Der morgige Tag ist mein (A Wikibox TL)
- Thread starter Gonzo
- Start date
So, what the hell is this then?
It’s a TL based of an infobox.
Really?
Yep.
So, what is the premise then?
I made where DNVP backed Stahlhelm leader Theodor Duesterberg is elected President of Germany in 1932 as a result of Hindenburg opting to not run for re-election; and is thus backed by the moderates as being the lesser of the three evils.
So it’s a Weimar survives TL then?
Of sorts - though I’m not guaranteeing anything.
Or is this going to be yet another attempt by you to make a more right-wing world that reflects your views?
Uh... No...?
So it’s yet another wikibox TL?
Yep!
Very creative...
Thanks... I guess....
Will it be an exclusively wikibox style TL like ‘No Southern Strategy’?
There will be some narrative parts to the TL - think of it as something similar to the excellent ‘The Ruins of an American Party System’ by Emperor Julian.
Will it solely cover Germany?
Nope. I plan to include US Presidential elections, UK General elections, wars; and a whole load of other wikiboxes.
Will you actually finish this TL or abandon it like all those other TL’s you’ve aborted?
Yes I do intend to keep this up - assuming there is interest in it and I don’t run out of ideas.
Whatever. Just get this started already!
Fine.
It’s a TL based of an infobox.
Really?
Yep.
So, what is the premise then?
I made where DNVP backed Stahlhelm leader Theodor Duesterberg is elected President of Germany in 1932 as a result of Hindenburg opting to not run for re-election; and is thus backed by the moderates as being the lesser of the three evils.
So it’s a Weimar survives TL then?
Of sorts - though I’m not guaranteeing anything.
Or is this going to be yet another attempt by you to make a more right-wing world that reflects your views?
Uh... No...?
So it’s yet another wikibox TL?
Yep!
Very creative...
Thanks... I guess....
Will it be an exclusively wikibox style TL like ‘No Southern Strategy’?
There will be some narrative parts to the TL - think of it as something similar to the excellent ‘The Ruins of an American Party System’ by Emperor Julian.
Will it solely cover Germany?
Nope. I plan to include US Presidential elections, UK General elections, wars; and a whole load of other wikiboxes.
Will you actually finish this TL or abandon it like all those other TL’s you’ve aborted?
Yes I do intend to keep this up - assuming there is interest in it and I don’t run out of ideas.
Whatever. Just get this started already!
Fine.
Incumbent President Paul von Hindenburg was eighty-four years old and was in poor health. Never enthusiastic about the presidency (or public office in general), Hindenburg planned to stand down after his first term in office. The prospect of Adolf Hitler, leader of the National Socialist German Worker's Party (NSDAP); being elected President of Germany was a threat that saw Chancellor Heinrich Bruning plead with Hindenburg to run for a second term; Hindenburg remained steadfast in his opposition to a second term in office. Brüning had developed plans to evade direct elections by a Reichstag resolution to extend Hindenburg's time in office and arranged significant concessions to be made to Hitler's Nazi Party and the German National People's Party (DNVP) under chairman Alfred Hugenberg. However, both party leaders, unified in the Harzburg Front alliance of October 1931, rejected his proposals.
At the 1930 federal election, the NSDAP had increased it's share of the vote and number of seats in the Reichstag drastically. Despite becoming a German citizen (and thus eligible for public office) only on 25th February 1932, Hitler hoped to use the presidency to overturn the Weimar Constitution and establish a dictatorship. The threat of such an eventuality was very real and lead to the SPD, Bruning's Centre Party, and other moderate parties to urge Hindenburg to run for re-election in a desperate bid to prevent Hitler from being elected President of the Weimar Republic. This was in stark contrast to the 1925 presidential election, when Hindenburg had been the candidate of the political right and had been strenuously opposed by much of the moderate left and political centre. However, in 1932, this part of the political spectrum attempted to unite with the moderate right in supporting Hindenburg to prevent Hitler's election. The support of the moderate Weimar coalition was also encouraged by the fact that, contrary to fears expressed at the time of his election in 1925, Hindenburg had not used his office to subvert the constitution, as Hitler now aimed to do. Hindenburg still refused to yield; it became clear to Bruning that Hindenburg was persistent in his refusal to run for a second term, despite being warned that it could lead to the election of "that Austrian corporal" or "a red."
