stages, the third stage engine ignition failed. The third and fourth stages, together with the payload, were destroyed by ground command and rained down over the Atlantic Ocean. The subsequent investigation put the cause down to damage to a fuel pump following the repeated fueling-defueling cycles of the cryogenic 3rd stage that had occurred during launch prep.

    The failure caused some in the various European capitals to wobble in their support for ESLA, fearful that they were witnessing a repeat of the ELDO fiasco. ESLA’s Director General, Maurice Gouni, was able to reassure the politicians that this was just a minor glitch normal to a development programme and that the agency had things well in hand. Launch procedures were re-written and additional sensors and telemetry added to the rocket, and six months later, in March 1976, a second Theseus rocket stood ready for launch. This time all four stages performed flawlessly, inserting its test payload into the correct orbit with an impressive level of accuracy. A second test launch in August 1976 was also declared a success, and Theseus performed its first operational mission three months later, delivering a French military communications satellite to geostationary orbit.

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    Europe’s Theseus rocket takes to the skies, March 1976.

    Theseus’ development would have repercussions beyond Europe. It’s foremost objective, to break Western European governments’ dependence on the US Air Force for their launch needs, was uncontroversial on both sides of the Atlantic. Although the additional funds from allied government launches were welcome, Minerva was already operating near capacity servicing its domestic national security and other US government customers like NESSA and NACAA. Added to this were a growing number of commercial satellite operators, who often had to wait several years for a launch slot to open up, leaving their satellites stranded in unproductive (and expensive) storage on the ground.

    However, the US government’s initial welcoming of Theseus as a way of reducing the burden on Minerva soon turned to concern, as ESLA made it known that they would begin accepting commercial bookings for launches on Theseus from late 1977 onwards. Several American companies moved quickly to take advantage of this offer, leading to concern in the US that the nation was at risk of losing out to foreign competition, as was happening already in the automotive and electronics industries.

    Just as Theseus had provoked the concern, so it would indirectly help provide the solution. In the late 1960s, as ESLA was considering how best to move on from Europa, a young German engineer named Lutz Kayser had put forward a proposal for a launch vehicle based around clustering of a standardised, ultra-cheap rocket module he dubbed a “Common Rocket Propulsion Unit”. By keeping this basic unit as simple as possible, using pressure-fed, ablatively cooled hypergolic engines, it could be mass-produced in conventional factories, leading to massive economies of scale that could drive costs down to a tenth of that for a Minerva launch. The ability to cluster CRPUs would also give flexibility, allowing payloads of between 1-10 tonnes to be launched from a minimal ground infrastructure.

    The idea was received with interest by ESLA, but the need to utilise the industrial capabilities of all of its member states meant that the CRPU-based design lost out to Theseus. However, its inclusion in a 1971 conference in Vancouver brought it to the attention of fellow German Wernher von Braun, who was at that time still with the Defense Research Agency. Intrigued, von Braun met with Kayser in Washington and commissioned him to produce a more detailed study of the concept. Kayser agreed, establishing a DC-based consultancy business, Orbital Transport and Rockets (OTR), as an office to manage the contract. The 18-month study that OTR delivered in 1973 found no fundamental problems with the approach, although it did highlight that more work would be needed on guidance and control mechanisms for the large clusters of up to 48 CRPUs that would comprise a stage. The report also suggested that these problems could be eased by improving the performance of the individual CRPUs (which were underpowered and overweight by most rocketry standards), but this would need to be traded against increasing their complexity, and so cost and potential failure risk.

    By the time OTR delivered its report, von Braun was already on his way out of the DRA, and so Kayser lost his key ally in the American defence industry. However, the contacts he’d made during his time in Washington meant that OTR won new consultancy contracts which kept Kayser in the States. He was therefore in a prime position when the USAF in 1974 issued a call for proposals for a Phase-A study of a new launch vehicle to supplement Minerva. Following the conclusions of the Rhene Inquiry, the Air Force had become concerned about its over-reliance on Minerva. Rhene had grounded all Dynasoar missions for several years, and it was realised that a major failure of the Minerva core stage could cause even worse disruption for national security launches. The venerable Atlas could cover some smaller payloads, but it was showing its age, and with the Shuttlecraft studies trending against the “Space Truck” option, there was currently no alternative to Minerva on the horizon for large payloads.

    OTR was too small to consider bidding for the study directly, but it did find a role as part of Ford Aerospace’s team, which in early 1975 was selected as one of three teams to perform a Phase-A study for the Air Force’s “Future Expendable Launch Vehicle” concept. In many ways it was a dream partnership, as Ford’s mass production techniques and vertical integration in car production had been one of the inspirations behind the CRPU concept in the first place. For their part, Ford had their own interests in seeing a low-cost launch vehicle emerge, as following their acquisition of Philco in 1963, they had developed a major role in the manufacturer of communications satellites.

    Ford’s engineers embraced Kayser’s ideas of maximising commonality and promoting simplicity even at the cost of some performance, but they soon found themselves coming into conflict over just how much simplicity should be introduced. One of the first areas of contention was the decision to switch from OTR’s hypergolic propellants to kerosene and liquid oxygen. Kayser’s original CRPU-based design had been for payloads of just over one tonne (2 200 lbs) using a vehicle with 64 ganged CRPUs, but the Air Force requirement was for the delivery of at least 30 000 lbs to LEO. Ganging enough CRPUs to meet this need would be an engineering nightmare, and so Ford were forced to scale up the basic modules and switch to the higher performance kerolox propellant mix. As well as improving performance, this had the advantage of giving much better safety and ease of handling characteristics, as well as commonality with the legacy Minerva and Atlas fueling infrastructure, but at the cost of sacrificing the simplicity of Kayser’s original pressure-fed self-igniting engines. The size of the rocket modules was inflated to a diameter of nine feet (compared to just under a foot for the original CRPU), allowing the number of rocket modules to be drastically reduced. This flew in the face of Kayser’s concept of economies of scale through production in volume, driving up costs, but Ford’s analysis showed that in addition to the performance boost, the smaller number of cores would actually give a greater overall reliability, a key metric for the Air Force evaluators.

    Despite these considerable changes, much of the spirit of the CRPU was preserved. The basic launcher would have a first stage made up of one, three or five “Standard Propulsion Modules” of identical design, all sharing a common engine, an all-new design to be supplied by Aerojet. A shortened version of the SPM with a vacuum optimised engine, dubbed the SPM-u, would be used as an upper stage. The SPM-u kept the same diameter and tank bulkheads as the base SPM, and so could be manufactured using the same tooling. A small, off-the-shelf STAR-48 solid rocket booster could be used to further augment the basic stack, which by mixing and matching with different numbers of SRM and an SRM-u, meant that Ford’s “Modular Space Launcher” would be able to cater to LEO payloads of between 3.5 to 15.5 tonnes, or place up to 4.3 tonnes into a Geostationary Transfer Orbit. The use of the SPM meant that even the largest version of the rocket, with a 5-SPM 1st stage, SPM-u and STAR-48 would be using just two different liquid stage lengths (though both built with common tooling), one liquid engine design, plus the externally sourced solid booster. Ford projected that this would enable them to slash as much as 50% off the cost of a launch when compared with Minerva.

    The completed Phase-A report was sent to the Air Force in February 1976, along with competing proposals from Martin Marietta and Rockwell-Convair. The latter’s proposal was dubbed “Atlas-II”, but in reality shared a lot more heritage with Minerva than Atlas. Although technically sound, concerns were raised over allowing Minerva’s suppliers to extend their monopoly over the US launcher market. Although a common supply chain and shared infrastructure promised some savings, it also undermined the very reason for considering a new rocket in the first place.

    Martin Marietta’s solution was a modification of their Titan-II missile, called Titan-III, which they proposed to augment with two large solid rocket motors and an all-new upper stage. Experience with the Minuteman ICBM had demonstrated that large solid fuelled rockets could be safely and reliably manufactured (by Boeing, at least), and their inclusion would give a huge initial boost off the pad, where thrust was paramount. The performance metrics were all in line with Air Force needs, whilst the development and operational costs seemed reasonable, but the use of the same toxic propellants that had made the Titan-II ICBM unpopular to serve with gave several of the assessors pause for thought.

    In contrast, Ford’s vehicle (now named “Liberty” after the modular, low-cost Liberty Ship freighters of WWII) ticked all of the technical boxes and promised a huge cut in launch costs… if they could build it. Unlike the other two bidders, Ford Aerospace had never built any missile larger than the air-to-air Sidewinder. The inclusion in their team of Aerojet, who had previously designed the kerolox engines for the Titan-I, went some way to ease these concerns, but there remained influential voices questioning whether Ford had the experience needed for such an important vehicle.

    In the end, the promise of much lower prices trumped worries over Ford’s experience, and in September 1976, less than a month after Theseus’ second successful launch, the Air Force confirmed the selection of the Liberty for their Future Expendable Launcher. The first launch was targeted for early 1980, with the rocket being marketed for commercial missions within six months of its entry into service (subject to an Air Force veto). If Ford could deliver on its promises, and with Theseus ramping up its tempo, the eighties held the potential to become a golden age for commercial spaceflight.
     
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    Part IV Post#7: Coming In from the Cold
  • It's Sunday, so it's time for...

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    Part IV Post#7: Coming In from the Cold

    At the end of the 1970s it appeared that the long, bitter rivalry between East and West may be coming to a close. In the same way that the ascension of Shelepin was perceived to have triggered the end of the “Khruschev thaw”, so his replacement by the Kirilenko-Teplov partnership saw the start of a gradual but sustained relaxation in tensions between the superpowers. By the time of Rockefeller’s inauguration in early 1977, the Soviets had already begun expanding their trading links with Western Europe and North America, whilst simultaneously reigning in their defence spending, and were slowly beginning to see the benefits creep into the civilian economy. However, both the First Secretary and the Premier knew that in order to sustain this achievement they needed to make deep and permanent cuts to their military budgets. For that to happen, the Cold War had to end.

    Although the US remained wary, the Soviets found a receptive ear for their advances in Rockefeller’s Secretary of State, William Bundy. Following a number of backroom discussions, Bundy arranged for a summit meeting between Rockefeller and Kirilenko in Reykjavik in November 1977, where the two men discussed expanding economic contacts between the USA and USSR, calls to allow (restricted) multi-party elections in Poland, and the possibility of reaching an agreement on limiting their respective nuclear forces and drawing down the deployment of conventional forces along both sides of the Iron Curtain. The talks were generally reported to have been productive, with the two leaders developing a friendly working relationship, and additional talks were scheduled between their respective administrations in the following months. In time these would lead to the first Nuclear Arms Limitation Treaty and the Protocol on Conventional Forces in Europe in 1979 and 1980 respectively, as well as an expansion in trade, including an initial agreement for Western investment (via a Berlin-based joint-stock company majority owned by Gosneft) in a new oil terminal at Supsa in the Georgian SSR. Scientific ties were also strengthened in the late 1970s, including in the area of space exploration.

