CHAPTER 5:
“Mr. President, I want to raise an issue that I think has been lurking out there for 2 or 3 weeks and cast it specifically in national security terms. You already are the oldest President in history. And some of your staff say you were tired after your most recent encounter with Mr. Mondale. I recall yet that President Kennedy had to go for days on end with very little sleep during the Cuban missile crisis. Is there any doubt in your mind that you would be able to function in such circumstances?”
-- Henry Trewitt at the second Presidential debate October 21st 1984
The situation in Grenada had long been a major concern to Reagan’s White House.
Since 1979, the small island nation was governed by Maurice Bishop, leader of the New Jewel Movement.
The New Jewel Movement was a Marxist political party inspired, in part, by Castro’s revolution in Cuba. They came to power following the bloodless coup of the previous Prime Minister, Eric Gairy.
Given their Marxist roots, they were absolute anathema to the Reagan White House. More than that however, they began construction on airport – to Reagan, this was unacceptable.
The President, and other Republicans, argued that the airport would be used to transport weapons to Marxist guerrillas throughout Latin America, and would act as a forward military airbase through which the Soviet Union and Cuba could gain greater influence in the Americas.
This was disputed by many, even inside the US. Representative Ron Dellums of California, following a fact-finding mission to Grenada, stated:
“Based on my personal observations, discussion, and analysis of the new international airport under construction in Grenada, it is my conclusion that this project is specifically now and has always been for the purpose of economic development and is not for military use…. It is my thought that it is absurd, patronizing, and totally unwarranted for the United States government to charge that this airport poses a military threat to the United States' national security.”
However, while debate about Grenada continued in the US, internal strife threatened to tear the small Caribbean nation apart.
There were substantial disagreements between Prime Minister Bishop and his Deputy Prime Minister, Bernard Coard. Namely, Bishop sought rapprochement and cordial relations with the Soviet Union, while Coard sought outright affiliation.
A military junta group, led by Hudson Austin, eventually stepped in to demand that Bishop enter a power sharing agreement with Coard, who outright refused.
In response, Bishop was arrested. However, civil unrest and protests saw Bishop briefly escape capture, and reach out Castro and the Cuban government for assistance.
Castro, after a brief deliberation and consultation with his brother and others in his government, decided to act.
On October 20th, Castro sent a force of 2,500 Cuban troops, along with a detachment of ships from the Cuban Navy to help secure Bishop’s government, however, by this point, Bishop had been re-captured and executed by Grenadian soldiers.
This put Castro in an awkward position – the military led Austin had betrayed Coard and were now operating as the Revolutionary Military Council, a dictatorial military junta. But they were still Marxist, still sought alliances with other communist countries like the USSR.
Castro ordered the Cuban troops to make contact with the Cuban construction workers already on Grenada, and guard both their embassy and the airport they were helping build. If things could stabilize, they planned to leave the island in the coming days.
Complicating matters further was a presence of 600 American medical students who were studying on the island. Many in the White House, and across the US, worried that the students could be killed or taken hostage during the conflict.
To Reagan, such a thing was unacceptable, and the presence of Cuban troops made things all the more urgent. A request for help from the Organisation of Eastern Caribbean States and Grenada’s Governor General Paul Scoon was all the justification he needed.
On the 8th, Reagan gave a speech to the American public outlining the rationale for the invasion, and the goals they sought to achieve in taking military action:
“Ladies and gentlemen, on Sunday, October 23rd, the United States received an urgent, formal request from the five member nations of the Organization of Eastern Caribbean States to assist in a joint effort to restore order and democracy on the island of Grenada. Furthermore, Grenada’s Governor General, Paul Scoon, has concurred in asking for our help.
We acceded to these requests to become part of a multinational effort with contingents from Antigua, Barbados, Dominica, Jamaica, St. Lucia, St. Vincent, and the United States. I might add that two of those, Barbados and Jamaica, are not members of the Organization, but were first approached, as we later were, by the OECS and asked to join in that undertaking. And then all of them joined unanimously in asking us to participate.
Early this morning, forces from six Caribbean democracies and the United States began a landing or landings on the island of Grenada in the Eastern Caribbean.