On the right, the Harzburg Front collapsed, when the DNVP nominated the Stahlhelm leader Theodor Duesterberg as its own candidate. Duesterberg, a former DNVP politician who had left the party and joined the nationalist and pro-monarchy Stahlhelm, Bund der Frontsoldaten; and had quickly risen to become the leader. Duesterberg lead the anti-semitic faction (though rather moderate in comparison to the NSDAP's policies) of the Stahlhelm and transformed the group into the largest paramilitary group in the Weimar Republic. By the late 1920's he had allied the group with the NSDAP and other right wing groups in opposition to the Young Plan; the group was also an integral member of the Harzburg Front. Duesterberg - like many on the traditionalist nationalistic-right became rather uncomfortable with the NSDAP's excessive anti-semitism and borderline socialist views (especially those of it's paramilitary wing, the SA and the Strasser brothers.) After the Harzburg Front collapsed Duesterberg broke off his alliance with the NSDAP, but maintained his close relationship with the DNVP; who's leader, the media mogul Alfred Hugenberg threw his considerable media empire behind Duesterberg.
Like in 1925, the Communist Party nominated Ernst Thälmann. Backed by the Communist International, it was hoped that he would gain support from left-wing Social Democrats disgusted by Hindenburg's character. Indeed, leftist splinter parties such as the Socialist Workers' Party of Germany and the Internationaler Sozialistischer Kampfbund organization declared their support, as did intellectuals like Carl von Ossietzky.
Hitler soon realised that Duesterberg was his biggest threat to gaining power and thus set about having his propaganda spokesperson, Joseph Goebbels, to set about creating a smear campaign against the DNVP-backed candidate. Goebbels managed to create some minor issues, but nothing that damaging (Duesterberg nearly suffered a nervous breakdown when he discovered in April of that year, that his grandfather was in fact a Jewish convert to Lutheranism - having done so in 1818.)
In the first round of voting Duesterberg led with around 39.1% of the vote; to Hitler's 33.8%; to Thalmann's 13.2%; and around 14.5% for other candidates (including a variety of candidates from minor parties and an unofficial SPD candidate.)
Bruning by late March 1932 had come to realise that no candidate from the moderate parties could hope to do well against the three other candidates; he therefore convinced Hindenburg to endorse the 'lesser of three evils' Duesterberg; who Hindenburg had been privately supporting beforehand. Bruning, after privately meeting with Duesterberg had worked out a deal whereby Bruning would remain as Chancellor in the event of a Duesterberg victory, but he would have a majority DNVP/Stahlhelm cabinet which would be hand-picked by Duesterberg.
In the second round of voting Duesterberg won the election with over eighteen million votes and 50.3% (just over the 50% required to win); Hitler had won 40.2% on over fourteen million votes. Thalmann had seen his vote decline to 9.5% and over three million votes; this is generally accounted for by the fact that many of his voters decided to clench their noses and to vote for the comparatively more tolerable Duesterberg as opposed to voting for Thalmann and risking a victory for Hitler.
Duesterberg was sworn in as Reichspräsident in late April 1932; he promised to "restore the Reich's glory" and "restore the Reich's economy." Bruning was quietly reappointed as Chancellor; but his cabinet had taken a rather violent swing to the right.
At the 1930 federal election, the NSDAP had increased it's share of the vote and number of seats in the Reichstag drastically. Despite becoming a German citizen (and thus eligible for public office) only on 25th February 1932, Hitler hoped to use the presidency to overturn the Weimar Constitution and establish a dictatorship. The threat of such an eventuality was very real and lead to the SPD, Bruning's Centre Party, and other moderate parties to urge Hindenburg to run for re-election in a desperate bid to prevent Hitler from being elected President of the Weimar Republic. This was in stark contrast to the 1925 presidential election, when Hindenburg had been the candidate of the political right and had been strenuously opposed by much of the moderate left and political centre. However, in 1932, this part of the political spectrum attempted to unite with the moderate right in supporting Hindenburg to prevent Hitler's election. The support of the moderate Weimar coalition was also encouraged by the fact that, contrary to fears expressed at the time of his election in 1925, Hindenburg had not used his office to subvert the constitution, as Hitler now aimed to do. Hindenburg still refused to yield; it became clear to Bruning that Hindenburg was persistent in his refusal to run for a second term, despite being warned that it could lead to the election of "that Austrian corporal" or "a red."