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    President Rockefeller returns to the US aboard Air Force One following his summit meeting in Reykjavik with Soviet First Secretary Andrei Kirilenko, November 1977.

    Even during the Shelepin era, the scientific results of the Soviet space programme had been published more or less openly. Representatives of the Soviet Academy of Sciences would attend scientific conferences around the world, and journals from countries both East and West carried articles on discoveries by Soviet space probes. This was especially true of Chelomei’s Mars missions, with the pictures from the 1974 landings of Mars-6 in Hellas Planetia and Mars-7 in Elysium being lapped up by the Western media. Though largely clones of 1969’s Mars-4 and 5 landers, the new probes for the first time carried colour cameras, revealing that the martian sky was not the deep blue-black expected, but rather an unearthly salmon pink. With these Soviet successes and no American lander in prospect for the medium-term, the Mars-6/7 images further reinforced the impression that Mars now truly was “the Red Planet”. Despite this tabloid rhetoric however, all of the results from the Soviet landers were made openly available, with several joint papers being co-authored by Soviet and American researchers based on the results, and more followed when America’s Mars Surveyor 2 orbiter arrived at the planet in 1976, breaking NESSA’s run of bad luck with Mars missions. Such collaboration remained difficult, largely relying on correspondence by post and telegram (or perhaps via fax, if the Soviet scientist in question was considered politically trustworthy enough to be given access to one of the rare, expensive machines), but it continued nevertheless even during the coldest days of the Cold War. The growing détente between the Superpowers in the late 1970s opened the door to not just an exchange of scientific data, but to genuine cooperation in space exploration.

    Following its establishment in 1978, Glavkosmos quickly became a useful focal point for negotiations between the Soviet space programme and international partners. In September of 1978, officials from Glavkosmos, NESSA and ESRO met for the first time in Washington DC to discuss opportunities for cooperation in space science, with the first priority being establishing a joint network of solar observatories. This was largely inspired by the eruption the previous July of a huge solar flare, rated X-15, which highlighted the need to better understand space weather in the light of the world’s increasing dependence upon space-based systems. The initial agreement was for each side, Soviet, American and European, to launch one observatory each into solar orbit over the next five years, with space reserved on each spacecraft for an instrument to be provided by the other nations. These probes would be relatively small (Pathfinder-class in NESSA-speak), but the hope was to follow these up with a more ambitious Joint Solar Polar Mission in the 1980s. This would see larger spacecraft from the US and USSR, each carrying ESRO instruments, sent into polar orbit about the sun, allowing simultaneous observations of both poles of our star.

    Planetary exploration was another hot topic at the 1978 conference, and Jupiter was the undisputed centre of attention, with no fewer than three NESSA spacecraft due to make fly-bys over a period of 13 months. The first encounter, in early 1978, had seen Mayflower-1 (following an uneventful passage through the asteroid belt) skim Jupiter’s cloud-tops at a minimum distance of just 5 000 km on 31st January. In addition to the wealth of data returned on the planet itself, Mayflower-1 also made close passes of the major Jovian moons Ganymede, Io and Europa, as well as closing to within 32 000 km of tiny Amalthea. The first results were staggering, instantly changing the Jupiter system from a cluster of bright spots in a telescope into a miniature solar system, with each new world having its own unique terrain and features. The photos of Io in particular captured the imagination, revealing a garish orange landscape pock-marked by sulphur volcanoes that spewed material clear into jovian orbit. The probe itself, despite suffering a major computer re-set during its passage through Jupiter’s radiation belts, had completed almost all of the observations planned for the encounter, and remained in good health as it sped onwards to its meeting with Saturn in two years’ time.

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    Mayflower-1 makes the historic first fly-by of Jupiter, 31st January 1978.

    The next spacecraft to visit the King of the Planets was not primarily designed as a Jupiter probe at all. Launched in August 1977, the the solar-electric Halley Pilgrim had been driving towards the gas giant under the constant thrust of its ion engine for almost a year, until on 29th September 1978 the small craft swung to within half a million kilometers of Jupiter for a gravity-assist manoeuvre. The energy boost received from the planet’s enormous gravitational pull enabled the probe to bootleg into a retrograde solar orbit which would see it coast towards a rendezvous with the famous comet in December 1985, fifty days before perihelion. Based on the results of Mayflower-1’s own encounter, Mission Control in Houston elected to put Halley Pilgrim into a protective safe mode for the period of closest approach, when the radiation environment was at its most severe. Despite this, the probe still managed to provide a wealth of new data on Jupiter and its environment. Of particular value were measurements of Jupiter’s powerful magnetic field, which was blown outwards from the planet by the solar wind. This magnetotail was sampled by Halley Pilgrim as it receded from the planet, providing measurements that could be cross-referenced with readings from the more distant Mayflower-1 to give an unprecedented view of how the magnetic forces evolved over both time and space.

    Finally, March 1979 would see the arrival of Mayflower-2 in the Jovian system. Unfortunately, the diktats of a trajectory that would speed the craft on to Saturn and Pluto meant that, despite spending just over two days within the orbit of Callisto, the outermost Galilean moon, Mayflower-2 didn’t make any close approaches to Jupiter’s major satellites. It did gain valuable additional data on the Jovian electromagnetic and radiation environment, as well as the most detailed images yet of the famous Red Spot (the planet-sized hurricane having been on the far side during Mayflower-1’s closest approach), as well as confirming the presence of the “Io Torus”, a donut-shaped ring of charged sulphur along the volcanic moon’s orbit. However, more detailed images of Io itself, as well as its siblings Europa and Ganymede, would have to wait for the arrival of Mayflower-3 and 4 in 1981.

    The Soviet scientists at the 1978 Washington meeting were impressed with the achievements of the Mayflower probes, and were eager to get their hands on the results of the March encounter at the earliest opportunity. For Kramarov and the other Soviet delegates, discussions on the outer planet missions were bitter-sweet, as although they would be able to share in the scientific harvest gathered by the American probes, they would not be able to fully contribute to it themselves. Despite a number of studies by both Chelomei’s OKB-1 and the Zarya Design Bureau in the mid-1970s, neither organisation had felt confident enough in the reliability of their spacecraft systems to be able to assemble a probe that would survive the decade or more needed for a full Grand Tour mission - at least, not without considerably more resources. The last opportunity for such a mission was the October/November 1979 window that Mayflower-3 and 4 were making use of, and Kramarov and Chelomei had both quickly concluded that they could never be ready for that deadline.

    However, although the limitations of technology and celestial mechanics ruled out a Soviet Grand Tour, the launch window for Jupiter opened once per year. A fly-by mission of just Jupiter could be accomplished with a journey time of under three years, within the reach of Soviet technology. Whilst it was true that such a limited follow-up of Mayflower wouldn’t have the same impact as that first fly-by, nor be followed by encounters with the other outer planets, it would be able to take advantage of the data from the American missions to target its trajectory for the greatest scientific return. This return could be further increased if agreement could be reached to make use of NESSA’s global Deep Space Network of ground stations to supplement the Soviet network, allowing uninterrupted 24/7 contact with the mission. The mission would break new ground too, by carrying small atmospheric penetrators to gather the first direct measurements of the jovian atmosphere. Finally, the mission would act as a test of the systems needed to support future deep space probes, such as the Soviets’ own proposed fly-by of Halley’s Comet in the 1980s.

    This was the concept that Kramarov presented to Judge. The twin Yupiter probes, currently under construction by Chelomei, would be ready for launch at the end of 1980, with encounters coming in August 1983. Although it was too late to add an American instrument to the probes, the Soviets would be willing to barter space on another mission - perhaps the heavy Mars lander currently in conceptual development - in exchange for access use of the DSN. All scientific results would of course be shared freely. The NESSA Administrator was unable to confirm at that first meeting, but an agreement in principal was made, with a commitment for both sides to continue negotiating.

    In the spirit of their new cooperation on planetary exploration, Judge invited Dimitri Kramarov and his team to Houston to observe first-hand Halley Pilgrim’s fly-by of Jupiter at the end of September. Kramarov however was forced to decline, as he had to return to Moscow a week earlier to oversee a different international cooperative mission: the launch of East German Klaus Hartmann as Chasovoy-3’s first guest cosmonaut.

    Hartmann’s launch on 28th October made him the first space traveller who was not a citizen of either the United States or the Soviet Union, and opened up new possibilities for Soviet diplomacy. His six day stay on the station was followed closely by the press in both the Eastern Block and in the West, with Hartmann making a number of television broadcasts from orbit. Upon his return, he was given a parade through the streets of East Berlin, after which he gave a speech extolling the virtues of cooperation within the fraternity of Socialist nations. In a controversial move, he also expressed a wish to extend such friendship and cooperation to “our brothers and sisters across our continent and the wider world”, in what must have been a Party-approved reaching out to the nations of the West, and especially the government in Bonn. Although trading ties across the Iron Curtain had been gradually strengthening for some years, this was a clear indication from East Berlin of an openness to even wider diplomatic and political contacts. This olive branch was tentatively accepted in November, when Chancellor Egon Franke invited Hartmann to visit the West as “the first German space traveller” - deliberately using politically neutral term “Raumfahrer” rather than “Astronaut” or “Kosmonaut”.

    The Soviet leadership was immensely pleased with this foreign policy success, and were quick to approve a follow-on mission for 1979 involving a Czechoslovak cosmonaut. Over the next few years, feelers were sent out even further afield, to France and even China about possible guest slots on Soviet stations. This in turn strengthened Kramarov’s hand when seeking approval for a larger, modular follow-up to Chasovoy, which Kramarov named “Yedinstvo” (“Unity”). Unlike the man-tended Chasovoy, Yedinstvo would be permanently crewed and much more spacious, allowing for long term research projects as well as plentiful opportunities to host guest cosmonauts.

    As the new decade of the 1980s beckoned, it seemed that the old rivalries between East and West were beginning to fade. Cooperation on the unmanned exploration of space was starting to become the norm, whilst Glavkosmos’ Guest Cosmonaut programme was building diplomatic bridges across borders. However, the most high profile cooperative venture was still to come, as President Rockefeller and Chairman Kirilenko, following the signing of the Nuclear Arms Limitation Treaty in November 1979, agreed to begin talks on the first joint manned space mission between the USA and USSR.
     