We have taken this decisive action for four reasons. First, and of overriding importance, to protect innocent lives, including up to a thousand Americans, whose personal safety is, of course, my paramount concern. Second, to forestall further chaos. And third, to assist in the restoration of conditions of law and order and of governmental institutions to the island of Grenada, where a brutal group of leftist thugs violently seized power, killing the Prime Minister, three Cabinet members, two labor leaders, and other civilians, including children.
Worse still, Castro’s forces have also touched down in Grenada. This hostile action represents an unacceptable breach of sovereignty committed against our Caribbean neighbor, and shows clear intend by the Castro regime to militarily support the left wing coup against a democratic government on our doorstep. We must act to drive Castro’s storm troopers out of Grenada.
Let there be no misunderstanding, this collective action has been forced on us by events that have no precedent in the eastern Caribbean and no place in any civilized society.
American lives are at stake. We've been following the situation as closely as possible. Between 800 and a thousand Americans, including many medical students and senior citizens, make up the largest single group of foreign residents in Grenada.
From the start we have consciously sought to calm fears. We were determined not to make an already bad situation worse and increase the risks our citizens faced. But when I received reports that a large number of our citizens were seeking to escape the island, thereby exposing themselves to great danger, and after receiving a formal request for help, a unanimous request from our neighboring states, I concluded the United States had no choice but to act strongly and decisively.
Let me repeat, the United States objectives are clear: to protect our own citizens, to facilitate the evacuation of those who want to leave, to help in the restoration of democratic institutions in Grenada, and to drive out the Cuban invaders occupying Grenadian land.”
Two formations of US warships took place in the invasion – the US Independence carrier group, and the and Marine Amphibious Readiness Group, which included the flagship USS Guam, the USS Barnstable County, the USS Manitowoc, the USS Fort Snelling, and the USS Trenton.
The modest Cuban Naval forces were quickly sunk, and troops were promptly launched from the USS Guam.
However, this is where the problems began – planning for the operation had been completely botched from the outset. Intelligence was faulty, they had to rely on inaccurate tourist maps, and mistiming of critical elements meant that the invasion began as daylight broke.
With the element of surprise lost, the Cuban and Grenadian forces were able to prepare for the landing of American forces, obstructing runways and forcing many US forces, such as the 75th Ranger Regiment tasked with rescuing the students at Camp True Blue, to switch to a parachute landing.
From there, things only got worse. With support from well-trained Cuban soldiers, Grenadian forces were able to stage an effective resistance against the poorly planned out US invasion.
By the end of the first day, US forces called in an additional 3 battalions to assist in the fighting, which began to slowly turn the tide of the fighting across the island.
When US special forces reached the True Blue Campus at St George’s University in the early hours of the next morning, they found that several Cuban soldiers had taken American students hostages, and demanded safe passage off the island.
Fighting soon break out, and several hostages were killed in the crossfire.
Upon hearing the news, Reagan was utterly furious.
“Castro is going to pay for this,” Defense Secretary Clements later recalled him saying in the Situation Room.
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“My fellow Americans, this morning, it is my duty as President, and as commander-in-chief, to inform you of the tragic events that occurred a few hours ago in Grenada. As you know, yesterday we sent a select group of highly trained soldiers and marines to liberate the small Caribbean nation of Grenada and rescue several hundred American students trapped on the island.
The students have been found, and, unfortunately, several were killed as a result of actions taken by Castro’s forces. They put our citizens, these young people, in harms way. And as a result, nine innocent Americans have lost their lives.
We are in the process of informing the families, but make no mistake, those responsible will pay for this horrendous crime.”
Fidel Castro immediately went into damage control. He announced to the media that he specifically instructed all Cuban troops to avoid American students, not obstruct US forces from rescuing them, and focus on defending Cuba’s embassy and the airport presently under construction. He reaffirmed that order and expressed regret over the loss of innocent lives, lamenting the rash actions of Ronald Reagan.
The American people, however, were baying for blood, particularly the Cuban lobby who were demanding a full US invasion of Cuba, an ousting of Castro, and a new government be put in place of the current communist one.