On the right, the Harzburg Front collapsed, when the DNVP nominated the Stahlhelm leader Theodor Duesterberg as its own candidate. Duesterberg, a former DNVP politician who had left the party and joined the nationalist and pro-monarchy Stahlhelm, Bund der Frontsoldaten; and had quickly risen to become the leader. Duesterberg lead the anti-semitic faction (though rather moderate in comparison to the NSDAP's policies) of the Stahlhelm and transformed the group into the largest paramilitary group in the Weimar Republic. By the late 1920's he had allied the group with the NSDAP and other right wing groups in opposition to the Young Plan; the group was also an integral member of the Harzburg Front. Duesterberg - like many on the traditionalist nationalistic-right became rather uncomfortable with the NSDAP's excessive anti-semitism and borderline socialist views (especially those of it's paramilitary wing, the SA and the Strasser brothers.) After the Harzburg Front collapsed Duesterberg broke off his alliance with the NSDAP, but maintained his close relationship with the DNVP; who's leader, the media mogul Alfred Hugenberg threw his considerable media empire behind Duesterberg.
Like in 1925, the Communist Party nominated Ernst Thälmann. Backed by the Communist International, it was hoped that he would gain support from left-wing Social Democrats disgusted by Hindenburg's character. Indeed, leftist splinter parties such as the Socialist Workers' Party of Germany and the Internationaler Sozialistischer Kampfbund organization declared their support, as did intellectuals like Carl von Ossietzky.
Hitler soon realised that Duesterberg was his biggest threat to gaining power and thus set about having his propaganda spokesperson, Joseph Goebbels, to set about creating a smear campaign against the DNVP-backed candidate. Goebbels managed to create some minor issues, but nothing that damaging (Duesterberg nearly suffered a nervous breakdown when he discovered in April of that year, that his grandfather was in fact a Jewish convert to Lutheranism - having done so in 1818.)
In the first round of voting Duesterberg led with around 39.1% of the vote; to Hitler's 33.8%; to Thalmann's 13.2%; and around 14.5% for other candidates (including a variety of candidates from minor parties and an unofficial SPD candidate.)
Bruning by late March 1932 had come to realise that no candidate from the moderate parties could hope to do well against the three other candidates; he therefore convinced Hindenburg to endorse the 'lesser of three evils' Duesterberg; who Hindenburg had been privately supporting beforehand. Bruning, after privately meeting with Duesterberg had worked out a deal whereby Bruning would remain as Chancellor in the event of a Duesterberg victory, but he would have a majority DNVP/Stahlhelm cabinet which would be hand-picked by Duesterberg.
In the second round of voting Duesterberg won the election with over eighteen million votes and 50.3% (just over the 50% required to win); Hitler had won 40.2% on over fourteen million votes. Thalmann had seen his vote decline to 9.5% and over three million votes; this is generally accounted for by the fact that many of his voters decided to clench their noses and to vote for the comparatively more tolerable Duesterberg as opposed to voting for Thalmann and risking a victory for Hitler.
Duesterberg was sworn in as Reichspräsident in late April 1932; he promised to "restore the Reich's glory" and "restore the Reich's economy." Bruning was quietly reappointed as Chancellor; but his cabinet had taken a rather violent swing to the right.
Thanks. The next update will be up soon and will cover the next Reichstag election.
President Duesterberg would begin his Presidency without much of a bedrock of support; he had been elected only as a result of the votes of "reds" (SPD voters) and "Catholes" (Catholic Centre Party voters.) Under Chancellor Heinrich Bruning the coalition supporting bloc had increased to include the 41 Deputies of the German National People's Party (DNVP) - this however left it far short of achieving a majority; the SPD, despite having tacitly supported Duesterberg for the Presidency still adamantly refused to support the Bruning Administration.