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    Part IV Post#8: Fantastic Fiction by Brainbin
  • As promised, this week Brainbin takes us on an exploration of worlds of the imagination in...

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    Part IV Post#8: Fantastic Fiction by Brainbin

    Where once the space program had seemed to hold such promise for the future of humanity, after the anticlimax of Columbia and the apparent cancellation of Safir, it now seemed that pursuing that avenue further would only be heading down the boulevard of broken dreams. Neither of the two superpowers pursued manned space exploration with nearly the fervour (nor, far more importantly, the budget) they had in years past, as more earthbound concerns asserted themselves in the political discourse, whilst those few who did leave the atmosphere did so under the veil of military secrecy. Some political commentators had come to regard space exploration initiatives as the “circuses” to distract the populace from the more unsavoury activities of their governments. As bright, shiny things went, one would be hard-pressed to find something much brighter or shinier than a rocket launching into orbit.

    The diminishing prominence of manned spaceflight in the everyday discourse was matched by the retreat of science-fiction from the mainstream. Where once multiple network television shows could (however loosely) be described as science-fiction, by the 1970s, these had largely vanished (though some remained popular in late-night syndication timeslots). Speculative fiction as a whole did not vanish from the mainstream, however - one genre was merely swapped out for another. Fantasy - the genre of swords and sorcerers - always tended to become more popular in times of economic or political uncertainty, and such was the case in the late-1970s. The rump science-fiction community that remained was thus allowed to incubate, and would eventually emerge from its dormancy by focusing on entirely new themes and philosophies than what had been previously dominant.

    The differences between how science was perceived in the 1950s and how it was perceived in the 1970s were perhaps best demonstrated by attitudes to nuclear power: in the earlier decade, there were proposals for nuclear-powered airplanes, cruise ships, even automobiles, before the inherent dangers of nuclear power became apparent. By the 1970s, the risk of a nuclear meltdown - remote, but potentially catastrophic - was well-known enough that environmentalists had been actively campaigning against nuclear power for some years, even though it was by far the most effective method of power generation that did not involve fossil fuels or other pollutants at that time. They would be vindicated in their prophetic warnings - at least, as far as they were concerned - with the Oyster Creek accident in November of 1975. During the SCRAM proceedings, one engineer, Bill Smith, was fatally injured in his attempt to evacuate the area, in an unfortunate accident which was ironically completely unrelated to the reactor; it was a fluke which could have happened in just about any large industrial facility (and indeed, often had). He was pronounced dead at hospital and was the only direct fatality as a result of the accident - though the media placed great emphasis on the radiation released into the atmosphere, scientists would estimate that the amount of radiation would cause an average of just one death over the next several decades due to radiation-related illnesses (primarily cancer). None of this mattered to the general public, especially since Smith had a pregnant widow (along with other orphaned children), who was more than willing to share her story on the evening news - and who would subsequently become a prominent anti-nuclear activist. It was not surprising, therefore, that thinly-veiled anti-nuclear allegories would become popular in this era.

    However, these would be forced to share space with escapist fantasy. George Lucas, charter member of the “New Hollywood” generation of filmmakers, had already established himself as a throwback director with his 1973 ode to his adolescence in American Graffiti - which followed his cult science-fiction film, THX-1138. For his next project, however, he decided to film an adaptation of the beloved Akira Kurosawa’s classic 1958 jidaigeki film, The Hidden Fortress. This was not without precedent: John Sturges had adapted the iconic Seven Samurai as a Western in 1960 as The Magnificent Seven, which was considered a great film in its own right, inferior to Seven Samurai only as a regression toward the mean, and not by any malice or infidelity on the part of the filmmakers. The setting of The Hidden Fortress - which was adapted as The Clan Wars - was changed to a generic European fantasy setting, with location filming done in Carcassonne, in the south of France, taking advantage of the plentiful castles and other locations conducive to a fantasy setting. (All on-set footage was shot at Pinewood Studios in England.) In addition to adapting from the rock-solid Hidden Fortress, The Clan Wars also borrowed themes and plot points extensively from Joseph Campbell, who had codified “the Hero’s Journey”, defining archetypes consistent to epic narratives the world over. Lucas believed very strongly that introducing these archetypes into his script would strengthen its universality and appeal. He was right. Released in 1977, The Clan Wars was a smash-hit, becoming the highest-grossing film in history. Over $400 million in tickets were sold in the film’s original release - annual re-releases would follow. Lucas was immediately pressured by the studio to start work on a sequel, but the original Hidden Fortress had been a standalone, and he had adapted The Clan Wars as one as well. Indeed, The Clan Wars had been a famously troubled production, which had burned Lucas out on big-budget filmmaking, and he announced his intention to work on “smaller, more personal pictures” going forward.

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    Poster for “The Clan Wars”, 1977.

    The Clan Wars was far from the only adaptation of a beloved fantasy work to be released during this period. A remake of the iconic 1933 film King Kong was released in 1976, with the gimmick of the climax being set not atop the Empire State Building, but the much newer World Trade Center towers. Given that Kong literally hopped from one tower to another during this climax, the tone of the film was naturally given to camp - which was another way to contrast the adaptation of the cynical 1970s from the earnest 1930s. Critics, many of whom had grown up watching the original King Kong during its frequent television broadcasts of the 1950s and 1960s, hated the remake. Some sacred cows simply could not be deconsecrated, and King Kong, however improbable it might have seemed, was one of them. The poor reaction to King Kong might have helped to delay a theatrical reappearance by his great rival, Godzilla - as, no doubt, did the explicit nuclear origins of the great kaiju in the wake of the Oyster Creek incident. It was not until the early-1980s that the American Godzilla film would finally emerge. A much more serious film than the campy King Kong, it eventually decided to ride the nuclear connection for all it was worth, playing as a parable of the dangers of nuclear power. It claimed continuity with the original Godzilla (Gojira in Japanese) for that reason, even featuring Raymond Burr, who played Steve Martin in scenes added for the American release of the original film, in that same role; the emergence of Godzilla was explicitly tied to a nuclear meltdown at a coastal power plant.

    However, both King Kong (with its modern setting) and Godzilla (with its technological aspects) failed to capture to pure fantasy aspects inherent to their genre. More successful in this aspect, if perhaps somewhat lacking in others, was a film adaptation of Sir Arthur Conan Doyle’s second-most famous creation, The Lost World. The original novel, written in 1912, was set within the darkest reaches of the Amazon - in an age with commonplace air travel and where NESSA’s Earth Surveyor satellites were providing images of every corner of the globe, that prospect was deemed unrealistic for a modern setting, so the film was made a period piece, hailing from a (fictionalized) era when vast tracts of unexplored land still remained beyond the furthest frontiers, with the specific country being explored left vague. Though the precise setting (other than the “heart of terra nullius”) was left vague, Professor Challenger, the protagonist, continued to explicitly hail from the United Kingdom. (Had the film gone ahead with a modern-day setting, Challenger had been planned to become an American, but this was abandoned with the shift back to an Edwardian setting.) The Lost World was praised considerably for its innovations in stop-motion and puppetry technology. [1] The remaining defects were successfully disguised by the film’s art direction and set design as having an “otherworldly” effect which added to the potency of the fantasy. The effects team behind The Lost World had previously worked on The Clan Wars, helping George Lucas to create a recognizable brand with the premier effects shop in Hollywood.

    The smash success of The Lost World inspired live-action adaptations of Tarzan (first published the same year, 1912) and The Jungle Book (published in the 1890s), which were themselves quite similar to each other in broad strokes. The Jungle Book had previously been adapted as an animated Disney film in 1967, and that overshadowed the release of the live-action film, as did Tarzan ultimately beating it to the punch. [2] This adaptation heightened the fantastic elements of the basic story, which granted was already quite far-fetched - including Tarzan being raised by the super-gorillas (which had largely been discredited even when Burroughs was writing, and was hopelessly out-of-date by the late 20th century), his ability to swing from the omnipresent vines on the trees, and his aptitude for learning human language despite his deprivation therefrom for his entire childhood.

    Another, perhaps slightly less conventional fantasy property to be adapted for the big screen in this era was the 1930s Robert E. Howard series, Conan the Barbarian. Conan told the story of the titular character, a great Cimmerian warrior, and his epic journey from humble beginnings to become the great warrior-chieftain of his tribe, and a feared conqueror of his enemies. The sprawling, epic feel to the film complemented the tone taken by The Clan Wars, The Lost World, and Tarzan very nicely - in all cases presenting a setting very loosely based on reality (the Eurasian steppes, medieval Europe, the South Pacific, and Darkest Africa) and providing a fantasy counterpart which greatly exaggerated it while also presenting the audience with a tantalizing, yet familiar, setting. By contrast, attempted adaptations of old pulp fiction and motion picture serials in the vein of science-fiction, such as Flash Gordon, fizzled, often failing to enter production in the first place. Fantasy dominated the silver screen in the era, and it also had an impact on the small screen as well.

    Perhaps no producer epitomized the transition from science-fiction to fantasy as the primary mode of escapism as much as Terry Nation, who had worked on the obscure 1960s science-fiction series, Doctor Who, for the duration of its run, before it was cancelled in 1969. It wasn’t long before he pitched an entirely new project to the BBC, a fantasy story called Blake’s Quest, based loosely on the French resistance of World War II (the wartime picture Passage to Marseille was cited as a direct inspiration). The totalitarian regime which had conquered the homeland of our protagonists was modeled on various real-world sources: Nazi Germany, obviously, but also the Stalinist Soviet Union and Maoist Red China. The role of nuclear weapons in the war were handily replaced by apocalyptic magics, and the after-effects of these magics tended to resemble the holocaust. Nobody expected such a dark and sinister series from Nation, but the show quickly developed a cult following even greater than the one previously enjoyed by Doctor Who. Extensive location footage using the iconic “BBC Quarry” helped to keep costs down, as did the judicious use of limited practical effects, makeup, and costume design - as well as miniatures - and scripting to imply a far more impressive and epic storyline than which was directly depicted onscreen.

    One person who never gave up on science-fiction on the big screen was Arthur C. Clarke, author and co-screenwriter of Space Odyssey. Although his collaborator on that project, Stanley Kubrick, had lost interest in science-fiction and had moved on to other productions, Clarke remained committed to a sequel for the big screen. He wrote the novel first, both to make some easy money from the sequel to a popular book (his novel version of Space Odyssey, written in tandem with the film’s screenplay, had been a smash bestseller). Venus was chosen as the setting for this sequel (duly named Venus Odyssey) due to the images which had been transmitted from the Venus Radar Surveyor in 1974, which captured unusually symmetrical “dome” structures which were detected even through the unimaginably dense cloud cover on Earth’s sister planet. It captured Clarke’s imagination enough to build on the pyramid structures he had envisioned on the far side of the moon.