Reagan however, would not act until other US citizens were safe. Unbeknownst to US intelligence services, military leadership, or soldiers on the ground, there was another campus of American students located in Grand Anse, as well as several students living off campus.
It would be another day before US Army Rangers could reach the campus and rescue the students, who were all thankfully still alive.
Upon the evacuation of the students from the second campus, Reagan told his NSC staff, and the Joint Chiefs, that he would wait until all Americans were accounted for, before taking action against Cuba.
It would be several days before fighting in Grenada settled down and all US civilians on the island could be accounted for. Two died in the fighting, but otherwise, all were recovered, with minor physical injuries at most.
Despite orders not to surrender to American forces, after almost a week of fighting, several hundred Cubans surrendered to American forces en masse, realising they were conducting a losing battle on a small island they couldn’t possibly hold on to.
The surrender, ordered by Colonel Pedro Tortoló, was a major point of shame for the Cuban military and he was vilified on his eventual return to the island. The soldiers who survived were similarly shunned, shamed or otherwise ostracized as cowards.
The picture of Cuban troops surrendering to American forces was a major propaganda victory for the US, with Reagan complementing the “skill, bravery and professionalism of America’s men and women in uniform”. He also welcomed the defeat of Castro’s forces and promised further economic sanctions against Cuba.
On November 1st, all major fighting in Grenada ceased and the invasion was effectively over.
It was hoped by many that the invasion of Grenada would represent the high point of Cold War tensions in the year 1983.
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There was some irony in Ronald Reagan signing legislation that would create a holiday for Martin Luther King on November 2nd, only a day after the end of major combat operations in Grenada.
King was both an avowed socialist and pacifist, and many who knew him wondered how he would react to the Presidency of Ronald Reagan.
Jesse Jackson had worked on behalf of Reverend King when he was a young man in college. Jackson had some idea of what he might say – Reagan’s Presidency had been the polar opposite of King’s philosophy of racial harmony, help for the sick and the downtrodden, and peace among people. Reagan had ran of racial divisiveness, looked down on the sick and downtrodden, and, for the past weeks, waged a war against black people in the Caribbean.
But through all the misery of the past 3 years, there had been some reasons to hope – unions had come roaring back in response to Reagan’s shameful labor relations policies, people were out there organizing in numbers not seen in years, and Jackson had just led a peaceful anti-war protest of several thousand people.
The values King fought for were still alive today, and Jackson hoped to carry them all the way to the White House.
On November 3rd, Reverend Jesse Jackson spoke to 2,500 people in the Washington Convention Centre, and announced his candidacy for the Presidency of the United States, on the Democratic ticket:
“'I seek the Presidency to serve the nation at a level where I can help restore a moral tone, a redemptive spirit and a sensitivity to the poor and the dispossessed of this nation,'' he said.
He outlined the basis of his candidacy, which included a demand-oriented monetary and fiscal policies, the targeting of industrial redevelopment, extensive employment and training programs, progressive tax reform and trade policy, a “humane” immigration policy, civil rights enforcement, a military and foreign policy based on human rights, as well as robust health, education and welfare policies.
In making this announcement, Jesse Jackson became the second African American to run for a major party’s Presidential ticket.
There was substantial excitement for Jesse Jackson’s campaign, though the media wrote him off as a fringe candidate.
He looked forward to proving them wrong.
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Fidel Castro looked proudly at the men and equipment of the Cuban Revolutionary Air and Air Defense Force.
In the aftermath of Cuba’s embarrassing loss in Grenada, Castro sought to meet with members of his armed forces personally to lift morale. Even though many advisors were telling him to lie low for fear of another harebrained CIA assassination by Ronald Reagan, he would not show fear of a Yankee cowboy actor.
Especially not when so many of his loyal soldiers, sailors and pilots were demoralized. Cuban forces were still fighting in Angola, so it was important to keep morale up following the shameful surrender of forces in Grenada.
Had they chose to die as martyrs, perhaps they would be regarded as heroes. But they had sullied the People’s Revolution, and Castro felt no small amount of shame. He almost refused to welcome them back, but in the end, thought it best to allow them to return.