Bruning as a result of negotations with Duesterberg had sacked several members of his cabinet (generally members of his Centre Party) and had replaced them with Stahlhelm aligned or DNVP party members. Members of the DNVP who joined the cabinet included Martin Schiele who became Minister of Food, Carl Friedrich Goerdeler who became Minister of Interior and DNVP leader Alfred Hugenberg who was appointed to become Minister of Posts. The cabinet included members of the Centre Party, DNVP, the liberal conservative German People's Party (BVP), the Conservative People's Party and the social liberal German State Party; this gave the coalition over one-hundred-and-fifty seats in the Reichstag (it was supported by other minor right wing and centrist parties.) This was however far short of the required 289 seats required for a majority. As a result Bruning continued to rule via the use of Article 48 of the Weimar German constitution which allowed him to take emergency measures without the prior consent of the Reichstag. As a result he maintained his economic austerity policies which had garnered him the nickname of the "Hunger Chancellor." Despite this and the fact his policies remained deeply unpopular with large swathes of the lower and middle classes; by 1934 the German economy had begun to see a minor upswing. In 1932 economic growth had been -7%, by the next year this had increased to +4%, and by 1934 this had increased to +5%. Prices in the nation had by 1934 begun to increase above the more than 10% slump during the depression and had managed to rise to slightly over 1928 levels - when the German economy had begun to experience an initial slump after the 'Golden Twenties.' Unemployment by January 1933 was sitting at 5.8 million - by October that year it had declined to around 4.8 million - by the next readings in 1934 this figures had declined to 3.6 million. Despite suggestions that the country would once again go to the polls in 1932 - the President and Chancellor remained strong in their resolve to reject going to the polls until it was necessary after the usual four year period in 1934.
Bruning's policies, despite remaining rather unpopular with large swathes of the population, were generally agreed to be working and slowly restoring the Germany economy back up to steam. Despite this the voices of doom and gloom remained; the NSDAP continued to present it's platform as the only one which restore the Reich back to it's former glory and ensure that Germany would no longer be humiliated by the Treaty of Versailles. Meanwhile on the other side of the spectrum the KPD continued to argue as it had at every election it had contested - for a communist revolution to set up a Worker's State in Germany. The Nazis were aiming high for the Reichstag elections in 1934 - but were beginning to see a variety of problems on the horizon. While they still had a high income - running large rallies, modern-style campaigning, air travel for Hitler, the maintaining the SA and a Civil-War-ready army were not cheap; and many party financiers were becoming frustrated at the lack of success and were beginning to take their money elsewhere (for instance back to the somewhat rejuvenated DNVP which had seen an drastic increase in the polls due to the economic recovery being pinned on the DNVP-aligned President.) The National Socialists had by January 1933 expected an election to have been held which would have resulted in a strong result for them - the election never materialised. President Duesterberg - despite favouring the dissolution of the Weimar Republic and democracy within Germany - he began to support democracy more as he became ever more worried at the possibility of a victory for the NSDAP. The NSDAP had begun to spread rumours (that were ultimately true) that he was of Jewish dissent. This infuriated the President who along with Bruning resolved to maintain his Chancellor's ban on the paramilitary wing of the NSDAP - the SA.
By 1934 the indications showed that the political system in Weimar was beginning to return to normal - the Nazis still performed well at local elections - but their once massive lead had now been virtually whittled down by the SPD and the DNVP. The Communists were however increasing their support - leading to many commentators suggesting they could become the largest left-wing party in the Reichstag. In early summer 1934 Bruning; who by this stage had become the longest serving Chancellor during the Weimar period; and the longest serving Chancellor since Theobald von Bethmann-Hollweg nearly twenty years prior; decided to have an election called. Bruning had taken over the leadership of the Centre Party from Ludwig Kass in 1932; privately did not care what the result of the election was; after over four years as Chancellor he was physically exhausted and wanted to ensure that the country would be left in safe hands. During this period he conducted a series of talks, headed by the President with the moderate parties as well as the DNVP; the result of which was kept a closely guarded secret.
The calling of an election for the 31st July 1934 seemed to catch the KPD and NSDAP off guard. The National Socialists were short on cash; having spent a considerable amount on the regional elections of 1933 (they came first in the Prussian Free State Elections; but were still consigned to opposition by an SPD headed coalition.) Despite Bruning's ban on paramilitaries being upheld de jure - de facto the election led to street conflicts between the KPD's paramilitary wing, the Roter Frontkämpferbund and the National Socialists' paramilitary wing, the Sturmabteilung (SA). These groups clashed with trade union supporters of the SPD and Stahlhelm members who were loyal to the President and were generally supportive of the DNVP.
