Darkness before Dawn - Purple Phoenix 1416

Good chapter, nice interlude with the whole Palaiologos family, unity and strength is especially needed after centuries of infighting and being used by foreign actors. Hopefully the upcoming campaigns against the Latins are truly successful, take as much land as possible in the upcoming battles with the Ottomans.

I like the discussions about Bedridden, he and his followers need as much support as possible to give the Ottomans a black eye. I hope that by the time Manuel II or John VIII dies, the territory of OTL Greece is in Roman hands (or soon to be in Roman hands), it would be a nice to an Empire (and it's Emperors) that has seen so much in their lives. Keep up the great work 👍👍👍.
 
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CHAPTER 5 – EPILEKTOI THE CHOSEN


View attachment 897454
- Venetian ducat is the main currency in circulation in Mediterranean. The exchange rate between ducat and akces which are a silver coin minted by the Ottomans is roughly 1:80-90


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The recent treaty with sultan Mehmed is yet another Roman diplomatic success, the news of signing sends the Roman court in Constantinople into jubilant moods. The yearly income of 60.000 akces accounts for almost one tenth of the total annual revenue of the empire, and provides a rather significant boost to its limited financial status.

In addition to the monetary gain, the strategically important castle of Neopatras was also returned to Roman hands. A masterful plan devised by Despot Andronikos and Leontares of Thessaloniki; the castle situated in the county of Salona was originally a remnant of Latin empire. 20 years ago, the last Count of Salona sold the county to the Knight Hospitaller for a rather meagre sum of money. The Ottomans however did not respect the transaction and forcibly took the county from the Knights Hospitaller around 10 years ago.

Due to the constant civil war and internal struggle Ottomans faced, they haven’t had the resources to consolidate their gain in the county, and as a result many cities and castles in Salona is only lightly garrisoned or outright abandoned. Now, Neopatras is situated to the northern part of Salona and next to the vital land road connection between Thessaly, by controlling the castle the Roman army of Thessaloniki can traverse briefly through Ottoman Salona, then reach the gulf of Corinth to be ferried across easily. This will in practice link up the Despotate of Thessaloniki with the Despotate Morea, significantly improve the synergy and connection not to mention opening up future expansion routes into Epirus and Central Greece. This diplomatic success makes large scale reinforcement from Thessaloniki to Morea possible and easy, and vice versa, undoubtedly helpful to the coming Morea campaign which will see the Empire assemble all its might into reconquering the remnant Latin holdings in Morea and Achaea.

To celebrate this recent fortune, Emperor Manuel II announces a grand banquet at the palace of Blachernae, but only in honor of the newly arrived Despot Andronikos, to avoid offending the Ottomans. Many details of state affairs will be discussed before, during, and after the banquet.

As soon as Andronikos arrived by sea to Constantinople, he was immediately summoned to a state council inside the palace, participating the meeting is Emperor Manuel, Co-emperor Ioannes, Despot of Morea Theodoros and Andronikos himself.

Chairing the council is the young and vigorous Ioannes, he opens with a firm voice: “Now as the Ottomans have suffered a humiliating defeat at the hands of the mystic rebels, it is high time that we put our plan into action! We must utilize this opportunity to restore Imperial rule on all of Morea and Achaea again, and liberate our people from the yoke of the illegal Latin occupants!”

“Theodoros my son, please inform us of the provisions.” Manuel takes over the conversation, and asks Theodoros for confirmation.

The young and inexperienced Theodoros seems nervous at first, he stutters a bit before gathering his act together and reads from a parchment prepared for him by his advisors: “Since last spring, we in Morea have prepared energetically for the upcoming campaign. We increased taxes and the storage of grain, and made good effort in importing additional grains from Egypt through the Venetians. We are now pleased to inform the Basileios that we are well course to meet our target, and when the campaign begins next year can sustain four thousand men for three months of campaign of immediate vicinity with sufficient grains and other necessary supplies. Anything further than that will put great stress to our local economy and the tax base in years to come.”

Manuel nods without any comments, then place his looks on Andronikos. Without hesitation and with a confident posture, Andronikos reports that: “The weapons supply target of Thessaloniki will meet in time, we are proud to report that as of now, a thousand infantry spears, three hundred cavalry lances, five hundred bows, three hundred crossbows, a thousand shields, and four hundred long swords have been manufactured and procured in place. Furthermore, we like to use this opportunity to inform our wise Basileios that we plan to train a new army of a thousand men using our share of the yearly tribute the Ottoman provided us.”

“A thousand men? Are you sure?” Ioannes sound surprised. In his calculation, 60.000 akces although a very large sum, is not nearly enough to pay for a thousand men in arms. Fighting men are very expensive. “Our campaign is of utmost importance, we do not need ill-equipped militias, they won’t help only increase our labor.”

Manuel and Ioannes cast suspicious glances at Andronikos as he explains his plan. "A thousand well-trained, capable fighting men, that's my promise to you," he declares firmly. "We've established furnaces and manufacturing facilities in Thessaloniki to produce all our equipment locally. This will significantly reduce the cost of our armament compared to imported weapons and armor."

"And how do you plan to pay them?" Manuel asks, showing interest.

"Instead of money, we've acquired vast tracts of land from abandoned villages and farms in our Despotate," Andronikos replies. "Already, hundreds of people fleeing Ottoman territory have settled there. They'll serve as levy soldiers in our new army, paying their dues through their service."