    Venus Odyssey
    follows on from the events depicted at the end of Space Odyssey, with a signal sent from the pyramid to Venus, noted by observers from Earth. Both the Americans and the Soviets, who had been planning to follow-up their lunar missions with Martian ones, switch gears quite rapidly, deciding to venture to Venus, “the Veiled Goddess”. The voyage from Earth to Venus (a joint expedition) is essentially a rehash of the first film’s central conflict. The craft sent out to Venus is able to enter into orbit through an elaborate “aerocapture” technique, skimming the planet’s dense atmosphere to create sufficient friction so as to be dragged beneath the escape velocity threshold. The cloud cover is so impossibly dense that the planet is bathed in darkness from the surface - where communications with the ship are nigh-impossible due to interference. [3] The temperature had been found by exploratory probes to be that of “molten lead”, or about 500 degrees Celsius (932 degrees Fahrenheit).

    In this case, the trials for humanity are external, not internal - the environment is so hostile, and the safe landing point so far from the pyramid, that it is a struggle just to get there. (Fortunately, the gravity on Venus is 90% that of Earth, which Clarke deems a promising prospect for any film adaptation - no need for simulated low gravity, as in the original film’s lunar scenes). The equipment, despite its durability and the skill of its construction, cannot long withstand the temperatures and pressures to which it is being subjected - but tensions of an entirely different nature plague the crew, leading each faction to suspect sabotage by the other. Meanwhile, to their great surprise, life appears to be present in the hostile environment, but it is quickly discovered that this “life” is actually mechanical, clearly pre-programmed servants of the Sentinels acting out some pre-arranged plans. Upon finally reaching the pyramid (though not without sacrifices), the group manages to put aside their suspicions and agrees to enter in unison once more, as they did on the Moon, where they are greeted by the Sentinels, who inform them of their grand plan - that the visit to Venus was the last of a series of tests assessing their suitability. (This explicit explanation is a pointed and deliberate contrast to the surreal and vague imagery so memorably featured in the climax of the original film--though, of course, not in Clarke’s book.)

    Having passed the final test, the crew - and humanity in general - is promised their “final reward”, which cues the planet to begin tearing apart at the seams! The seemingly harmless machines the crew had encountered outside suddenly begin seemingly assaulting the planet in grotesque and unfathomable ways, and the effects are immediate. Faced with earthquakes, volcanoes, storms, all the Biblical plagues and then some, getting back to the launch site is an even greater challenge than reaching the monolith, but somehow the crew manages (with further sacrifices), launching back to the orbiter just in time to witness the planet’s final transformation. Over the following days, as the Sentinel’s machinery spread across the face of the world below goes about its work, their objective becomes obvious. Gradually, the clouds dissipate, their carbon dioxide and sulphuric acid converted by the Sentinels into water that accumulate into oceans in the vast depressions - a process seemingly indistinguishable from magic to our astronauts and cosmonauts. Heat and humidity are still greater than Earth average, but soon a swamp- or jungle-like world perfectly habitable by humans lies beneath them. A second home for humanity awaits, and the novel ends with the crew deciding to return to Venus, even though this would mean they would be stuck there until additional ships arrive from Earth. In the meantime, the Pyramid of the Sentinels, which endured through this entire transformation, sends out one final signal, pointed deep into the interstellar medium, before dramatically self-destructing…

    Though the novel was very well-received by Clarke’s devotees and by fans of the original novel (and specifically fans of the novel, not the film, many of whom were unaware of the sequel), Hollywood ultimately did not come calling. Even for an industry that loved sequels to films with no need for them, Venus Odyssey was deemed too derivative of the original film. Kubrick reiterated his prior position - that he had no interest in directing a sequel - and this was also considered detrimental to the chances for a potential adaptation. The “transformation of Venus” sequence was also deemed prohibitively expensive to film, even with the recent advances in visual effects technology. Clarke always wondered what would happen if the film had made it to the big screen, but eventually moved on to his other projects. Venus Odyssey, when it wasn’t labelled unfilmable, would become famous as an iconic movie-that-never-was.

    Clarke’s difficulty in adapting his novel for the big screen was, to be fair, symptomatic of a sea-change within the genre itself as well, one which could not be ignored. The shift in science-fiction taking place during this time was perfectly explained by the contemporary shift in space exploration: increasingly moving away from living, breathing explorers seeing the wonders of space from their tin cans to cold, sterile unmanned probes. It was emblematic of the increasing automation of the 1970s and 1980s, which had lost millions of industrial workers their jobs. This further did little to endear the space program to those individuals, or to their families, seeing in those computers their own lost livelihoods. This was one reason why the rise of fantasy and it replacing science-fiction as the primary genre of speculative fiction in the mainstream was singularly unsurprising. It capitalized on the eternal undercurrent of nostalgia in popular culture, and carefully avoided modern technology wherever possible. Magic often stood in for technology, but magic still required a magic-user to humanize the concept, something lacking in automation.

    Science-fiction authors chose to exploit the existential crisis brought on by the potential obsolescence of man. Naturally, Isaac Asimov continued writing about robots throughout this period, as he had for decades, regardless of whatever trends affected wider society. However, other authors chose to approach the issue with a more philosophical, existential approach. Among these was Philip K. Dick, who wrote his famous novel, Prometheus, which told the tale of an android on the run from human hunters. The novel was deliberately evocative of Mary Shelley’s Frankenstein, often described as the first science-fiction novel, which was written against the backdrop of a romantic society questioning then-recent scientific discoveries relating to the evolution of man (in the years before On the Origin of Species). However, Dick’s androids were considerably less vengeful and vindictive than Frankenstein’s monster - after all, the existential threat to humanity that they posed merely by existing was enough for them to be perceived as needing to be destroyed by those who would oppose them. The novel was a smash success and would ultimately be adapted into a popular and groundbreaking science-fiction film. The central irony of the surreal and disturbing imagery and themes introduced for the film version was the question as to whether the seemingly-human antagonist was, in fact, an android himself.

    Prometheus
    was directed by David Lynch, a filmmaker who had previously produced his own independent film, Pencilhead, which had received great acclaim from other filmmakers. Lynch proved himself to be part of an emerging generation of filmmakers who depicted science-fiction with an overall grim, surreal, and subversive tone, which included David Cronenberg. Likewise, Philip K. Dick was joined by such authors as William Gibson in capturing the same overall tone and bringing it to the written word.

    This shift in the perception of technology and its place in the world was emblematic of overall perceptions of society and forces for political change between the optimism of the mid-1960s and the cynicism of the years that followed. Nowhere was this more obvious than in Canada. In 1967, Montreal had played host to the International and Universal Exposition - more succinctly, the Expo - where the latest in modern and future technology was showcased to a global audience. The event was a smash-hit, and an aura of optimism and good feelings pervaded the event. However, seeds of the bitter dissent that followed were sown when French President Charles de Gaulle proclaimed “Vive le Quebec libre!” to the people of Quebec, the province in which Montreal was located, and a French-speaking island in a mostly English-speaking country. This was typical of the black-and-white, moral absolutist rhetoric common to de Gaulle’s generation, which had served him well as the leader of the Free French Forces in World War II. But times were very different, as was the generation most interested in affecting social change - as he himself would learn to his dismay back home in France the following year. His words would have repercussions far beyond his intentions.

    In 1968, the newly-elected Prime Minister of Canada, Robert Winters, was forced to deal with riots in Quebec on the same scale as in de Gaulle’s France and in the United States that same year, eventually granting les Quebecois the concessions they had long demanded - official bilingualism on the national level, for one. However, their passions had been suitably inflamed such that their demands of only a few years prior were no longer nearly enough to satisfy them any longer - a relatively small but vocal and violent fringe demanded nothing less than full independence from the rest of Canada. This fringe was the Front de Liberation du Quebec - a terrorist organization who attacked innocent civilians and government buildings in Montreal, Quebec City, and the national capital of Ottawa (located just across the river from the province of Quebec) into the early 1970s. This would eventually capsize the short-lived Liberal government, which despite taking power in late 1967 with a massive majority, was defeated in the following election, replaced with Robert Stanfield, who took an even more conciliatory approach to granting additional power to the provinces, particularly Quebec.

    However, the FLQ did not well and truly die down until the mid-1970s, after Shelepin had left power in the Kremlin. At the time, this was perceived as a coincidence, but the CIA and CSIS both found substantial evidence that Soviet agents were agitating the FLQ - which usually advocated revolutionary socialist ideology - as a means to divide Canada (the only country sitting between the USA and the USSR, after all) and to facilitate the creation of a pro-Soviet state right on the doorstep of the USA - especially since the Politburo had allowed Cuba, which previously held that position, to abandon the Soviet sphere and fallen in with Red China in the meantime. Soviet agitation had definitely boosted the FLQ - as was the case in Northern Ireland, where a similar nationalist conflict was taking place, the vast majority of Quebecers abhorred the terrorist activity and sought to achieve separation from the rest of Canada through peaceful and democratic means. Indeed, many Quebecers were satisfied with their national identity being protected and their special interests being codified and enshrined in Canadian law - full separation would be very costly, in more ways than one. Far better to burden the Canadian state with the added costs of keeping them happy than having to shoulder them on their own. They found a willing ally in Prime Minister Stanfield, eager to salvage the reputation of his country and his own party. Meanwhile, since the far-left was so intimately associated with terrorist organizations, they fell out of favour with most Quebecois, many of whom continued to favour the traditional conservative nationalism of yore, and others who instead preferred social-democratic politicians in the French vein.

    As far as the US government was concerned, the primary fear with regards to Quebecois terrorism and with the separation of Quebec from Canada and the formation of a new, pro-Soviet state right on their doorstep, was the fate of NORAD, the joint US-Canadian missile defence organization. Since NORAD had an aerial orientation - with focus not just on missiles but also on airplanes - and since the United States Air Force was largely responsible for space exploration, this provided obvious and immediate symbolism for the overall shift in priorities facing the US Department of Defense. No longer could resources be spent in such abundance towards launching men to the far-flung moon, when there was the palpable threat of Soviet agents lurking right across the St. Lawrence River! Even as that threat subsided, the fear lingered. Peace and security returned to Quebec very gradually, and indeed tensions remained high, much as they did in Northern Ireland. After the tumult of the late-1960s and early 1970s and the antagonism between the two superpowers and their respective allies (and puppets) in the Cold War, the later-1970s marked the beginning of a thaw in relations between them. Though Shelepin had left office in 1974, and his bellicose and dissent-sowing policies were largely discontinued by his successor, the aftershocks would continue to be felt, both within the space program and far beyond it, well into the 1980s, by which time Expo 67 seemed nothing more than a distant memory…

    ---

    [1] The effects pioneered here for The Lost World saw use a few years later IOTL, for the 1986 film version of the Little Shop of Horrors musical, perhaps some of the most impressive puppetry ever in a motion picture (less than ten years before CGI).