For now, all he could do was meet with his men and restore their lost morale. He had been scheduled to visit the base only for a brief period in the afternoon, but had enjoyed speaking with the pilots so much, minutes turned into hours, and it was now the evening.
So here he was, at an airfield at San Antonio de los Baños Airfield, shaking hands and giving encouragement to brave pilots, most of whom would soon be in Angola.
“What’s your name?” Fidel asked, as he shook hands with one young pilot.
He never heard the response. The next sound to reach his ears was a great whooshing sound from a jet.
He barely had time to react to the sound of American planes over head…
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Ronald Reagan sat behind the Resolute Desk in the Oval Office, as he done so many times before, and gave a televised speech to the American public. But this speech was unlike any he had delivered as President.
“My fellow Americans, at 7 o’clock this evening, Eastern Time, United States air and naval forces carried out a series of strikes against the military installations and assets of Fidel Castro’s communist regime.
These attacks were precisely targeted to minimize casualties among the repressed people of Cuba, with whom we have no quarrel.
And I can also report, that during the course of these strikes, Fidel Castro, the dictator of Cuba, was killed. It was not our intention to target him, and we were unaware of his presence at the San Antonio de los Baños Airfield when we struck it.
But all the same, he perished during the attack. We have no regrets, nor offer any apologies regarding the manner in which he died.
He was a tyrant, who for more than two decades, conducted a reign of terror against his own people. And now, his reign has ended, and we believe Cuba and the world can work towards a new future, free of communist oppression in this hemisphere.”
These were the opening words of Ronald Reagan’s speech announcing the air and naval assault against Cuba. As a result of this attack, not only was Fidel Castro killed, but virtually the entire Cuban Revolutionary Air Force and Navy was wiped out.
He went on to list Castro’s crimes, and state that he hoped that this sent to a clear message by foreign nations, not to put Americans in harms way.
He also stated that “although this mission has been accomplished” that he would “not hesitate to respond when Americans are harmed”.
Castro’s death at the hands of the United States was met with international condemnation, and much criticism domestically.
Many in Congress were terrified that Reagan might have begun the opening salvo of World War 3 with his attack on Cuba, which intentionally or not, killed Fidel Castro. Others claimed that Reagan had violated Gerald Ford’s Executive Order, which forbade the assassination of foreign heads of state. Officials within the Reagan White claimed that because Fidel Castro was not an intended target, it was not an “assassination”.
Some, mostly in Florida’s Cuban community, hawkish politicians, Birchers, and the Religious Right, were pleased with the death of Castro.
But internationally, there was universal condemnation. Even close allies of the United States, and Ronald Reagan more specifically, disapproved of the action. Most notably, Margret Thatcher was furious at Reagan’s actions, which she believed threatened nuclear war. This sentiment was echoed by many throughout the international community.
Thatcher, as leader of a major NATO participant, the UK, requested that Able Archer be cancelled in the wake of the massively increased tensions. The Reagan White agreed to postpone Able Archer until next year.
Later historians would recount that Thatcher’s stance in preventing Able Archer from going ahead likely saved the world from nuclear war.
The Soviet Union was incensed that their close ally had been killed as a result of US military action. They claimed that Reagan had violated the agreement made between Kennedy and Khrushchev following the Cuban Missile Crisis and claimed that Reagan “was on a course headed for war with the Soviet Union”.
This was a major blow to Soviet prestige, and an attack on an ally that they had long sworn to protect.
The Soviet Union refused to take Castro’s death, and the crippling of an allied military, lying down. In a show of force and in solidarity with Cuba, Soviet Premier Yuri Andropov promised the new Cuban leader, Raul Castro, a massive effort to rebuild and resupply the small communist nation.
Events in Cuba had nearly ended the world once, now, they threatened to do so again.
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There was substantial debate in the Reagan White House over what, if anything, should be done regarding the Soviet Union’s impending naval exercise and re-supply in Cuba.
Two camps emerged – those who argued the President should allow the Soviet to resupply Cuba, and those who argued Reagan should institute a Naval blockade around Cuba and order the Soviets to turn back, in order to gain a major PR victory.
The former group included Vice President Bush and George Shultz, while the more hawkish group was made up of the likes of Donald Regan, Casper Weinberger, and Bill Clements.