"A Pronoia army, a Timar army," Manuel murmurs, considering the idea. "But why are so many Ottoman subjects fleeing to us now?"

"Most of them are followers of Bedreddin," Andronikos explains. "Unlike previous instances, these followers of the Mystic Rebel have been treated harshly under the direct order of Sultan Mehmed. He considers them a threat to religious stability and his rule, vowing to eliminate them all. Countless men, women, and children have been slaughtered indiscriminately by the Ottoman armies before they could reach our gates."

"And you don't think they pose a threat to us as well?" Manuel asks.

"While they could indeed be a potential threat, and the Church in Thessaloniki opposes my decision, I believe they will provide valuable manpower for our cause," Andronikos replies. "They hate the Ottomans deeply and have nowhere else to go. Relying on our grace and mercy to survive, we can harness their strength for our own benefit. This outweighs all other considerations, as we need to prepare for a prolonged struggle, and in that struggle, we need all the men we can gather."

"An interesting idea, Father," Ioannes says, nodding in approval. "Let's give Andronikos a chance to try his method. We do need good men to fight, and I've heard that many of the followers of the Mystic Rebel are experienced fighters. If Andronikos can control and organize them efficiently at a low cost, it will greatly aid our efforts."

Manuel nods in agreement. "So be it. Now, let's discuss our strategy. The campaign shall commence in spring, when the Latins least expect us..."

Theodoros interrupts with concern, "But what about planting the fields? No campaign has ever been launched in spring. The land needs men to till it, and the crops need to grow..."

Manuel frowns at his inexperienced young son and speaks in a tone seldom heard from the otherwise charismatic emperor, "Don't get distracted by minor details; you are a Despot! Look at the bigger picture! Our procurement of grains and supplies must have already alerted the Latins. They are not fools and will be expecting an attack. But they will surely anticipate an attack in the summer, after the fields have been planted. That's why we must strike in spring, when their castles are unmanned, without reinforcements from Italy or provisions gathered after winter depletion. They will be most vulnerable then. As for the loss of crops in Morea, that's a cost we must bear. This is war, my sons! You are too young to remember, but war is ugly, it devours flesh and bone, and it demands the greatest sacrifice from everyone involved. Never forget that!"

With a strong voice, Emperor Manuel II reminds everyone that he has lived through more turmoil, faced unwinnable challenges, and experienced horrors beyond imagination. War, betrayal, intrigue, diplomacy, death, tragedy, and struggle are all part of the old Emperor's memories. Despite everything, he stands strong and resolute, vowing to stand against the tide of oblivion and refuse to bow his head to cruel fate.

With the campaign's launch date set, the state council continues discussing other details and tactics for the entire day. It is decided that Theodoros will assemble an army of 2000 men in Morea, Ioannes will lead 2000 men from Constantinople, and Andronikos will bring another 1000 men from Thessaloniki. They will join forces in Mystras, the capital of Morea, and launch a surprise attack across Achaea, capturing as many castles as possible. Then, they will march on and reunite at the capital of the duchy of Achaea, Castle of Glorentza, to defeat Count Centurione and reclaim the rest of Achaea once and for all.

A day later, on the eve of November 11th, 1416, the palace of Blachernae was transformed into a vibrant painting of sights and sounds. The grand hall was adorned with rich tapestries, golden candelabra, and intricate mosaics that sparkled in the candlelight. The air was filled with the enticing aroma of exotic spices and the sweet scent of flowers, mingling with the rich aroma of roasting meats and baking breads.

All the dignitaries of Constantinople had gathered, dressed in their finest attire, eager to pay their respects to Emperor Manuel II. As they entered the hall, they were warmly greeted by the emperor, who stood at the entrance, a welcoming smile on his face.

The banquet that followed was a feast for the senses. Long tables were laden with a variety of dishes, from succulent roasted meats to delicate pastries, all served on fine porcelain plates. The wines flowed freely, and the air was filled with the clinking of glasses and the laughter of guests.

Dancers from the Orient entertained the crowd with their exotic and acrobatic dances. They moved gracefully, their bodies twisting and turning in intricate patterns, their costumes adorned with sequins and beads that sparkled in the light. Their movements were accompanied by the rhythmic beats of drums and the sweet melodies of flutes, creating a magical atmosphere.

Bards, too, took to the stage, singing songs of praise to the empire and the emperor. Their voices rose and fell, filling the hall with melodies that were both powerful and poignant. The lyrics spoke of the glory of the empire, its past triumphs, and its present challenges, inspiring the guests to remember their heritage and to strive for a brighter future.

In the midst of this celebration, Manuel sat in the main seat, surrounded by his family and closest advisors. His eldest son, Ioannes, sat to his left, while his wife, Empress Helena Dragas, occupied the seat to his right. The younger sons, Demetrios, Konstantinos, and Thomas, sat nearby, their faces reflecting the excitement and anticipation of the evening.

As the banquet progressed, the atmosphere in the hall became increasingly festive. Guests mingled and conversed, laughing and joking as they enjoyed the feast. The emperor, too, seemed to relax, his face breaking into a warm smile as he engaged in conversation with his guests.