    [2] The OTL Tarzan film released in the early-1980s, Greystoke: The Legend of Tarzan, took more or less the opposite tack from TTL’s Tarzan, attempting a gritty and realistic take on the Tarzan mythos.

    [3] The film depicts cloud cover as a very dark grey - in actuality, the clouds as seen from the surface of Venus are orange.
     
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    Part IV Post#09: Space Wars
  • Last week we were introduced to TTL’s version of the movie Star Wars. This week, we take a look at TTL’s counterpart of that film’s OTL military namesake in...

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    Part IV Post#09: Space Wars

    It was somewhat ironic that as East-West relations were improving, the capabilities of the Superpowers to wage war in space had never been stronger. By 1980, satellite reconnaissance and communications capabilities had evolved beyond their initial strategic role to become a vital tactical edge on the battlefield. The development of spy satellite capable of downlinking their images to the ground rather than having to wait days or weeks for a film drop, coupled with global satellite communications via mobile receiving stations, meant that commanders in the field could have images of enemy movements in their hands on the same day they were taken. The launch by both sides of dedicated geostationary relay satellites meant that it was not even necessary to wait for a spysat to pass over a ground station - the low-orbiting spacecraft could instead signal one of the geostationary birds, which would relay the data back to base with minimal delay. Similarly, networks of weather satellites allowed moderately accurate forecasts to be made up to a week in advance, giving vital input to planning future offensives, whilst experiments with satellite positioning systems promised to enable ships, planes and soldiers to navigate with unprecedented accuracy on the battlefields of the 1980s. At the strategic level, both sides employed sophisticated networks of early warning satellites, which would instantly raise the alarm should either side launch a surprise nuclear strike against the other.

    Inevitably, as the value of space-based capabilities increased to the military of one side, so the denial of those capabilities became more attractive to their opponent. By the end of the 1970s, both the USA and USSR deployed a range of anti-satellite capabilities intended to deny the sky to the enemy. The longest running of these ASAT programmes was the Soviet “Istrebitel Sputnikov” (“Fighter Satellite”) system managed by Chelomei’s OKB-1. Tracing its origins all the way back to the Council of Ministers decree of 1959, the IS (given the operational code-name “Agat”) was a derivative of Chelomei’s Raketoplan system, using a customisation of the AOO module that had been used so successfully in applications as diverse as the Orel spaceplane and the TMK-Mars probes. At the front of this service module was mounted a large radar dish, whilst the destruction of the target was to be carried out by explosive canisters, which would spray high speed shrapnel at the enemy. Designed as a co-orbital interceptor, Agat would take its time in stalking its prey, gradually shifting its orbit to match its opponent. The satellite would then be able to conduct a close inspection of the target before either destroying it outright, or going into hibernation for up to six months, ready to be triggered as needed upon command from the ground.

    The first test flights of the Agat system were conducted in 1966, but it wasn’t until 1971, at the peak of Shelepin’s military build-up, that the system was declared operational. Between 1971 and 1975, the Soviets conducted a total of fifteen Agat launches (two of which failed), mostly into the low polar orbits favoured by American spy satellites. The objective was to have two or three Agats on-orbit at any given time, similar to the concept of patrolling nuclear missile submarines. In the event of increased tensions on the ground, these “space mines” could be quickly repositioned towards potential targets, ready to strike should hostilities break out. The effectiveness of this approach was hotly debated with both the CIA and Soviet military circles, but concern on the US side was sufficient to provoke a major upgrade in the manoeuvring capabilities of the NRO’s spy satellites to give them a chance of “dodging” any Soviet ASAT that looked to be heading their way. Such a capability would have been valuable in 1972, when an Agat spacecraft designated Kosmos-162 collided with USA-130, disabling both spacecraft. The collision was apparently the result of a command failure by Soviet ground controllers, who had been intending only to make a close approach to the American spy satellite. Neither side was keen to publicise the incident, but within the American intelligence community it further highlighted the threat posed by such systems.

    The USA-130 collision also showed up some of the operational issues Chelomei was having with maintaining a standing force on-orbit, which together with the costs involved led to a gradual reduction in the number of Agats on-orbit to just one or two at a time from 1975 onwards, until in 1979 the standing space-based force was decommissioned altogether. Aside from costs, the permanent stationing of weapons in orbit was proving a sticking point in negotiations over NALT, with the Americans questioning why they should agree to relax their nuclear posture when the USSR retained such an obvious capability to disable US early warning satellites and launch a sneak attack. The logic of this position was highly questionable, but the Soviet leadership felt that removing the increasingly obsolete system was a cheap way of gaining bargaining points. By this time Chelomei was already developing a launch-on-demand replacement system called “Oniks”, using Kulik’s R-38 rocket to maintain a standing force of up to twenty Oniks interceptors in protected silos. These could be launched at short notice, maintaining most of the tactical capability of the original Agat, but their less visible basing would make them easier for American diplomats to accept, especially in the light of the USA’s own ASAT systems.

    On the American side, early expectations that Dynasoar might be used for routine satellite inspection and (if necessary) elimination operations had quickly faded. Aside from the difficulties of achieving intercept with targets of interest (especially given the failure of experiments in synergistic plane change manoeuvres to show an advantage over propulsive orbit changes), there was also a concern over the potential loss of Air Force astronauts and their valuable spaceplane to a booby-trapped opponent. US satellites had long included self-destruct charges, primarily to ensure no sensitive equipment could survive re-entry and be picked up by the enemy. These would normally be triggered by ground command at the end of the satellite’s mission, but there was no reason they couldn’t be triggered earlier. In fact, the Air Force had planned for such an eventuality in case a Soviet mission should show signs of attempting to retrieve a US spacecraft or its components. Presumably, the Soviets would have wired their spysats in a similar way, and if they chose to set off their charges as Dynasoar made its approach there was a real danger of the glider taking damage that would preclude a safe re-entry. Overall, the Air Force concluded that the marginal benefits were not worth the substantial risk.

    For both superpowers, the need for satellite inspection was in a large part met by networks of large, ground-based telescopes, including optical tracking as well as both passive radio and active radar systems. Here the Americans enjoyed a significant advantage, having agreements with a number of allied nations that allowed them almost total coverage of the planet’s skies, with Australia providing a particularly vital link with its southern hemisphere perspective and wide expanses of empty, dark and radio-quiet outback. The Soviets by contrast were largely limited to their own national territory, with tracking ships giving some supplementary cover whenever the costs could be justified. This left them with a considerable coverage gap, especially in the south, which US spacecraft controllers could exploit to conduct manoeuvres away from prying Soviet eyes, allowing their satellites to change orbits and appear unexpectedly over the horizon of targets of interest.

    For the removal of spacecraft of concern, the US quite literally opted for a more direct approach than the Soviets. Rather than employ a slow, cautious co-orbital approach by “space mines”, the USAF had developed a series of direct-ascent missiles that would fly straight from launch site to target. The first of these, dating back to the late 1950s, was “Bold Orion”, a solid propellant missile launched in mid air from a B-47 Stratojet bomber. Although never deployed operationally, Bold Orion made a number of successful test flights that, had the missile been equipped with its intended nuclear warhead, would have destroyed its target. Bold Orion was followed by a similar project, High Virgo, this time launching from a B-58 Hustler. Both of these experimental projects provided valuable input to the US’ first operational ASAT system, Starbolt.

    Starbolt was an outgrowth of the Skybolt ALBM programme which had come so close to cancellation in 1962. Although Skybolt ultimately survived, thanks largely to its role as the centrepiece of the UK’s nuclear deterrent force, the near-death experience caused the Air Force to start looking into alternative uses for the missile to widen the base of support for the programme. Starbolt was part of this effort and, as proposed in 1963, would consist of a number of modified GAM-87’s carrying a 1 megaton W59 warhead, which could be launched either singly or in salvo from their B-52 bombers. Ascending on a high-apogee suborbital arc that crossed its target’s orbit, the manoeuvrable warhead would make adjustments in flight to close on its target before detonating, destroying the enemy.

    Starbolt was authorised by President Nixon shortly after his re-election in 1965, and test launches started in 1967. An initial squadron went operational in early 1969, but even then work was advancing on replacing the nuclear warhead with a so-called “kinetic kill” vehicle. This would avoid the worst risks of collateral damage inherent in the use of nuclear weapons, the detonation of which at high altitudes could not only damage any allied commercial or military spacecraft on a line-of-sight, but could also generate an electromagnetic pulse (EMP) that could cause significant damage to unshielded electronics on the ground, whilst the region of ionised plasma created blocked radio transmissions of a wide area. Perhaps even more importantly, testing of a kinetic-kill ASAT wouldn’t be bound by the stipulations of the 1961 Partial Test Ban Treaty, which had outlawed conducting nuclear explosions in the air or in space. Of course this legal constraint wouldn’t be a hindrance during wartime, but it did mean that full-up live fire tests of Starbolt were not permitted, leaving a lingering question mark over their effectiveness.

    Kinetic kill warheads could be and were tested extensively during the first half of the 1970s, with a variety of different warhead options tried out before the Starbolt-K missile and it’s “shotgun” style fragmentation warhead was commissioned into service in 1975. By 1980, Starbolt-K was deployed with three separate squadrons under Air Force Space Command, deploying a total operational force of six bombers and 24 missiles.

    This extension of mankind’s destructive capabilities into space generated increasing concern on the ground. Aside from the anti-war movements that had begun to appear by the early 1970s, the testing of explosive ASAT weapons on orbit by both sides was sparking opposition in some academic circles. In the West, the first studies of the potential for debris from ASAT testing or other in-space explosive events damaging operational spacecraft were conducted at NORAD in the 1960s. This work, and the NORAD tracking databases it was based upon, remained secret until 1972, when NORAD began publishing regular bulletins of space object orbital elements. Coinciding with the Starbolt-K tests, this raised public awareness of the amount of debris being generated in orbit, and dovetailed with the wider growth of the environmental movement. (The fact the vast majority of debris generated by Starbolt tests was on a suborbital trajectory that returned to Earth within an hour of launch was not widely appreciated - and most of those who did know were not greatly reassured by the idea of bomb shrapnel falling from the sky at ballistic speeds).

