Well, it depends what you call "Germanic" there.
German peoples, even before entering in Romania, where romanized to a huge extent (it helped that a good part of them was made of romans by the early Vth).
Not only institutionally, trough military and administrative matters (Sitilicho is the most flamboyant exemple, but it was repeted for basically anyone). But as well culturally, by the use of roman goods or tastes.
Does that means Romano-Germans were deprived of distinct features? Obviously not. But we have to check these carefully.
Francisca or eagle gibular are often described as being typically Frankish or Gothic. Fair enough. But these simply doesn't appear before their entry in Romania.
Nothing, nada, que dalle. Not even a daguerrotype of a IIIrd century Frank holding a francisca.
If it was the only one thing : but it applies as well to clothes, laws (even Salic law is hugely influenced by roman law), historiography (basically a mix of Aeneid, Bible and possibly folk tales), etc.
And still, these formed the bulk of romano-germanic identities. What did happen?
It's a common feature to see identitary features being exacerbated.
Hypenathed-American could be a fitting, if somewhat misleading ("It's like a bubble. Well it's not. But picture a bubble")
Romans were never too much about giving other people the same importance than their. Ethnographycally, it went to denying other peoples an history of their own. Meaning that once they identified (or mis-identified) a group of people, everything going in the same rough region was considered as the same. It's why Vandals by the IIIrd century were considered as Celts (well, admittedly, Germans were in great part influenced by Celtic features, but that's another issue).
So, it went down to this. A Frank, Goth, Saxon, is someone whom king is a/the king of Franks, Goths, Saxons.
While it was acceptable as long the WRE was able to enforce its power, when the imperium passed trough romano-german entities (as, for example, Chilperic considered as a roman general ruling over Belgica Secunda), Barbarian identities became attractive.
Less taxes, prestige of the military elite, clear and legit authority far more close than Constantinople's or Roman usurpers (with possibly a refusal of Roman authority itself, clearly after Bagaudae)...
With romano-german kings being the continuators of the Late Empire, and giving the personnalisation of this one, you had an identitary afflux.
And when it come to distinguish not only romano-germans and newcomers, from the rest...Well, there wasn't much choice but exacerbation if not making up (less conciously than "playing along").
And these features became more or less widespread.
So you had cultural modification, but in the continuity of the Late Empire, and less Germanic than "germanic".
Another example is the language : Gothic or Frankish were basically dead languages by the VI, only used ceremonially in the former case.
(At the point Ostrogithic texts are written in very good latin, with some "germanisms" being randomly put.)
Socially, the difference is weak if not simply unexistant.
Even admitting all the Barbarians entering in Romania took over and replaced roman population (and ignoring sources, as the ones pointing out that many landed Barbarians quickly lost their lot to former owners), we're talking of some thousands people there.
In the countryside, there's simply no trace of a replacement of population, and elites (to not speak of the bulk of population) there probably remained the same than in Roman period (or even pre-Roman period).
It's even more obvious in towns, that remained the main relay of political power after the collapse of WRE, basically up to the Xth century. Bishops, for example, hold the power there and as well in royal administration without being replaced (some tried, as Vandals, and by replacing them with other -just more disciplined- bishops and it failed big time).
Feudalism owes something to these romano-german presence of course, but is certainly not a direct consequence, appearing by the IX/Xth centuries for diverse reasons. (Mostly military changes, political collapse, systematisation of vassality as pre-requisite of power relations).
Gotcha. I hope LSCatilina responds, since it was an old post of his (that the Ostrogoth elite was different than the Visigothic elite) that inspired this inquiry in the first place.
Do you meant
this post?
If I wrote it today, I'd correct it a bit. It's not that wrong, but should be clarified.
Now, these kingdoms were quite divided, but this divisions wasn't "ensured" by the familial unity : particularisms (as in the N-E of Visigothic Kingdom), absence of real mix between roman and germanic population (critically in Italy, less true for late Visigothic Kingdom).
Now, these kingdoms could be divised politically, but these divisions weren't due to share of kingship. Regional particularism (Basques or "Septimanians" for exemple) or absence of full merge between romans and Barbarians (critically in Italy where the Roman prestige was too great to make Ostrogothic identity as attractive as Frankish; something that was less of a problem for the late Visigothic Kingdom).
This is a valid theory of the invasion of Celtic Britain by the Angles/Saxons/Jutes! Assimilation is just a fig leaf to cover the ugly truth of what happened at this time of history!
My teacher in Late Antiquity classes used to call this "Conan the Barbarian" theory.
It is as valid than any theory based on a sole, disputed when it comes to interpretation, factor.
First, we don't have any trace of systematical slaughter of men. Neither archeologically, or in texts (unless we take Arthurian mythos as credible sources, but then again).
Second, it's assuming Saxons were complete strangers, appearing only to rape and plunder and hear the lamentations of their women.
We know, from diverse sources, that Saxons settled the region as early than the IVth century, maybe earlier.
The
Itus Saxonorum (Saxon straight) was a military circonscription, on both sides of the Channel, inteded to defend against Saxons...with Saxons.
The principle isn't exactly exceptionnal : Franks were used to fight other Rheinish barbarians, Normans settled to fight Normans, etc.
Thinking that a presence there for two centuries can beat assimilation if ludicrous.
Third, remember when I spoke about "both sides" of the itus?
Well, many Saxons settled in Gaul as well (Loire estuary mostly). Why didn't they formed separate entities, or distinct ethnies?
Either they were "Good" Saxons, possibly enlightened by Franks or Visigoths to behave; or as Bretons they formed a same cultural group than their insular counterparts.
What was the difference?
To begin with, Gaul was a helluva more populated (6/8 millions against 1 million guesstimated), more "classically" romanized than Britain : more urban centers, more Christian presence, more roman armies (being understood that these armies were composed in good part of romano-german recruits).
It's not that simple to assimilate to a stereotype of Roman culture (the stereotype we're talking there is that Romanisation=Augustean Rome) was not only not that present, but clearly outdated.
If we agree to consider that *maybe* Saxons didn't acted in a totally different way than all the other peoples in Romania, that Britain had a low population to begin with, that the political confrontation was far more present (While Franks or Goths dealt quickly with what remained of remnants; Saxons and Britons fight during centuries, something that usually doesn't fare well for mutual assimilation)...
Let's say that we have a lot more theories
to discuss with, that have the benefit to be based on just more than tired clichés (clichés that are dubiously applied to contemporary issues, such as the so-called replacement of western civilisation by new invaders. Politically loaded use of the period are as old than Kossina).
While the use of DNA evidence has certainly added fresh vigour to the debate over the scale of Anglo-Saxon migration, it cannot be said to have provided any definite answers. Arguments using DNA evidence can support either side of the debate; some in favour of mass-immigration (Weale et al 2002), some for small-scale elite dominance (Thomas et al 2006), while others argue for a middle-road between the two extremes (Capelli et al 2003).