And then, to further enhance the festivities, a mystic claiming to come from the faraway land of India took to the center of the hall. He swallowed a long sword without harm, much to the amazement and awe of the audience. The feat was met with a thunderous applause, and the mystic bowed gracefully, acknowledging the praise.

While Manuel greets each guest who has come to pay their respects to the emperor, Ioannes, Andronikos, and Theodoros seize the opportunity to relax after a hectic meeting yesterday.

"I must say, your suggestion to take Neopatras is a genius move!" Ioannes looks at Andronikos, cup raised, a big smile on his face.

"Yes, now the lands of the Romans are linked. The Venetians can't cut our sea communication anymore. It will greatly aid our campaign!" Theodoros, still not accustomed to wine due to his young age, is already half-drunk and red-faced.

"Come spring, and I'll lead the Thessaloniki army to join you, my brother, in Morea. Together, we'll crush the Latins who have infested our lands and people for too long!"

"Let's drink to that!" Ioannes finishes his cup, wine dripping down his strong beard. He puts his arm around Andronikos' shoulder and shouts, "That's the spirit! The empire depends on our unity, but first, let's enjoy this banquet."

"Andronikos, our father calls to you." Theodors taps Andronikos on his shoulder, he turns and sees Manuel waves at him, calling him to his side.

Andronikos leaves his seat and come to the side of Manuel. "Let me take a good look at you. I'm pleased with your recovery. It's truly a blessing from heaven." Manuel looks visibly happy with Andronikos, his health, and his calm intelligence.

"It was all thanks to Master Plethon and his potions."

"I know. Now, tell me about Thessaloniki. How is this beautiful city? Does the bell of the Church of Prophet Elijah still ring as loud as before?"

"The bell has undergone renovation to remove rust. Now, it's the bells of Sankt Nicholas that ring."

"Ah, Sankt Nicholas. You see, when I was the Despot of Thessaloniki some thirty years ago, not much older than you are now, I used to walk down the streets and admire the ancient murals in the churches and monasteries. I often held long conversations about theology and philosophy with the clergymen. There was one young priest, so intelligent and pleasant to talk with." Manuel can't help but reminisce about his youthful years when he was the steward of Thessaloniki and ruled for almost ten years before the Ottomans conquered the city.

Andronikos rarely sees his father praise another man in such glowing terms. Curious, he asks, "What's this man's name, and where is he now?"

Manuel's eyes darken a little. "His name was Nikephoros. He was taken as a slave by the Ottomans when the city fell. The next time I saw him was seven years later, at the siege of Philadelphia. Our Empire's last stronghold in Asia Minor, a valiant and loyal city that held out against the horde of heathens for eighty years without reinforcement."

"I was there as the hostage of Sultan Bayezid the Thunderbolt. As the Ottomans prepared to assault the city, I saw Nikephoros from afar. His blonde hair was visible. He was in the first assault ranks, ragged men whose only purpose was to absorb the defender's arrows. I saw arrows pierce his chest, and he died on a sunny morning in the fields."

Andronikos' emotions deepen with a hint of sorrow. Manuel taps his son's hand and comforts him gently. "Many good men have died in the past, too many to count. What's important is that we move on."

"Maybe I'll visit the city once the Morea campaign is over and before my aging bones prevent me from moving around, haha." Manuel laughs, lightening the mood. His spirit is high, and he jokes around. Before sending his son away, he gives him advice: "You've grown into a bright young man, my son. Read history in your free time. Learn from past mistakes to draw inspiration to face future challenges. Read especially carefully about the events of our Empire in the last hundred years. See how much destruction the civil war between the Andronikos and Ioannes caused our Empire's demise. See how the Ottoman Interregnum made them suffer. Learn from them and don't repeat past mistakes."

“I will learn with all my passion.” Andronikos makes vow to Manuel.

As the evening draws to a close, the emperor rises to his feet, raising a glass in a toast to the empire and its future. His voice rings out clear and strong, filling the hall with a sense of hope and determination. The guests follows suit, raising their glasses in unison, their voices echoing in the grand hall as they pledg their loyalty and support to the empire.


truly fantastic chapters, where to start to describe how well this story seems to be done, from the mystical rebellion in Dobrungia ( with clear Sufi inspirations and a touch of Bulgarian regionalism ) to the high level diplomacy of Manuel ( excellent thing, the recovery of the region around Neopatras for the fate of the empire, even if I have to be honest I feel a little sorry for the Latin potentates of Greece, who are about to be reconquered, who once reincorporated into the Empire, will lose their hybrid culture ( French- Italian - Greek mix ) in of flowering and the political autonomy that allowed the surrounding regions to develop more, compared to the period under the government of Constantinople, furthermore I think that depending on the military campaigns there is the risk of needlessly antagonizing the Italian states ( in particular those with major interests in the region: Venice, Naples ( which competes with the Serenissima for control over Achaea and Epirus ) and finally Genoa and Florence ) the idea of establishing a revisited pronoia system using refugees fleeing from Ottoman persecution is very ingenious, to conclude, I am curious to see how the new generation of future emperors will manage the succession, with the aim of avoiding yet another civil war ( Oh by the way, it is unlikely to believe that between Constantinople and Trebizond, there could be a marital alliance in the short term ? )
 
CHAPTER 6 – A NEEDED RESPITE
CHAPTER 6 – A NEEDED RESPITE



Mehmed_I_miniature.jpg

- Miniature of Sultan Mehmed I from 16th century manuscript.