As per usual, Reagan sought a compromise between these two positions – he would announce that he would allow the Soviet Union to send non-military and humanitarian aide to Cuba, but there would be an embargo on dual use equipment for the foreseeable future.
The next morning, Reagan came before the American people, in a televised address, to give yet another speech:
“Good evening, my fellow Americans. At approximately 4:30 AM this morning, on my order, a detachment of US navy ships was sent to conduct a blockade around the communist nation of Cuba. Our mission is simple and straight forward. We seek to prevent the Soviet Union from sending military aid and offensive weapons to their satellite state off our shores.
Soviet leaders have made plain and clear, their intentions to re-supply and re-arm their Cuban allies, so that the Castro regime, now led by Raul Castro, can continue its subversive, expansionist activities in our hemisphere.
Then let us make
this perfectly clear: We shall not allow the Soviet Union, or any other nation, to supply weapons, ammunition, spare parts, or any other dual use technology that will allow Cuba to terrorize their neighbors in this hemisphere, as they did to Grenada, and as they did to us when they killed several of our very own citizens.
However, we shall not prevent the sending of food and medicine. Our quarrel is with the tyrannical Cuban regime, not with the oppressed peoples of that unhappy island.
But at this critical juncture, we reserve the right to be sure that all deliveries to Cuba are humanitarian in nature, and not military. If the Soviet Union cannot accept this reasonable demand, then they have only one option – turn back now.”
Once again, a blockade of Cuba and a stand off between the two great powers threatened to end the world. Journalists were quick to announce the start of a Second Cuban Missile Crisis.
An American fleet was staring down a Soviet blockade, and both sides primed their atomic arsenal in the event the conflict turned hot.
The whole world held its breath, hoping for a peaceful solution.
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The reactions from Presidential hopefuls vying for the Democratic primary were universal in their concern over the current state of the world – but they all replied in their own unique way.
The most fiery, and most outwardly critical of Reagan was the most recent entrant into the race – the Reverend Jesse Jackson.
“At this present time, the criminal regime is not Cuba! It is Ronald Reagan’s White House! They were the ones who recklessly intervened in Grenada, bombed innocent Cubans, and broke the law by killing the leader of a foreign government! We must demand an end to current hostilities and a new friendship with Cuba and the Soviet Union, for a more peaceful world.”
George McGovern, who had previously captured the Democratic nomination in 1972 and was running again in 1984, echoed this sentiment and called for “an end to the embargo which helped cause this whole mess”.
“We must do as President Kennedy suggested in 1963”, McGovern continued, “We must make the world safe for diversity. Our most basic common link is that we all inhabit this small planet. We all breathe the same air.”
Colorado Senator Gary Hart, another candidate for the nomination, invoked Kennedy in a very different light.
“President Reagan should look to the example of President Kennedy 2 decades ago,” Hart stated in an interview with the media, “That is exactly what I would do, if I were in this situation as President”. When pressed about what Kennedy did that differs from Reagan’s present actions, Hart could not give a solid answer, and then deflected.
John Glenn cautioned against “reckless action” but stated his belief that “on balance, it is preferable that Cuba not be allowed to rearm”.
Mondale, the most politically experienced figure in the race, and the clear frontrunner at present, took a different approach. He was aware that in a crisis, the American public were prone to rally around the flag. Coming out too strongly against Reagan could damage him just as badly as could being too quick to support the President.
So, he decided to make himself a small target and simply stated that he had “faith that a peaceful solution can and will be reached.”
This approach paid dividends for Mondale. In the court of public opinion, the other major candidates who spoke out strongly on the issue ended up alienating one group or another.
Jackson and McGovern’s comments were viewed as divisive, and borderline sympathetic to the Soviet Union and Cuba. Hart’s response was seen as tone deaf and reeked of opportunism, and his inability to expand on his point when pressed proved embarrassing. Glenn, by comparison, was perceived as being too quick to support Reagan’s actions.
For Mondale, discretion was the better part of valor. He was the only major candidate to come out of the crisis without making some gaffe on the campaign trail.