The election itself was 'fought,' so to speak over the issues of the economy and the Weimar system itself. The pro-Republic parties argued that things were getting better and that changing course midway would be disastrous for the nation. The Nazis argued for a social revolution which would restore the Reich to it's former glory and repeal the Treat of Versailles. The DNVP argued against the Treaty of Versailles; but for once argued that a monarchy would be the aim down the years; now was the time to make Germany work for the Germans. The KPD once again campaign for a socialist revolution and a worker's state to be modelled on the Soviet Union. Opinion polls during the election seemed to suggest a revival of the DVP and DStP; though this tended to be as a result of magazines asking those who subscribed to them; these subscribers tended to be middle class (due to the fact they could spend money on the subscription fee.) By election day the varying descriptions of what would happen if people voted for a certain party ensured that the result was something no one expected.
The National Socialists had managed to edge the SPD by less than a tenth of a percent in the popular vote - they also managed to win a single seat more than the social democrats. The fact that the NSDAP had increased it's share of the vote was surprising - but it was still far less than what was expected and what had been the general assumption a mere year prior. The KPD had seen it's vote increase as well yielding it 100 deputies and nearly 17% of the vote. The DNVP had seen it's vote return to it's pre-depression levels and sat just below a hundred seats. This is accounted to the record of President Duesterberg - who (rather unfairly to Bruning) was given credit for the recovery of the economy and as a result the DNVP (who he was effectively a member of) saw a massive upswing in it's vote. The Centre Party managed to maintain it's vote and was shielded from losing seats due to the increase in seats in the Reichstag (this ensured that the SPD only lost one deputy.) The DVP saw it's vote generally hold up - but it lost three seats. The DStP meanwhile fell further down to 15 seats - the Bavarian BVP meanwhile surprisingly gained two seats. The right-wing Christian Social People's Service won 10 seats, down from 14 - but generally saw it's vote hold strong in it's areas of support. The German Farmers' Party both lost seats and retained two deputies a-piece. The Agricultural League, German-Hanoverian Party and the Christian-National Peasants' and Farmers' Party all won a single deputy.
The National Socialists demanded that they be allowed to form a government - the President, still furious at their slander against them stated simply "never!" Making good on the talks held prior which had found a general agreement among the parties present that they should form a Government of 'National Renewal;' the President asked DNVP Mayor and party official Carl Friedrich Goerdeler to form a Government as Chancellor. Goerdeler, who despite being very conservative, was prepared to work with the SPD out of common hatred of the Nazis. Goerdeler was considered palatable to the SPD who would receive the joint most seats in the cabinet. After a few weeks of negotiations the coalition was agreed with the support of the SPD, DNVP, Z, DVP, BVP, DStP, CSVD, DBP, AL, DHP and some renegade leftist Nazis led by Gregor Strasser (who was awarded a post in the new cabinet.) The coalition itself was made up of the following individuals:
Chancellor: Carl Friedrich Goerdeler (DNVP)
Vice Chancellor: Otto Wels (SPD)
Minister of Foreign Affairs: Heinrich Bruning (Z)
Minister of the Interior: Julius Leber (SPD)
Minister of Justice: Joseph Wirth (Z)
Minister of Finance: Paul Moldenhauer (DVP)
Minister of Economics: Hjalmar Schacht (I)
Minister of Food: Martin Schiele (DNVP)
Minister of Education: Eugen Bolz (Z)
Minister of Labour: Gregor Strasser (DVF)
Minister of Defence: Kurt von Hammerstein-Equord (N/A)
Minister of Transport: Wilhelm Leuschner (SPD)
Minister of the Territories: Ewald Loeser (DNVP)
Minister of Posts: George Schatzel (BVP)
Minister without Portfolio: Herman Dietrich (DDP)
The coalition from the outset looked and was rather unstable - the negotiations had included the provision that an election be held around two years later - during the Olympics which were due to be held in Germany. It was hoped that due to the patriotic feeling evoked by holding the prestigious event, that the Government could be returned by a better majority - and the NSDAP and KPD could see their votes decline.