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The Grand Vizier, Bayezid Pasha, entered the sultan's palace in Adrianople with cautious steps. His cheeks were hollow, his appearance haggard, exhausted by the three-day ride from the Ottoman capital of Anatolia, Bursa, to the capital of Ottoman Rumelia, Adrianople, amidst a heavy snowfall.

Mehmed, half-leaning against a Roman couch, looked up at his grand vizier bowing before him and extended a trembling hand.

After the humiliating defeat in Dobrudja, Mehmed and Bayezid Pasha were forced to lead the remnants of their army back to Adrianople for the winter, leaving behind only a small defensive force to contain the rebel advances. Once back in Adrianople, Mehmed's condition had improved somewhat, but he still struggled to leave his bed and took only brief, assisted strolls.

Bayezid removed his hat, stepped forward, and gently kissed the hand of Mehmed, then retreated to his original position. "I have come at your Highness's request as soon as possible. How may I be of service to my sultan?"

Mehmed spoke without any preamble, his voice hoarse and tired. "What is the situation in Izmir? How serious is the dispute between Murad and Mustafa, and how much is it damaging our military efforts?"

Bayezid sighed heavily before responding. "When the princes arrived in November, their relations were cordial. They managed their respective armies orderly and prevented the rebellion from spreading further. But things turned sour when Murad's cavalry was ambushed by the rebels on the outskirts of Manisa, a garrison area under Mustafa's responsibility. Murad accuses Mustafa of failing to secure the area, while Mustafa blames Murad for entering his territory without warning."

"Soon, the coordination between the two princes' armies broke down, and the rebel army led by Torlak Kemal, a disciple of Bedreddin, took advantage of the chaos to pillage several villages lying between their garrison areas. The harsh winter has prevented our main army from moving in large numbers, and our fleet has been decimated by winter storms. The small detachments we sent out either failed to intercept the rebels, who are intimately familiar with the terrain, or fell into ambushes and suffered heavy losses."

Mehmed's voice remained calm, but his eyes flashed with anger. "Who do you think is at fault? Who should be blamed for this mess?"

Bayezid hesitated. "Forgive me, your Highness, but I am not in a position to judge the princes. However, without a clear chain of command, I fear the situation will not improve."

Mehmed stood; his body still weak from his long illness. He walked past Bayezid to the wall and drew a sword from one of the scabbards hanging there. "It was my mistake to call both my sons and their respective armies to Izmir. I had high hopes for them, but they have both failed me. As a result, I am appointing you to take charge of the army in Anatolia, while I deal with Bedreddin myself."

"But your Highness, your health..." Bayezid began to protest.

Mehmed interrupted him with a determined voice. "My health cannot be a concern now. Our spies in Europe have informed me that the Infidel Christians, assembled by the incompetent king of Hungary, Sigismund, have gathered in the city of Constance to discuss a reunion of the churches and plan another crusade against us. Although they have not yet chosen a new Pope, the discussions are nearing their end. We must be prepared for another heathen army descending from the north. But before that, we must eliminate the main obstacle, Sheikh Bedreddin. We cannot allow him and his supporters to gather strength. We must root out this weed and secure our flanks and rear."

Bayezid knew that Mehmed was right. Bedreddin had capitalized on his victory to expand his territory, now controlling most of the Bulgarian lands north of Shumen, including all of Dobrudja. He had become a serious threat, one that only Mehmed or Bayezid himself could defeat with a large army.

Bayezid Pasha was grateful for Mehmed's tolerance and mercy after his defeat. He had underestimated the rebels' cunning and would never make such a mistake again.

Mehmed handed the sword to Bayezid. "Rest a while, my friend, but I fear you must journey back to Bursa immediately to arrange the army. I shall lead a new army to Dobrudja when spring comes. I am placing Anatolia in your hands. You have my authority to command the army. My sword is your symbol of authority. Your orders shall be mine. You must punish Murad and Mustafa for their petty squabbles and restore order and cohesion. Only together can we deal with this crisis."

"As you wish, your Highness," Bayezid replied, accepting the sword. He bowed and exited the palace, his mind heavy with the burden of Mehmed's trust and the responsibility he now carried.

As Bayezid disappeared into the cold, drizzling February weather, Mehmed let out a quiet sigh, his face etched with weariness and the weight of the Ottoman Empire resting heavily on his shoulders.

The situation for him and his empire is hardly rosy. Bedreddin can only be barely contained in the north, another crusade is looming in Christian lands, the rebels in Anatolia have scored another victory against local beys, they now lay siege on Izmir and may take the important city if reinforcement is not sent immediately. Furthermore, his agents inform him the Romans is in the process of gathered a rather considerable army with unknown intentions, most likely a campaign against the Latin counties and duchies in Greece.

Although these Latin remnants are not vassal of the Ottomans, Mehmed was nevertheless concerned of the growing strength of the Romans. Given strength, the past history had shown that these Romans, under the wise and stable hand of emperor Manuel, his nominal ‘father’, will undoubtedly increase their meddling in Ottoman affairs, seek to undermine Ottoman rule, and plan to restore their former lands taken by Mehmed and his ancestors.

If only Allah could grant him the health and time to reconsolidate his empire...