But he only hoped that America would still be here in November of 1984. If Reagan failed to ease tensions, it would likely mean an end of civilization as they knew it.
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As the days dragged on, negotiations between the US, Soviet Union and Cuba stalled.
Andropov was determined to assist Cuba in rebuilding the military that Reagan had utterly destroyed in his bombing campaign, while Reagan was utterly against the idea.
Members of the international community, including Canada, stated they would happily mediate a solution to the current crisis, but both sides refused.
Though Ronald Reagan promised to make regular announcements on the progress of negotiations, he began to appear less in the public eye.
More and more, Vice President Bush, Secretaries Weinberger, and Clements, as well as Press Secretary James Brady became the public face of the administration in those tense and critical days.
When asked why President Reagan was not facing the nation, a standard line was given about “Reagan working diligently behind the scenes to ensure a peaceful resolution”. Few believed it, even at the time.
In truth, Reagan was perpetually exhausted in the face of such a major, dangerous crisis. He would often fall asleep in important meetings, was borderline unresponsive in the face of critical decisions, and was otherwise virtually inert past the first long night of the Second Cuban Missile Crisis.
In truth, he simply became too exhausted to function adequately. Even a young man would struggle under the conditions, but Reagan as over 70 years of age simply could not keep up with the demands of a major international crisis which required staff to operate for days on end with precious few hours to sleep.
Nancy Reagan was fiercely protective of her husband, and essentially ordered him to the Executive Residence to rest, away from any media spotlight. This made getting in touch with him difficult, particularly when it came time for Reagan to exercise his authority as commander-in-chief.
It got to a point where there was talk among aides of invoking the 25th Amendment and putting authority in the hands of Vice President Bush, but it was decided that such action would be electoral suicide for 1984.
Don Regan came up to a compromise whereby Reagan would receive a verbal list of requests as to the actions of the State Department and military moving forward, which he would agree to.
In the Soviet Union however, they were in a remarkably similar situation. Yuri Andropov had suffered kidney failure in February of 1983, and since August he had essentially lived in the Central Clinical Hospital in western Moscow.
He, like Reagan, was largely indisposed for much of the crisis. Aides and advisors were mostly making decision on the General Secretary’s behalf, but these decisions came about despite a massive internal struggle between warring factions inside the Soviet machine.
At perhaps the most dangerous flashpoint in the history of the Cold War, both great nations were essentially leaderless and experiencing internal chaos at the highest levels of government.
It was a situation that could have easily devolved into atomic warfare. But thankfully, after a week of tense negotiations, a compromise was reached.
Food and medicine would be sent by the Soviet Union to Cuba and would be inspected by neutral third-party nations such as Canada to ensure no dual use technology was being sent. Reagan would then agree to loosen the embargo slightly as months went on and the media spotlight decreased.
This compromise was accepted by all parties involved, but there was still substantial resentment on Cuba’s side, given that Reagan was responsible for the death of their leader.
Still, neither the US, nor Soviets wanted to end all life on Earth over the current tensions.
On November 10th, Reagan emerged from days of media seclusion to announce an end to the current tensions over Cuba:
“Many in the media have taken to calling this moment of high tension the ‘Second Cuban Missile Crisis’. Well, just like the first, it ended peacefully, and with America’s national security intact. By negotiating from strength, we came to a peaceful, and just end to this week long period of increased tensions. I am confident that we can engage in further dialogue with the Soviet Union, which will see us reduce the risk of nuclear warfare between our two countries and make the world a safer place.”
Despite Reagan’s optimistic rhetoric and triumphant tone, the public still had major questions about his performance during the crisis. His absence from the spotlight, as well as near constant leaks about his falling asleep in meetings and being whisked away by the First Lady, damaged his image as a decisive, in-control President.
What had been a defining victory for Kennedy, had instead fueled doubts about Reagan’s ability. He saw only a very modest bump in the polls from the resolution of this crisis, and Americans were divided as to whether the whole affair should have been avoided to begin with.
Still, the apocalypse was averted. The world could stop holding its breath, and the United States could return to a state of relative normality.
With the first Democratic primaries around the corner, the race to the White House in 1984 was about to begin in earnest.