Bruning as a result of negotations with Duesterberg had sacked several members of his cabinet (generally members of his Centre Party) and had replaced them with Stahlhelm aligned or DNVP party members. Members of the DNVP who joined the cabinet included Martin Schiele who became Minister of Food, Carl Friedrich Goerdeler who became Minister of Interior and DNVP leader Alfred Hugenberg who was appointed to become Minister of Posts. The cabinet included members of the Centre Party, DNVP, the liberal conservative German People's Party (BVP), the Conservative People's Party and the social liberal German State Party; this gave the coalition over one-hundred-and-fifty seats in the Reichstag (it was supported by other minor right wing and centrist parties.) This was however far short of the required 289 seats required for a majority. As a result Bruning continued to rule via the use of Article 48 of the Weimar German constitution which allowed him to take emergency measures without the prior consent of the Reichstag. As a result he maintained his economic austerity policies which had garnered him the nickname of the "Hunger Chancellor." Despite this and the fact his policies remained deeply unpopular with large swathes of the lower and middle classes; by 1934 the German economy had begun to see a minor upswing. In 1932 economic growth had been -7%, by the next year this had increased to +4%, and by 1934 this had increased to +5%. Prices in the nation had by 1934 begun to increase above the more than 10% slump during the depression and had managed to rise to slightly over 1928 levels - when the German economy had begun to experience an initial slump after the 'Golden Twenties.' Unemployment by January 1933 was sitting at 5.8 million - by October that year it had declined to around 4.8 million - by the next readings in 1934 this figures had declined to 3.6 million. Despite suggestions that the country would once again go to the polls in 1932 - the President and Chancellor remained strong in their resolve to reject going to the polls until it was necessary after the usual four year period in 1934.
Bruning's policies, despite remaining rather unpopular with large swathes of the population, were generally agreed to be working and slowly restoring the Germany economy back up to steam. Despite this the voices of doom and gloom remained; the NSDAP continued to present it's platform as the only one which restore the Reich back to it's former glory and ensure that Germany would no longer be humiliated by the Treaty of Versailles. Meanwhile on the other side of the spectrum the KPD continued to argue as it had at every election it had contested - for a communist revolution to set up a Worker's State in Germany. The Nazis were aiming high for the Reichstag elections in 1934 - but were beginning to see a variety of problems on the horizon. While they still had a high income - running large rallies, modern-style campaigning, air travel for Hitler, the maintaining the SA and a Civil-War-ready army were not cheap; and many party financiers were becoming frustrated at the lack of success and were beginning to take their money elsewhere (for instance back to the somewhat rejuvenated DNVP which had seen an drastic increase in the polls due to the economic recovery being pinned on the DNVP-aligned President.) The National Socialists had by January 1933 expected an election to have been held which would have resulted in a strong result for them - the election never materialised. President Duesterberg - despite favouring the dissolution of the Weimar Republic and democracy within Germany - he began to support democracy more as he became ever more worried at the possibility of a victory for the NSDAP. The NSDAP had begun to spread rumours (that were ultimately true) that he was of Jewish dissent. This infuriated the President who along with Bruning resolved to maintain his Chancellor's ban on the paramilitary wing of the NSDAP - the SA.
By 1934 the indications showed that the political system in Weimar was beginning to return to normal - the Nazis still performed well at local elections - but their once massive lead had now been virtually whittled down by the SPD and the DNVP. The Communists were however increasing their support - leading to many commentators suggesting they could become the largest left-wing party in the Reichstag. In early summer 1934 Bruning; who by this stage had become the longest serving Chancellor during the Weimar period; and the longest serving Chancellor since Theobald von Bethmann-Hollweg nearly twenty years prior; decided to have an election called. Bruning had taken over the leadership of the Centre Party from Ludwig Kass in 1932; privately did not care what the result of the election was; after over four years as Chancellor he was physically exhausted and wanted to ensure that the country would be left in safe hands. During this period he conducted a series of talks, headed by the President with the moderate parties as well as the DNVP; the result of which was kept a closely guarded secret.
The calling of an election for the 31st July 1934 seemed to catch the KPD and NSDAP off guard. The National Socialists were short on cash; having spent a considerable amount on the regional elections of 1933 (they came first in the Prussian Free State Elections; but were still consigned to opposition by an SPD headed coalition.) Despite Bruning's ban on paramilitaries being upheld de jure - de facto the election led to street conflicts between the KPD's paramilitary wing, the Roter Frontkämpferbund and the National Socialists' paramilitary wing, the Sturmabteilung (SA). These groups clashed with trade union supporters of the SPD and Stahlhelm members who were loyal to the President and were generally supportive of the DNVP.