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Hundreds of miles away from Adrianople, in Thessaloniki, Andronikos also faced a predicament, albeit a minor one compared to Mehmed.

Ever since his return from Constantinople to Thessaloniki, Andronikos immediately dedicated himself to preparing for the coming campaign. The first military campaign he participated in and led, alongside his brother in arms, meant a lot to the young Despot. Excited as he was, he was determined not to let his brother or his father down.

He actively studied under the tutelage of the experienced soldier Demetrios Laskaris Leontares, learning how to command an army, establish a clear chain of command, treat his captains and soldiers, organize camp and logistics, and understand the important tactical maneuvers under given conditions, among other things. Additionally, he had to pick up horse riding and swordsmanship skills to improve his chances of survival on the dangerous battlefield. From grand strategy to minor tactical details, Andronikos learned with great vigor and eagerness throughout the winter.

The men he intended to lead into Morea were a mixed contingent, consisting of an experienced officer corps and soldiers levied from the recently arrived Bedreddin followers. Although these men had recently escaped from Ottoman slaughter, despite Andronikos’ empathy for their situation, circumstances forced him to make the tough choice.

For many of the refugees of Ottoman persecution, the Romans in Thessaloniki were the only thing preventing them from being slaughtered by the Ottomans, and they lacked the funds to escape by ship. As the Romans offered them shelters and food, and promised them land of their own in exchange for military service, most of them accepted. Some begrudgingly, some at ease.

These men mostly came from nearby areas, many of them Christian Greeks, so they were all accustomed to Roman tradition and rule, and thus blended into the Roman command structure quite effortlessly. Additionally, many had served as Ghazis or levies of Ottoman armies and thus had past military experience. It was obvious that once reorganized into Roman ranks, their performance surprised even the most optimistic predictions.

Unlike local garrisons who lacked professionalism and were only utilized for local defense, and unlike mercenaries who had their own traditions, command, and tactical structures free from interference, this new army provided Andronikos and Leontares with a rare opportunity to experiment with new tactics.

Drawing from the effectiveness of a disciplined army using combined arms tactics that the Ottomans had utilized to great effect at the battle of Nicopolis against a numerically superior but disorganized crusader army, Leontares and Andronikos set out to establish a semi-professional army. This new force of 1000 men consisted of four main infantry spear companies, each with 100 men armed with pikes as long as 4 meters, known as kontaria, a spatha sword as a sidearm, and wearing gambeson armor with a medium shield. There were also three companies of archers to provide missile cover, two sword and shield companies excellent in melee combat, and a company of light cavalry to provide screening. This new army was named by Andronikos as the ‘Epilektoi’ – The Chosen, inspired by the Elite Hoplite formation of Ancient Greek City States.

Leontares used military treaties from the classical age that had survived history to train them in pike wall tactics, and ancient Roman military treatises to drill them rigorously to instill discipline among the ranks. The old-school Roman officers, initially skeptical, soon saw the value in the experiment.

When the snows melted and green appeared, Andronikos stood ready for war.

On 22 February 1417, an envoy from Constantinople arrived at Thessaloniki, bringing a letter from Ioannes. Ioannes informed his brother Andronikos that he intended to depart Constantinople at the end of the month and expected to see Andronikos in Morea by early March.

Together with his trusted general Leontares, Andronikos made plans and departed Thessaloniki with his newly formed, 1000-man strong Epilektoi towards Neopatras. Once they arrived, they continued further south to the coast, where the combined navy of the Roman Empire would ferry them across the Gulf of Corinth into the Despotate of Morea.

After years of meticulous planning and seizing the moment while the Ottomans were distracted, the Roman campaign to reclaim the storied duchy of Achaea finally commenced. If this quest failed, it would be a devastating blow to the empire, shattering its aspirations of rising from the ashes of decline.
 
Good chapter, may the Romans be successful in expedition to take back Achaea
Especially as it, along with Athens, are the last two vestiges of the Frankokratia created as a result of the disaster that was 1204. How can Rhomania begin in its reclamation of the lands it lost from the Ottomans when it cannot even stamp out the remnants of the Frankokratia?
 
Expect another Chapter later today, by this speed I'll hope to catch up where I last left the TL by the end of this week, then develop the story further, hope you all liked the new version :)
 
Ooh so we have the Ottomans who tried with the presence of the Sultan to lead the armies to resolve the Bedreddin question on the Northern front, on the other hand we have the first mention of what is happening in Europe ( with the Council of Constance, Sigismund's maneuvers to put end the Western Schism ( it is the problem called Jan Hus ) and organize a new crusade ( which also had the support of Henry V ) and then we have the beginning of the military campaign against the last remnants of the Frankokratia in Greece ( but also the most long-lasting and successful ones, if we exclude the Venetian possessions ) by the new generation of Paleologos, who will have to test in the field the creation of the first composite semi-professional army
 
CHAPTER 7 – THE FIRST STEP OF RECONQUEST
CHAPTER 7 – THE FIRST STEP OF RECONQUEST



1920px-Peloponnese_Middle_Ages_map-en.svg.png

- The map of Peloponnese, the Principality of Achaea occupies most of Achaea and Elis, and northern parts of Arcadia, Argolis and Messenia. The Roman Despotate of Morea controls Laconia and parts of southern Arcadia.