    The first serious attempt to systematically analyse the risks from orbital debris were made by Burton “Burt” Cour-Palais, a former structural engineer at Avro Canada who had joined NESSA’s Houston facility following Avro’s downsizing in the late 1960s. His first analysis resulted from efforts to characterise the potential impact hazard for probes crossing the asteroid belt, after which he went on to work on the early Halley probe definition studies, in the course of which her developed a keen understanding of the effects of high-velocity debris on spacecraft. In 1975, with ASAT deployment and testing at its peak, Cour-Palais used the newly available NORAD catalogue data to assess the probabilities of debris from ASAT testing causing a loss of one of NESSA’s polar orbiting Tempest weather satellites. In 1977 he generalised this study to postulate that a large enough debris generating event could go on to spark a chain reaction - later named a “CP Event” for its author - in which debris from the initial explosion would cause the break up of other satellites, the shrapnel of which would hit still more spacecraft. At its worst, a large CP Event might render an orbit unusable.

    Whilst Cour-Palais’ analysis was received with interest in academic circles, there was little official action taken to try to minimise space debris. The research suggested that, at current launch rates, the chances of a CP Event would remain minimal for a decade or more. A CP Event in wartime was considered more likely, but in comparison to the other effects of a global war with the Soviets (the only viable opponent for space-based combat), restricted access to space would be the least of everyone’s worries. However, his work was soon taken up and expanded by those within the Air Force charged with developing the most effective tactics for the use of ASATs, and was in particular cited in support of the wider use of so-called “soft-ASATs”.

    In addition to its missile-based ‘hard kill’ capability (for targets lower than 1 000 km, at least), Air Force Space Command also operated a number of secretive, high-powered electronic warfare transmitters, dubbed “Directed Radio Energy Weapons” capable of jamming communications to satellites in geostationary orbit and beyond. The jammers were even capable of causing permanent damage to their target by overloading the satellite’s delicate receivers and signal power boosters, turning their own sensitivity against them. Unlike the hard-ASAT capability, this type of soft-ASAT weapon would produce no cloud of potentially hazardous debris. They could also be used against a target in a graduated, and in some cases deniable fashion, making it a much more versatile military tool. Disabling the enemy’s space-based capabilities didn’t have to be an all-or-nothing effort to destroy the spacecraft; DREWs gave the option of temporarily deafening or selectively damaging the target.

    The Soviets deployed similar systems of their own, sparking a secretive arms race of more powerful weapons and more effective on-board protection measures. Between 1970 and 1980, the CIA estimated that US commercial and military spacecraft had been ‘buzzed’ by Soviet DREW systems more than fifty times, with permanent damage resulting on seven occasions. The US had deployed its own DREWs against Soviet satellites a similar number of times, with similar results, and by the beginning of the ‘80s a quick, low powered “DREW sweep” against an enemy satellite was seen as one more method of “firing a warning shot” during periods of tension, similar to increasing air patrols or sortieing warships. In addition to these radio jammers, both sides also experimented with high powered lasers to dazzle enemy optics, though none were considered ready for operational use by 1980.

    Manned missions were not exempt from this type of electronic interference, although incidents were far rarer and tended to be at lower power levels. Despite the risk of bad publicity that would result from a crew injury, or worse, being caused by a DREW pass, neither side could afford to ignore the fundamentally military character of its opponent’s manned space programme. Columbia missions were never targeted by Soviet DREWs, but Dynasoar flights found themselves illuminated on a number of occasions, as did several Chasovoy missions. These were normally quick, low-powered sweeps primarily intended as training exercises to ensure that, should the balloon ever go up, the DREWs would be able to target enemy manned vehicles as necessary. The only class of space vehicle treated as completely off limits to interference were the early warning satellites. The consequences of an opponent interpreting an attack on these as a prelude to a nuclear first strike was simply too great to risk, and so great pains were taken to avoid any actions that might be taken as threatening the missile warning networks.

    Such high-tech, exotic weapons systems inevitably came under scrutiny when budgets were reviewed, but in the cautious thaw of the late 1970s ASATs of both the soft and hard varieties were seen by both sides as giving reasonable value for money. As tensions eased, the likelihood of needing to deploy such weapons in anger receded, but few politicians felt the need to risk getting caught unawares should relations sour again. However, this view was not universally shared, and as the 1980 election season approached a number of prominent American politicians were increasingly willing to call out programmes they considered to be wasteful...
     
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    Part IV Post#10: Handshake in Orbit
  • EnglishCanuck said:
    Just been chipping through this over the last couple days, gotta say that I'm loving it :)

    Glad you’re enjoying it and thanks for posting!

    Last week we looked at how the Superpowers compete militarily in space. However, overall the late-70s is a time of improving relations between East and West, as exemplified by the mission we look at in this week’s...

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    Part IV Post#10: Handshake in Orbit

    In contrast to the vibrant unmanned space programme, the situation for manned spaceflight in the United States at the end of the 1970s was looking bleak. The last of the Columbia circumlunar missions, Columbia-10, had flown in June 1978, carrying Air Force pilot Doug Boone and NACAA scientist-astronaut Eugene Lippmann. Although gaining slightly higher public attention than the previous Columbia-8 and 9 flights, the number of people following the mission was still way down when compared with Columbia-6. A poll commissioned by the New York Times in March 1978 found that around 54% of Americans felt that the government should not be funding manned travel to the Moon. Perhaps more worryingly, the same poll showed almost a third of Americans hadn’t realised that Columbia missions were still ongoing. Those who believed the Columbia missions should be extended further were in a clear minority, although 71% of respondents believed that Americans would land on the Moon within the next 20 years (whilst a persistent 6% claimed they already had…).

    The job of making that happen rested with NACAA and its Columbia Applications Program. With just modest funding, and a much smaller team than it had managed during the heyday of the Columbia development effort, NACAA produced study after study on possible pathways to the lunar surface. Virtually all of them would make use of multiple launches to assemble the expedition in Earth and/or lunar orbit. Most took an upgraded Columbia capsule as their starting point for Earth departure and return, with a significant minority positing use of Dynasoar or the new Shuttlecraft to ferry crew to and from a lunar transit mission. Some architectures were optimised for a one-off mission, whilst others sought to establish an expanding infrastructure supporting an ongoing lunar presence. All were accompanied by detailed performance metrics, reams of analysis, and carefully weighted assessments of their relative merits. And all were ignored by a Congress and White House struggling with more earthly concerns.

    At the same time, America’s other manned space programme was in a state of transition. As the Shuttlecraft project ramped up, Dynasoar missions were being gradually reduced. This was particularly true of the Mk.II/DEL missions, of which only one had flown between the retirement of Starlab in 1975 and the August 1978 launch of Thebe with a DEL-ED (Extended Duration) module, which was left on-orbit at the end of the five day mission to allow long term tests, the results of which would be retrieved by another Mk.II mission a year later. Mk.I missions had been slightly more frequent, with a total of five missions flown between 1974 and the end of 1978, but even this was greatly reduced from the peak of up to four missions per year in the early 1970s. This reduced flight rate was partly a function of the increasing capability of the Air Force’s unmanned systems, but was also related to concerns over the increasing age of the spaceplanes. Following the commissioning into service of Tara in 1976, the oldest spaceplane, Aura, had been effectively retired following a partial collapse of its undercarriage at the conclusion of mission DS-27. The Mk.II orbiters, Thebe and Athena, were both experiencing various minor problems that required ever-longer maintenance periods post-flight. All in all, the Air Force were looking forward to the day they could trade in their Dynasoars for the sporty new Shuttlecraft, which was now projected to begin test flights in late 1982. Until then, the Air Force would have to carefully conserve its Dynasoar orbiters.

    Rockefeller’s November 1979 agreement to conduct a joint manned mission with the Soviets immediately brought up questions of exactly how this should be accomplished. Although Kirilenko had (somewhat mischievously) offered to fly an American astronaut to Chasovoy aboard a Zarya capsule, the State Department was adamant that American participation should be through the launch of an American vehicle. As part of the public justification for the mission was to test techniques enabling space travellers from one nation to be rescued by the other in the event of an emergency, a docking between US and Soviet vehicles was quickly agreed upon.

    On the Soviet side, Chasovoy-3 was the obvious choice to play host, but the selection of its American counterpart was more problematic. Secretary Bundy was known to favour making this a NACAA mission, to highlight its peaceful, civilian nature, but with the flight of Columbia-10 NACAA had exhausted its stock of space capsules. No further ships had been ordered, and a quick investigation found that re-starting production for a single vehicle would be extremely costly. It may have been possible to assemble a new flight model from ground spares and test articles, but NACAA’s engineers were leery of the safety of this approach. By default therefore, the mission was assigned to the Air Force. Unless the government was willing to wait for the Shuttlecraft, this meant using one of the two Mk.II Dynasoars.

    The government however increasingly had other things on its mind, due to the fallout of an incident that had occurred well before the November summit. In June 1979, President Rockefeller had suffered a heart attack in the Oval Office whilst working late. White House medical teams reacted quickly once summoned, saving the president’s life and enabling him to go on to make a full recovery over the following months. However, it soon leaked that the medics had been called in by a 22 year old intern, Sara Gibney, who had been alone with the president at the time of his heart attack. It didn’t take long for the press to put two and two together and for rumours to start flying that Rockefeller and Gibney had been having an affair. The story rumbled on as tabloid innuendo throughout the summer, with Rockefeller issuing firm denials, until finally in September a journalist managed to obtain a recording of a drunken Gibney sobbingly confessing to the affair. Now with something more solid than rumour upon which to base a story, the confession was published in the next day’s Washington Post.

    Coming hard on the heels of lackluster economic figures and the bloody resolution of the Tehran crisis, the revelation of Rockefeller’s infidelity was the final nail in his hopes for re-election. However, the president did not yet see it that way, and continued to deny any impropriety, despite Gibney’s increasingly frequent and revealing TV and magazine interviews. With the signing of NALT in November, as well as his earlier success in negotiating the reopening of the Suez Canal, Rockefeller hoped to establish a foreign policy legacy that would overcome the negative press of the Gibney scandal. This would prove to be a vain hope however, as his bid for re-nomination as the Republican candidate for 1980 quickly began to unravel, with even his own Vice President, Daniel Evans, urging him to stand aside for the good of the party. With the press and the Democrats hammering him daily, calls for his impeachment from some of the more puritanical voices in Congress, and following a further stress-induced heart murmur in February 1980, Rockefeller finally bowed to the inevitable and withdrew his candidacy for re-election.