The election itself was 'fought,' so to speak over the issues of the economy and the Weimar system itself. The pro-Republic parties argued that things were getting better and that changing course midway would be disastrous for the nation. The Nazis argued for a social revolution which would restore the Reich to it's former glory and repeal the Treat of Versailles. The DNVP argued against the Treaty of Versailles; but for once argued that a monarchy would be the aim down the years; now was the time to make Germany work for the Germans. The KPD once again campaign for a socialist revolution and a worker's state to be modelled on the Soviet Union. Opinion polls during the election seemed to suggest a revival of the DVP and DStP; though this tended to be as a result of magazines asking those who subscribed to them; these subscribers tended to be middle class (due to the fact they could spend money on the subscription fee.) By election day the varying descriptions of what would happen if people voted for a certain party ensured that the result was something no one expected.
The National Socialists had managed to edge the SPD by less than a tenth of a percent in the popular vote - they also managed to win a single seat more than the social democrats. The fact that the NSDAP had increased it's share of the vote was surprising - but it was still far less than what was expected and what had been the general assumption a mere year prior. The KPD had seen it's vote increase as well yielding it 100 deputies and nearly 17% of the vote. The DNVP had seen it's vote return to it's pre-depression levels and sat just below a hundred seats. This is accounted to the record of President Duesterberg - who (rather unfairly to Bruning) was given credit for the recovery of the economy and as a result the DNVP (who he was effectively a member of) saw a massive upswing in it's vote. The Centre Party managed to maintain it's vote and was shielded from losing seats due to the increase in seats in the Reichstag (this ensured that the SPD only lost one deputy.) The DVP saw it's vote generally hold up - but it lost three seats. The DStP meanwhile fell further down to 15 seats - the Bavarian BVP meanwhile surprisingly gained two seats. The right-wing Christian Social People's Service won 10 seats, down from 14 - but generally saw it's vote hold strong in it's areas of support. The German Farmers' Party both lost seats and retained two deputies a-piece. The Agricultural League, German-Hanoverian Party and the Christian-National Peasants' and Farmers' Party all won a single deputy.
The National Socialists demanded that they be allowed to form a government - the President, still furious at their slander against them stated simply "never!" Making good on the talks held prior which had found a general agreement among the parties present that they should form a Government of 'National Renewal;' the President asked DNVP Mayor and party official Carl Friedrich Goerdeler to form a Government as Chancellor. Goerdeler, who despite being very conservative, was prepared to work with the SPD out of common hatred of the Nazis. Goerdeler was considered palatable to the SPD who would receive the joint most seats in the cabinet. After a few weeks of negotiations the coalition was agreed with the support of the SPD, DNVP, Z, DVP, BVP, DStP, CSVD, DBP, AL, DHP and some renegade leftist Nazis led by Gregor Strasser (who was awarded a post in the new cabinet.) The coalition itself was made up of the following individuals:
Chancellor: Carl Friedrich Goerdeler (DNVP)
Vice Chancellor: Otto Wels (SPD)
Minister of Foreign Affairs: Heinrich Bruning (Z)
Minister of the Interior: Julius Leber (SPD)
Minister of Justice: Joseph Wirth (Z)
Minister of Finance: Paul Moldenhauer (DVP)
Minister of Economics: Hjalmar Schacht (I)
Minister of Food: Martin Schiele (DNVP)
Minister of Education: Eugen Bolz (Z)
Minister of Labour: Gregor Strasser (DVF)
Minister of Defence: Kurt von Hammerstein-Equord (N/A)
Minister of Transport: Wilhelm Leuschner (SPD)
Minister of the Territories: Ewald Loeser (DNVP)
Minister of Posts: George Schatzel (BVP)
Minister without Portfolio: Herman Dietrich (DDP)
The coalition from the outset looked and was rather unstable - the negotiations had included the provision that an election be held around two years later - during the Olympics which were due to be held in Germany. It was hoped that due to the patriotic feeling evoked by holding the prestigious event, that the Government could be returned by a better majority - and the NSDAP and KPD could see their votes decline.
I'll cover it at a later date.
Well it's not the Nazis...
Chancellor Goerdeler. Interesting.
Otherwise, it's not looking good for the moderates, with the Nazis and Communists having a significant number of seats in the Reichstag.
Still, Hitler's not chancellor...yet...
Otherwise, it's not looking good for the moderates, with the Nazis and Communists having a significant number of seats in the Reichstag.
Still, Hitler's not chancellor...yet...