Historically, the principality of Achaea has long served as a vassal under the crown of Naples, but the Neapolitan influence has gradually waned over time. In 1407, Duke Tocco of Leucas and Epirus, eager to seize control of the principality for himself, successfully persuaded King Ladislaus of Naples to rescind his nominal overlordship over Achaea. However, Tocco's subsequent invasion of the principality was thwarted by the intervention of the Republic of Genoa. Since 1409, Achaea has been nominally a protectorate of Genoa.



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On the sunny day of 7 March 1417, Andronikos gathers with his brothers at the war council in the castle of Mystras, the administrative capital of the despotate of Morea. Outside the castle walls, the Roman army, numbering over 5,000 men, has encamped. They've arrived from Constantinople, Thessaloniki, and Morea, ready for battle.

Facing them are approximately 2,000 Latin garrisons, led by a hundred knights. But these forces are spread across Achaea, unaware and unprepared for the imminent attack. Intelligence suggests that the Latins did not anticipate the Romans to launch their campaign in spring. As a result, the defense of Achaea lies exposed and vulnerable.

During the war council, it's quickly decided that Co-emperor Ioannes will assume the role of supreme commander for the entire campaign and lead the main army towards the enemy capital of Glarentza. Meanwhile, the Thessaloniki army, nominally led by Andronikos and assisted by the experienced general Leontares, will strike independently through the Achaean countryside, capturing key castles along the way. Theodoros, Despotate of Morea, due to his forces' familiarity with the terrain, will focus on establishing Roman rule over the countryside.

The combined Imperial forces were to depart collectively from Mystras, located in the south of the Peleponneses, and head towards Messenia. From there, Ioannes will proceed north into Elis to besiege Glarentza, a formidable Latin castle that serves as the capital of the principality of Achaea. Imperial agents inform that the enemy's main forces have gathered there. The Imperial navy will support the siege with a blockade, effectively cutting off communication between the Latin lords and their army in the rest of their realm.

At the same time, the forces of Andronikos and Theodoros will spread out to besiege major settlements of Navarino, Oleni and Clerment, and various towns and villages throughout Achaea. This is to secure the area while providing necessary food and provisions for the large army, supported by local village elders and clergymen. During this phase, Latin castles and strongholds like Arkadia will be surrounded and monitored, but no siege efforts will be made.

Once the countryside secured, the Imperial forces will reunite outside the walls of Glarentza and, depending on the situation, take the castle either by force or starvation. Once Glarentza falls and the main enemy army is destroyed, the Thessaloniki and Constantinople contingents will return home. Meanwhile, the local forces of Morea will engage in mop-up operations, capturing any remaining Latin holdouts in Achaea, including the strategic port city of Patras, if it hasn't already been taken.

The Morea campaign has been meticulously planned by the emperor Manuel, Ioannes, Andronikos and Theodoros. In anticipation and preparation, sufficient food, armor, weapons, arrows, gunpowder, horses, livestock, and all necessary war materials had been stocked in Mystras. To further safeguard against any potential Italian involvement, the Greek philosopher Plethon, who enjoys a good reputation in Italian courts, is sent to Naples to placate first the Neapolitan then other Italian lords.

In the face of the might of the Imperial army, Prince Centurione II Zaccaria of Achaea and his Latin retinues stand firm. As a formal vassal to the King of Naples, Centurione is renowned for his greedy nature, willing to employ any means necessary to get what he wants. Having been aware for some time of the Romans' intentions towards his domain and realizing his inability to defeat them alone, he has spent the past year frantically preparing for defense.

He has reinforced the walls of Glarentza and several other crucial castles, stockpiled food from the countryside, and dispatched numerous courtiers to Naples, his former overlord, Genoa, his nominal protector, and Venice, the enemy of his nominal protector, pleading for assistance. Even his wife's cousin Carlo I Tocco, the duke of Leucas, who had unsuccessfully attempted to seize Glarentza by force years ago, was not spared his pleas.

However, these efforts have provided him with scant comfort. The swiftness of the Roman advance has disrupted his plans, leaving the gates of many castles and towns open and their garrisons unmanned. To his disadvantage, the Greek population in Achaea is often indifferent, and at times openly hostile, to his attempts to hoard provisions from the countryside, let alone his efforts to gather a local levy force. Organized by the local Orthodox clergymen, numerous Greek villages have refused to comply with his orders to send provisions or men to Glarentza.

On 8 March 1417, a day after the war council, the Roman reconquest of Achaea begins. In accordance with the battle plan, the Roman forces march northwards, their banners fluttering in the wind. The Thessaloniki contingent, led by Andronikos and Leontares, slashes through the Achaean countryside, capturing many Latin castles and watches along the way, even taking the strategically important castle of Arkadia by a surprise attack. Theodoros also find great success, as many Greek villages and churches welcome their brethren with open arms. Meanwhile, the main army, under Ioannes' command, heads towards Glarentza, the heart of the enemy's power.

As Ioannes near their target, the siege preparations begin in earnest. The Roman forces encircle the castle, cutting off all supplies and reinforcements. The siege weapons are assembled, and the soldiers dig trenches and construct protective walls. The blockade by the Imperial navy ensures that no help can reach the besieged Latins.