    Following his decision not to stand, Rockefeller made one final push to establish some sort of legacy that might put a face-saving buff on his tarnished presidential reputation. With little support from either party in Congress (no-one facing re-election in November wanted to be associated with a philanderer), Rockefeller turned back to foreign policy to make his mark. This would prove a mixed blessing for America in the long term, with the triumphant signing of the Protocol on Conventional Forces in Europe with the Soviets being largely offset by the escalating deployments to Iran, wading America deeper into the Middle East quicksand that would come to dominate US foreign policy in the early 1980s.

    The Chasovoy-Dynasoar flight was another part of Rockefeller’s search for a legacy. The joint mission would provide a fitting capstone to what was perhaps the president’s greatest achievement, his rapprochement with the Soviets, and so Rockefeller put pressure on the Air Force and State Department to make sure that the flight would take place before the end of his term in January 1981. This posed some serious engineering problems, as it would be necessary to design, build and qualify a docking system compatible with the Soviets’ ports in no more than six months. The problem was somewhat simplified by the switch of Dynasoar to a sea-level oxygen-nitrogen atmospheric mix after the loss of Rhene, which was compatible with that used on Chasovoy, but it still implied an extremely challenging timetable, especially for a man-rated system. In the end, the Secretary of the Air Force managed to convince the president that the timetable was just too tight to be met whilst guaranteeing safety, and Rockefeller reluctantly agreed to a more realistic (though still tough) date of late 1981.

    The technical issues were almost as daunting as the diplomatic and security concerns. To ensure a compatible docking port, it was necessary to obtain detailed engineering data from Glavkosmos on their systems, but this alone would not be enough. To meet the tight deadline, Boeing’s engineers wanted to get their hands on a full working docking port, with Soviet engineers on-site to provide direct assistance on the modifications needed to integrate the port with the Dynasoar Mission Module. This faced resistance on both the US and Soviet sides, with neither superpower keen to give their opponent access to military expertise or facilities, rapprochement or not. A compromise was worked out whereby the Mission Module was moved to a separate, quarantined assembly hall on the Boeing site at Charleston, well away from the Seattle location where the Shuttlecraft was being put together. The Soviets agreed to provide a small team of cleared engineers to the site (including, of course, separate plants from the KGB and GRU, both of whom were quickly identified by their CIA counterparts and kept well away from anything sensitive - in fact the CIA was aware their identities before either Soviet agent knew of the other).

    An attempt to obtain a copy of the Soviet rendezvous beacons was less successful, although more due to the complexity involved in integrating it with American systems rather than from security considerations. It was instead agreed that Dynasoar would approach Chasovoy under its own on-board and ground control guidance, with the final approach and docking being piloted manually in close coordination with Soviet mission control. Having closely followed Dynasoar’s Starlab and DEL-ED docking missions of the 1970s, the Soviets were confident that the Americans could perform such proximity operations safely. For their part, the Americans knew the Soviets knew about Dynasoar’s capabilities in proximity operations, which would in any case soon be superseded by Shuttlecraft, so there was no significant concern over inadvertently tipping their hand.

    By late October 1981, thanks to heroic efforts by Boeing’s engineers, the modified Mission Module had completed testing and was ready to ship to the Cape for mating to the Mk.II glider Thebe. A year after America had voted on Rockefeller’s successor, Air Force Space Command technicians were performing electrical and structural checks on the integrated Dynasoar vehicle. These tests would go on for most of the next month, before the spaceplane was mated to its Minerva launcher and rolled out to the pad for a launch date of 12th December.

    Commanding the mission was Columbia-7 veteran Albert Crews, in what was to be his final mission before retiring from flight operations. His selection was mostly based on his experience and seniority - his first spaceflight had been on Mercury-5 in 1963, and since then he had piloted every manned spacecraft the US had flown. At 52, he would be one of the oldest men ever to fly into space, and the Air Force medics were eager to obtain biometric readings to compare with those from his earlier missions, which should give a good indication of how the effects of space on the body varied with age. However, another factor was undoubtedly Crews’ Columbia experience being a chance to remind the Soviets just who had won the Moon race.

    The US advantage in space was to be further underlined by the inclusion of two other astronauts, Martin Quinn and Frank Delao. Quinn was a veteran of the Starlab-1 mission, making him an ideal candidate for sizing up the Chasovoy station and understanding its similarities and differences compared to the only large American station to have been launched. Delao was a rookie, but was heavily involved in the Shuttlecraft development programme, and after earning his wings on Chasovoy-Dynasoar was strongly tipped to command one of the early orbital test flights of the new ship. This was intended as a reminder to the world that America had exciting things to look forward to in manned spaceflight, whilst the fact of Dynasoar carrying three men to Chasovoy whilst the Soviet Zarya could only manage two further underlined that the US was in no way falling behind the Russians.

    The launch of mission DS-34 passed off with the smooth efficiency of long practice, and over the following two days Thebe chased down Chasovoy in a slow celestial dance that saw her come to a relative rest 500 metres from the Soviet station. Quinn then piloted the spaceplane to circle the station, taking numerous photographs of Chasovoy and her attendant Zarya capsule, whilst cosmonauts Boris Tokarev and Arciom Ramanchuk simultaneously photographed Thebe. The station and the spaceplane were in direct radio contact by this point, communicating in both Russian and English, with the speaker using his counterpart’s language. Using this method, each side confirmed that their visual inspection of the other had revealed no problems, before Quinn lined up Thebe in front of Chasovoy’s vacant docking port, nose pointed away from the station, as Crews took up his position at the docking control panel set up in Thebe’s modified Mission Module. Control of the ship’s RCS was transferred to Crews, allowing him to use short bursts of cold nitrogen gas to gradually back Thebe up to Chasovoy’s port. After a number of pre-scheduled pauses to verify the status of the approach, Crews finally made hard dock at 16:47 UTC (09:47 at Vandenberg, 19:47 in Moscow) on 14th December, 1981. Thirty minutes later the hatch was opened and Albert Crews made his historic handshake with Boris Tokarev. East and West had at last met in space and greeted one another as equals. Whether another such event would be possible in the future depended a great deal on the new leaders who had recently taken up residence in the Kremlin and the White House.

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    Chasovoy-3, taken from the Dynasoar glider Thebe, 14th December 1981.


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    Thebe circles the Chasovoy-3 space station, 14th December 1981. Her specially modified Mission Module with its Soviet docking adapter is visible in this image.


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    Chasovoy-Dynasoar mission docked configuration.
     
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    Part IV Post#11: End of an Era
  • So we come at last to the final post for Part-IV of...

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    Part IV Post#11: End of an Era

    The early 1980s marked a watershed period in spaceflight, as both the nature of and participants in space travel began to shift. One of the most visible manifestations of this change was the end of what was retrospectively dubbed as the “First Space Race”. This point is often dated in the public mind at the joint Dynasoar-Chasovoy mission which concluded 1981, but the first phase of manned spaceflight could more accurately considered to have ended in 1982. Though the triggers for these shifts were complex and deeply rooted, for many people they became associated with the changes in leadership that had occurred in both the USA and USSR during 1981.

    The election year of 1980 was a time of turmoil in American politics. The Oil Shock and subsequent collapse of the Bretton Woods system in 1974 had triggered a period of so-called “stagflation”, the reversal of which had been one of the key objectives of the Rockefeller administration. In this they had some success, managing to stabilise the value of the dollar and bringing the country out of recession in 1977, but the growth that followed remained stubbornly slow. With government expenditure holding steady, or even increasing in the hope of stimulating the economy, America’s deficit continued to grow.

    The sluggish economic recovery underlined a wider loss of confidence in America. The reduction of tensions with the Soviets was generally welcomed, but the apparent success of Kirilenko in re-invigorating the Soviet economy only made the contrast with America more stark. The intervention in Iran was generally supported by the public, but a vocal minority grabbed headlines in a growing number of anti-war protests, claiming that the action had less to do with protecting civilians from terrorism than protecting a corrupt allied leader and Western oil and gas interests. With the Gibney scandal undermining what little faith the public still had in the integrity of its leaders, the 1980 elections had the feeling of a turning point.

    With the Republican party caught off-balance by the late withdrawal of President Rockefeller from the running, potential candidates had less time to organise. The party finally chose to put forward Vice President Daniel Evans as their candidate, following a strong challenge from Senator Ronald Reagan. Although Reagan’s supply-side economic platform was becoming increasingly fashionable amongst economists, his strong rhetoric against improved relations with the Soviets worried some, whilst others pointed to his lack of executive experience and his age (Reagan would be the oldest president in US history if elected). This tilted the balance towards Evans, who was able to walk the line of taking credit for the Rockefeller administration’s achievements whilst distancing himself from the President’s moral failings.

    Ironically, many of the economic policies put forward by Reagan were similar to the positions adopted by the Democratic candidates, the most vocal of whom was William Proxmire. Elected to the Senate in 1957, Proxmire had made a name for himself in opposing wasteful government spending, seeing a profligate expenditure as one of the root causes of America’s economic woes. Indeed, his vocal opposition to “pork barrel” politics had earned him enemies both amongst Republicans and within his own party, as with his loud and repeated opposition to President Muskie’s Columbia project. In the end it was this (along with his pledge to refuse to accept campaign donations) that scuppered his chances of being selected. Despite some early successes with his public campaigning, he’d burned too many bridges, and the support he needed from the party machine was simply not present.

    Despite Proxmire’s withdrawal from the race, his message on the necessity of cutting back on wasteful spending and reducing the size of the federal government had struck a chord, and were incorporated (in a watered-down version) into the campaign of the eventual candidate, Frank Church. This won Church the support of Proxmire, but he also gained endorsements from a number of establishment Democrats, including the Kennedys - though how much value this had was much debated, given the Kennedy name had become synonymous with election defeats. Despite jokes about Church having been given “the Kennedy curse”, he went on to soundly beat Evans at the polls in November, gaining a clear a mandate to reform the national finances and reduce waste.

    The change in leadership in the USA was soon echoed in the USSR, as Andrei Kirilenko made the surprise announcement in March 1981 that he planned to step down from both his role as Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet (which had latterly been styled, inaccurately, as “President of the USSR” in the foreign press) and the leadership of the Party. Publically, Kirilenko stated that he wished to ensure the continuing vigour of the national leadership by allowing fresh blood to come through the ranks. Whilst this may well have been true in part, his decision to step down was undoubtedly influenced by his worsening health, as he slowly succumbed to arteriosclerosis. His illness was known of only at the highest levels of Soviet leadership, and so far had not seriously impacted his ability to work, but Kirilenko felt that it would be better to have a managed handover of power whilst he was still fit enough to influence events rather than risk the sort of chaos that had followed Shelepin’s death.

