Sweden musters its forces (Scandinavia 1923)
The mobilisation of the Swedish forces was something the officers serving President-for-life Gunnarsson had years to prepare for. Thus when on February 12 the plans to muster regulars and reserves were given, there was nothing left to improvisation and chance. The propaganda of Stockholm, already everywhere, was tripled in intensity. Radios, newspapers, and political spokesmen all reminded the population the long list of enmities the Swedish population had to be angry at the Danish and the Norwegians. The Anarchists who had struck at the President-for-life and the other governmental figures were ‘revealed’ to be trained by Copenhagen and Oslo.
Three hundred and thirty thousand men would form the heart of the army which would march south and crush all opposition on its path. It could count on two ‘armies’ of fifty-four modern tanks each, hundreds of artillery guns, and over one hundred and ten war-purpose aircrafts. The Swedish Navy had modernised too, and would play its part with one cruiser, six destroyers, three submarines, and many minelayers and smaller auxiliary boats.
Naturally, these preparations were about as discreet as an elephant into a porcelain shop, and Denmark was prompt to mobilise in retaliation. And as many strategists waiting the whims of their ‘elected’ dictator had warned, Denmark had a sizeable numerical superiority, the capacities of Copenhagen allowing it to call five hundred and twenty thousand men under the Danish banners, supported by four ‘brigades’ of forty-two tanks each. The Danish air force was outnumbering the one of their northern neighbour in a similar manner. It didn’t on the sea, but it was due to the appeasement policy following the Great War, and even then, Denmark had still seven destroyers and plenty of shipyards to build more.
None of this was unexpected. The orders of battle varied year from year, but the sad reality – from a Swedish point of view – was that Denmark in all likelihood would not need Norway to defeat Sweden conventionally. Of course, since Norway existed and had just declared to the entire world they were going to enter a personal union with their Danish neighbours, their military regulars could be counted to join the ‘fun’, worsening a perilous situation to an entirely new level.
This was why in many aspects, the majority of the Western European governments judged a war unlikely anywhere near the Scandinavian theatre. Assuredly, no student of past history was going to guarantee a certain victory, but things weren’t looking good at all for Sweden. The more time passed, the more their neighbours were able to erect new defensive positions and improve the old ones. And besides, mobilising armies of that size was always a costly endeavour. And on that field too Denmark could beat Sweden. The merchant navy of Christian X was considerable, and Danish and non-Danish goods were transported from South-eastern Asia to the Caribbean Sea and many other water-accessible harbours whatever the season. If it came to a war of attrition, Denmark could endure it for several years; the Great War had proven it could do that against the Grande Entente. Olaf Gunnarsson was frightening neither the King of Denmark nor his people, and there was even a small rising sentiment among the information services that maybe, just maybe, it was time to free the Swedish from the tyrannical rule of the ‘President-for-life’.
There was also the fact most of the world attention was focusing on Belgrade being destroyed street-by-street with Russian artillery. But at the end, it was not incorrect to say most of Europe was calculating how long Gunnarsson was going to play with his baton of ‘Supreme Marshal of Sweden’ before abandoning his utopian ideas of conquest. Poland and Saxony didn’t wish to involve themselves in this quarrel when the bear was unleashed in the Balkans, Westphalian politicians were inclined to support Denmark economically, but considered neutrality best, as did their French patrons, and as far as the English public was concerned, the last world conflict had best be the last time they sent their young men to die on Scandinavian soil.
The general mood was of condescension towards Sweden. If the ‘impartially elected President-for-life’ desired to mistake Anarchists for Danish agents in order to provoke a war, so be it. But Olaf Gunnarsson would have to do it alone. And behind heavy doors, acid remarks advised the Swedish diplomats they wouldn’t find any help should they return after instigating a new conflict. Not when they had participated in the ‘Finland cake’ being divided between the Tsarina and themselves.
It was one of those tragic turns of history that most of the representatives sent by Stockholm were in reality in semi-disgrace, whether they knew it or not. Gunnarsson had no faith in Saxony, which he tended to nickname ‘the failed would-be Empire’ in his speeches, and now that an attempted assassination had scarred him, the comments were getting nastier.
No, the President-for-life did not think the remnants of the Central Alliance were up to the stratagems he had played in his mind. This was why less than twenty-four hours after the mobilisation was ordered, the Swedish Minister for Foreign Affairs was landing at Saint Petersburg.
The Russian Empire was short on true allies in Eastern Europe, and Olaf Gunnarsson didn’t care about Serbia. Why not sign a deal which would not benefit both countries immensely?