The walls of Centurione's castles are indeed fortified with wooden attachments and ramparts, but without a steady supply, the garrison forces risk succumbing to a prolonged siege. What's more, he lacks the manpower to fortify all his positions. The Italian lords' inaction deeply disappoints Centurione. The lords of Naples are embroiled in internal struggles following the death of former king Ladislaus. Genoa, his nominal protector, is under immense pressure from the Duke of Milan on land and the Crown of Aragon at sea, unable to offer any support. And the Venetians, ever cunning, demand unacceptably high prices for minimal support.

Despite having taken these precautionary measures, Centurione finds himself torn between confidence in his preparations and concern over the vast numbers of the Roman army. He clings to the hope that God will intervene and that his Italian allies maybe will send crucial reinforcements. Surprisingly, it is the former enemy of Centurione, Duke Carlo I Tocco of Leucas, who responds positively to his plea for help. Perhaps sensing the threat of Roman reconquest on his holdings in Epirus and Cephalonia, he sends what little resource he can spare - two galleys arrive at the port of Glarentza, bringing 200 soldiers, provisions enough to supply 500 men for a month, and two cannons recently acquired from Venice and gunners to operate the cannons.

Heavily outnumbered, without the unwavering support of the local population or a guarantee of foreign intervention, and with the Roman attack catching him off-guard, Centurione's only practical option is to concentrate all his forces in Glarentza and brace himself for a long and brutal siege. As intelligence reaches him that a large Roman army has gathered and moved out of Mystras, he retreats to a local chapel to pray fervently to God for divine help. With little else he can do; he anxiously awaits the incoming Roman onslaught.

The Roman campaign couldn’t have received a better start: The Latin defenders were caught off guard, their numbers few and spread out couldn’t mobilize any serious resistance to Roman advances; the local Greek population makes no trouble whatsoever, many villages even openly welcome the arrival of Imperial army, ready to provide shelter and a limited amount of provision to their Imperial liberators. That been said, it was the rich and clergymen that showed the most enthusiasm to Roman liberation, whereas the majority of peasants are more or less indifferent to the whole situation – they may hate the foreign Latin lords that have placed heavy taxation and discriminatory policies upon them, but Roman rule have not shown any respite on the heavily-burdened peasants in the past, the taxes were equally heavy. For most of the them, this whole campaign is for the nobles and the haves to fight over, as have-nots, they only hope for lenient taxation and less levy in the future.

As the main army rapidly marched north to encircle Glarentza, villages along the main road are quickly occupied and secured. Not before long, the whole south and central Achaea is placed under Roman control, where the Latin resistance either retreats north and east towards the mountainous terrain, or hold out in a few castles spread across central Achaea. Less than a month into the campaign, the purple banner of the Imperial army already flies triumphantly over most of the hills, forests, and farmlands of Achaea, with only Glarentza remaining as the last unfinished business.

As the armies of Andronikos and Theodoros marches along the ancient Roman roads and through the countryside of Peloponnese to meet up with their Ioannes in Glarentza, Andronikos, clad in armor and astride a white horse, surveys the scene ahead. In front of him, the Imperial cavalry screens the advance, while behind him, an endless column of infantrymen and supply wagons stretches out. The Roman soldiers march with heads held high and chests puffed out. They are equipped with newly refurbished armor, influenced by Italian designs, and their polished swords and lances gleam brightly in the sun. They march towards reconquest and glory, their eyes fixed on the prize.

On 18 March 1417, the Romans surround Glarentza from all sides, and promptly set up camp, the siege of Glarentza has begun.
 
Last edited:
CHAPTER 7 – THE FIRST STEP OF RECONQUEST



1920px-Ancient_Greece%2C_Southern_Part_%28Putzger%29.jpg

- The map of Peloponnese, the Principality of Achaea occupies most of Achaea and northern parts of Arcadia, Argolis and Messenia. The Roman Despotate of Morea controls Laconica and parts of southern Arcadia.

Historically, the principality of Achaea has long served as a vassal under the crown of Naples, but the Neapolitan influence has gradually waned over time. In 1407, Duke Tocco of Leucas and Epirus, eager to seize control of the principality for himself, successfully persuaded King Ladislaus of Naples to rescind his nominal overlordship over Achaea. However, Tocco's subsequent invasion of the principality was thwarted by the intervention of the Republic of Genoa. Since 1409, Achaea has been nominally a protectorate of Genoa.



*********************************************


On the sunny day of 7 March 1417, Andronikos gathers with his brothers at the war council in the castle of Mystras, the administrative capital of the despotate of Morea. Outside the castle walls, the Roman army, numbering over 5,000 men, has encamped. They've arrived from Constantinople, Thessaloniki, and Morea, ready for battle.

Facing them are approximately 2,000 Latin garrisons, led by a hundred knights. But these forces are spread across Achaea, unaware and unprepared for the imminent attack. Intelligence suggests that the Latins did not anticipate the Romans to launch their campaign in spring. As a result, the defense of Achaea lies exposed and vulnerable.

During the war council, it's quickly decided that Co-emperor Ioannes will assume the role of supreme commander for the entire campaign and lead the main army towards the enemy capital of Glarentza. Meanwhile, the Thessaloniki army, nominally led by Andronikos and assisted by the experienced general Leontares, will strike independently through the Achaean countryside, capturing key castles along the way. Theodoros, Despotate of Morea, due to his forces' familiarity with the terrain, will focus on establishing Roman rule over the countryside.