    The outgoing First Secretary’s call for new blood notwithstanding, it had been clear for some time that Premier Maxim Teplov, the Chairman of the Council of Ministers and long term confident of Kirilenko, was the heir apparent, and indeed Teplov was duly elected President of the Supreme Soviet in March 1982. A few weeks later, on Kirilenko’s recommendation, he was also elevated to the post of First Secretary of the Central Committee, consolidating his position at the top of both the Party and the State. Replacing Teplov at the Council of Ministers as Premier was Boris Gostev, a Belarusian economist who had been an early supporter of Kilirenko’s and Teplov’s Khozraschyot reforms. This marked the first voluntary transition of power at the top of the USSR since the creation of the state in 1922.

    Even as Teplov rose to the commanding heights of the Soviet state, the reforms that he had helped to spearhead as Premier were coming under increasing scrutiny. The economic growth experienced in the Soviet Union since 1976 had been largely based upon extractive industries, especially an expansion in oil and gas exports following the 1970s Oil Shock. The gradual opening of Western markets to Soviet exports, as well as the reforms to the pricing of energy sales to Eastern Europe, had enabled to USSR to tap into this rich revenue stream, and the economy was given an extra boost from the turmoil in the Middle East after 1979, reaching a peak during the attempted Saudi coup of 1981. However, this influx of petrodollars had served only to paper over the cracks in the Soviet system, not fix them. It had given an illusion of effectiveness to the Khozraschyot reforms, when the reality was that the attempt to mimic market values in the Soviet economy had only served to add one more layer of deception. The “real economic values” assigned to production by Gosplan were based on unreliable inputs from factory managers, and in any case were unable to keep up with the real demand in the economy. A real expansion of the civilian economy did take place as resources were shifted away from the military, but the increased volume of consumer goods wasn’t matched by any increase in quality, and productivity continued to stagnate, or even decline, as the system failed to provide incentives to modernise production or develop new techniques. By 1982, as world oil prices began what would turn into a sustained fall, the inefficiencies of the Soviet economy threatened to become visible for all to see.

    So it was that the new leaders of both Superpowers found themselves looking to cut costs, with spending on space being one of the areas to come under scrutiny.

    August 1982 saw the decommissioning of the Chasovoy-3 space station after five years of service, bringing manned Glavkosmos missions to a halt pending the launch of their new, modular Yedinstvo space station, the first component of which was expected to be ready in 1984. The final mission to Chasovoy also marked the last flight for the venerable Zarya spacecraft, as the versatile two-seat capsule was slated to be replaced by a more capable three-man spacecraft loosely based upon Chelomei’s Safir moonship. Named “Yantar”, the design was optimised for its role as a space station ferry, including an unmanned version for bringing up supplies. Plans had been in place to launch Chasovoy-4, a copy of the Chasovoy-3 design, as an interim station to ensure the continuation of manned space missions, but Kramarov eventually decided that, in the absence of more funding, the diversion of resources to a stop-gap station would not be worthwhile. All effort was instead focussed on the new station and its support craft.

    1982 also saw the final flight of the American Dynasoar, with Tara performing one last spysat servicing mission on DS-36 in September 1982. With the Shuttlecraft now not slated to begin air-drop test flights at Edwards AFB until 1983, and a first orbital launch not expected before 1986, the Air Force had originally planned to keep the Dynasoars flying until their replacement was commissioned. However, the cuts to Federal spending that had accompanied the arrival of President Church at the White House soon changed these plans. Faced with the need to trim spending to reduce the national deficit, the Air Force had been forced to downsize its planned Shuttlecraft fleet from four to two orbiters operating from a single 747 carrier vehicle, and even then had had to sacrifice ongoing Dynasoar operations to ensure continued funding for the Shuttlecraft. With NACAA’s lunar ambitions on indefinite hold (despite repeated political endorsement of a Moon landing as a “horizon goal” for the agency), this meant that by the end of 1982 no nation on Earth had an active capability to put humans into space.

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    Last of the Dynasoars. The glider Tara returns to Edwards AFB at the conclusion of mission DS-36, September 1982.

    At the same time that crewed launch capability was disappearing, more and more organisations were gaining access to the benefits of unmanned access to space, most visibly through the increasing number of commercially available launch services. By the early 1980s, Europe’s Theseus rocket had established itself as a reliable and economical alternative to the USAF-operated Minerva for both government and commercial satellite launches. Operated under ESLA control, Theseus’ competitive pricing (thanks in no small part to considerable subsidies, both direct and indirect, from European governments) enabled it to capture 40% of the commercial launch market by 1982, necessitating the construction of a second launch pad at Kourou to keep up with demand. The continuing practice of prioritising military payloads for Minerva launch slots meant that, despite increased efforts at marketing Minerva for commercial users, Theseus was providing a welcome boost to launch capacity for US satellite operators, eating into the American market share as well as servicing its native European market.

    This foreign encroachment on the American launch market began to reverse after 1982, when the new Liberty rocket came into operation. Although unable to meet Ford’s initial promise of halving launch costs, Liberty did come in around a third cheaper than Minerva, making it competitive with Theseus even without subsidies. Over the next three years Liberty became established as a significant player in commercial launch, winning back market share from ESLA. Ford’s emphasis on simple, modular rocket stages proved to be a winner not only in terms of streamlining production costs, but also in terms of reliability, as the common stages racked up flight-hours and the ground crews quickly gained experience without having to learn different procedures for each stage.

    As the number of successful launches mounted, Ford’s competitors began looking for ways of incorporating Liberty’s lessons into their own developments. This appraisal was not just limited to the Atlantic nations: the Japanese government had been considering developing their own launch capability for some time, but their industry was not yet confident of having the necessary experience. The solution, agreed with the US government at the time of Liberty’s introduction in 1982, was to license-build a version of the American rocket adapted to Japan’s needs. Mitsubishi Heavy Industries would be the Japanese industrial partner, manufacturing rocket cores to Ford’s specifications. The engines would initially be built by Aerojet and imported by the Japanese, with a native-build version of Liberty’s AJ-200 rocket engine coming on-line around 1988. The STAR-48 upper stages would be imported for Thiokol directly, with Mitsubishi looking to develop a clean sheet liquid upper stage for their launcher by the early 1990s.

    Despite these successes for Liberty, there remained voices arguing that it didn’t go far enough in reducing the cost of space launch. Some romantics pinned their hopes on the USAF Shuttlecraft to finally demonstrate the economic bounties of reusability, but there were others who revisited ideas previously dismissed by the government sector. Ideas which, if freed from the dead hand of government, may yet realise the full potential of affordable access to space and open the far frontier to humanity’s true pioneers; her entrepreneurs.

    +++++++++++++++++++++++++​

    “Doctor Kayser?”

    Lutz Kayser, CEO and Chief Engineer of Orbital Transport and Rockets, looked up from his fight with the baggage trolley to see a tall, slim man walking towards him across the arrivals hall of Heathrow’s Terminal 3. The man wore an expensive-looking business suit and had a smooth, politician’s smile on his face.

    “Yes?”

    “I’m Martin Gilmore,” the man continued in a cultured British accent as Lutz took his hand. “We spoke on the phone yesterday. How was your flight?”

    “Quite pleasant, thank-you,” Lutz replied, his own German accent mellowed by his years in Washington.

    “Sorry we couldn’t fly you over on one of our own jets,” Gilmore went on as a second man in a chauffeur's uniform took Lutz’s suitcase and they headed for the exit. “So far we’re only running Heathrow to Idlewild. We’re planning a route into Miami for next year, but it could be a while before we get into Dulles. Still, I hear PanAm look after their SST passengers. Had you flown supersonic before?”

    “Once, on the DC to LA route,” Lutz replied as the chauffer held open the door to a black Mercedes. “There are times when the greater speed can be of real benefit.”

    “My boss would certainly agree with that sentiment!” Gilmore chuckled as he got into the seat next to Lutz. “He’s planning to have another run at the Blue Riband later in the year.”

    “He enjoys a challenge.” It was a statement from Lutz rather than a question.

    “You could say that, yes,” Gilmore replied with that stereotypical British understatement as the car pulled away into the London drizzle. “Of course, that’s one reason he’s so interested in your rocket system. Do you really think you can cut costs by a factor of ten?”

    “Certainly,” Lutz replied. “At OTR we have been refining our designs for almost fifteen years. Our consultancy work on Liberty gave us a great deal of insight into many of the practical issues, and since then we’ve built and tested a number of prototypes for our pressure-fed rocket engine. We’re also supplying satellite control thrusters to both Ford and Hughes. I am confident in the skills of my team.”

    “Forgive me Doctor Kayser, but I understand that OTR’s activities have always been as a subcontractor on a larger project primed by others, or small government R&D contracts. Are you sure you’d be able to manage something as detailed and complex as a full rocket development programme?”

    “Mr. Gilmore,” Lutz replied with exaggerated patience, “we have designed our rocket to be as simple and easy to construct as humanly possible. There are hardly any mechanisms that can go wrong, and our engineering margins are large enough that there is no need for the type of precision fabrication used on other rockets. In addition, it requires very little ground support infrastructure and the rocket modules are easy to transport. In principle, any country possessing even a basic automotive industry could build our design.”

    “Well, that’s reassuring, considering the state of the British Motor Company,” said Gilmore, wryly. “You know, usually we expect any new venture to show a return within one year of starting up. Assuming we signed on, how long would we be looking at before we could start suborbital flights?”

    “I cannot commit to one year,” Lutz stated. “Two years should be possible though, with an orbital capability coming a year after that.”

    “Two years,” Gilmore mused. “Nineteen Eighty-Seven. That should fit nicely.”

    Lutz was puzzled. “I’m sorry, Mr. Gilmore, but fit nicely with what?”

    Gilmore smiled. “Well, as you noted, my employer is a notorious thrill-seeker. He’s also very good at publicising his ventures, and in this case the two can be combined rather effectively. You see, after making his Atlantic crossing, for his next challenge he wants to take on an aviation record. He was planning a high-altitude balloon - we’ve got a special pressurised capsule for it already on order - but you, Doctor Kayser, may be able to give us something far more spectacular.”

    Lutz stared at Gilmore in astonishment. Surely he couldn’t mean…

    “How does that sound, Doctor? Your rocket making Richard Branson the world’s first private astronaut?”
     
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