The mobilisation of the Swedish forces was something the officers serving President-for-life Gunnarsson had years to prepare for. Thus when on February 12 the plans to muster regulars and reserves were given, there was nothing left to improvisation and chance. The propaganda of Stockholm, already everywhere, was tripled in intensity. Radios, newspapers, and political spokesmen all reminded the population the long list of enmities the Swedish population had to be angry at the Danish and the Norwegians. The Anarchists who had struck at the President-for-life and the other governmental figures were ‘revealed’ to be trained by Copenhagen and Oslo.
Three hundred and thirty thousand men would form the heart of the army which would march south and crush all opposition on its path. It could count on two ‘armies’ of fifty-four modern tanks each, hundreds of artillery guns, and over one hundred and ten war-purpose aircrafts. The Swedish Navy had modernised too, and would play its part with one cruiser, six destroyers, three submarines, and many minelayers and smaller auxiliary boats.
Naturally, these preparations were about as discreet as an elephant into a porcelain shop, and Denmark was prompt to mobilise in retaliation. And as many strategists waiting the whims of their ‘elected’ dictator had warned, Denmark had a sizeable numerical superiority, the capacities of Copenhagen allowing it to call five hundred and twenty thousand men under the Danish banners, supported by four ‘brigades’ of forty-two tanks each. The Danish air force was outnumbering the one of their northern neighbour in a similar manner. It didn’t on the sea, but it was due to the appeasement policy following the Great War, and even then, Denmark had still seven destroyers and plenty of shipyards to build more.
None of this was unexpected. The orders of battle varied year from year, but the sad reality – from a Swedish point of view – was that Denmark in all likelihood would not need Norway to defeat Sweden conventionally. Of course, since Norway existed and had just declared to the entire world they were going to enter a personal union with their Danish neighbours, their military regulars could be counted to join the ‘fun’, worsening a perilous situation to an entirely new level.
This was why in many aspects, the majority of the Western European governments judged a war unlikely anywhere near the Scandinavian theatre. Assuredly, no student of past history was going to guarantee a certain victory, but things weren’t looking good at all for Sweden. The more time passed, the more their neighbours were able to erect new defensive positions and improve the old ones. And besides, mobilising armies of that size was always a costly endeavour. And on that field too Denmark could beat Sweden. The merchant navy of Christian X was considerable, and Danish and non-Danish goods were transported from South-eastern Asia to the Caribbean Sea and many other water-accessible harbours whatever the season. If it came to a war of attrition, Denmark could endure it for several years; the Great War had proven it could do that against the Grande Entente. Olaf Gunnarsson was frightening neither the King of Denmark nor his people, and there was even a small rising sentiment among the information services that maybe, just maybe, it was time to free the Swedish from the tyrannical rule of the ‘President-for-life’.
There was also the fact most of the world attention was focusing on Belgrade being destroyed street-by-street with Russian artillery. But at the end, it was not incorrect to say most of Europe was calculating how long Gunnarsson was going to play with his baton of ‘Supreme Marshal of Sweden’ before abandoning his utopian ideas of conquest. Poland and Saxony didn’t wish to involve themselves in this quarrel when the bear was unleashed in the Balkans, Westphalian politicians were inclined to support Denmark economically, but considered neutrality best, as did their French patrons, and as far as the English public was concerned, the last world conflict had best be the last time they sent their young men to die on Scandinavian soil.
The general mood was of condescension towards Sweden. If the ‘impartially elected President-for-life’ desired to mistake Anarchists for Danish agents in order to provoke a war, so be it. But Olaf Gunnarsson would have to do it alone. And behind heavy doors, acid remarks advised the Swedish diplomats they wouldn’t find any help should they return after instigating a new conflict. Not when they had participated in the ‘Finland cake’ being divided between the Tsarina and themselves.
It was one of those tragic turns of history that most of the representatives sent by Stockholm were in reality in semi-disgrace, whether they knew it or not. Gunnarsson had no faith in Saxony, which he tended to nickname ‘the failed would-be Empire’ in his speeches, and now that an attempted assassination had scarred him, the comments were getting nastier.
No, the President-for-life did not think the remnants of the Central Alliance were up to the stratagems he had played in his mind. This was why less than twenty-four hours after the mobilisation was ordered, the Swedish Minister for Foreign Affairs was landing at Saint Petersburg.
The Russian Empire was short on true allies in Eastern Europe, and Olaf Gunnarsson didn’t care about Serbia. Why not sign a deal which would not benefit both countries immensely?
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