The combined Imperial forces were to depart collectively from Mystras, located in the south of the Peleponneses, and head towards Messenia. From there, Ioannes will proceed north into Elis to besiege Glarentza, a formidable Latin castle that serves as the capital of the principality of Achaea. Imperial agents inform that the enemy's main forces have gathered there. The Imperial navy will support the siege with a blockade, effectively cutting off communication between the Latin lords and their army in the rest of their realm.

At the same time, the forces of Andronikos and Theodoros will spread out to besiege major settlements of Navarino, Oleni and Clerment, and various towns and villages throughout Achaea. This is to secure the area while providing necessary food and provisions for the large army, supported by local village elders and clergymen. During this phase, Latin castles and strongholds like Arkadia will be surrounded and monitored, but no siege efforts will be made.

Once the countryside secured, the Imperial forces will reunite outside the walls of Glarentza and, depending on the situation, take the castle either by force or starvation. Once Glarentza falls and the main enemy army is destroyed, the Thessaloniki and Constantinople contingents will return home. Meanwhile, the local forces of Morea will engage in mop-up operations, capturing any remaining Latin holdouts in Achaea, including the strategic port city of Patras, if it hasn't already been taken.

The Morea campaign has been meticulously planned by the emperor Manuel, Ioannes, Andronikos and Theodoros. In anticipation and preparation, sufficient food, armor, weapons, arrows, gunpowder, horses, livestock, and all necessary war materials had been stocked in Mystras. To further safeguard against any potential Italian involvement, the Greek philosopher Plethon, who enjoys a good reputation in Italian courts, is sent to Naples to placate first the Neapolitan then other Italian lords.

In the face of the might of the Imperial army, Prince Centurione II Zaccaria of Achaea and his Latin retinues stand firm. As a formal vassal to the King of Naples, Centurione is renowned for his greedy nature, willing to employ any means necessary to get what he wants. Having been aware for some time of the Romans' intentions towards his domain and realizing his inability to defeat them alone, he has spent the past year frantically preparing for defense.

He has reinforced the walls of Glarentza and several other crucial castles, stockpiled food from the countryside, and dispatched numerous courtiers to Naples, his former overlord, Genoa, his nominal protector, and Venice, the enemy of his nominal protector, pleading for assistance. Even his wife's cousin Carlo I Tocco, the duke of Leucas, who had unsuccessfully attempted to seize Glarentza by force years ago, was not spared his pleas.

However, these efforts have provided him with scant comfort. The swiftness of the Roman advance has disrupted his plans, leaving the gates of many castles and towns open and their garrisons unmanned. To his disadvantage, the Greek population in Achaea is often indifferent, and at times openly hostile, to his attempts to hoard provisions from the countryside, let alone his efforts to gather a local levy force. Organized by the local Orthodox clergymen, numerous Greek villages have refused to comply with his orders to send provisions or men to Glarentza.

On 8 March 1417, a day after the war council, the Roman reconquest of Achaea begins. In accordance with the battle plan, the Roman forces march northwards, their banners fluttering in the wind. The Thessaloniki contingent, led by Andronikos and Leontares, slashes through the Achaean countryside, capturing many Latin castles and watches along the way, even taking the strategically important castle of Arkadia by a surprise attack. Theodoros also find great success, as many Greek villages and churches welcome their brethren with open arms. Meanwhile, the main army, under Ioannes' command, heads towards Glarentza, the heart of the enemy's power.

As Ioannes near their target, the siege preparations begin in earnest. The Roman forces encircle the castle, cutting off all supplies and reinforcements. The siege weapons are assembled, and the soldiers dig trenches and construct protective walls. The blockade by the Imperial navy ensures that no help can reach the besieged Latins.



The walls of Centurione's castles are indeed fortified with wooden attachments and ramparts, but without a steady supply, the garrison forces risk succumbing to a prolonged siege. What's more, he lacks the manpower to fortify all his positions. The Italian lords' inaction deeply disappoints Centurione. The lords of Naples are embroiled in internal struggles following the death of former king Ladislaus. Genoa, his nominal protector, is under immense pressure from the Duke of Milan on land and the Crown of Aragon at sea, unable to offer any support. And the Venetians, ever cunning, demand unacceptably high prices for minimal support.

Despite having taken these precautionary measures, Centurione finds himself torn between confidence in his preparations and concern over the vast numbers of the Roman army. He clings to the hope that God will intervene and that his Italian allies maybe will send crucial reinforcements. Surprisingly, it is the former enemy of Centurione, Duke Carlo I Tocco of Leucas, who responds positively to his plea for help. Perhaps sensing the threat of Roman reconquest on his holdings in Epirus and Cephalonia, he sends what little resource he can spare - two galleys arrive at the port of Glarentza, bringing 200 soldiers, provisions enough to supply 500 men for a month, and two cannons recently acquired from Venice and gunners to operate the cannons.

Heavily outnumbered, without the unwavering support of the local population or a guarantee of foreign intervention, and with the Roman attack catching him off-guard, Centurione's only practical option is to concentrate all his forces in Glarentza and brace himself for a long and brutal siege. As intelligence reaches him that a large Roman army has gathered and moved out of Mystras, he retreats to a local chapel to pray fervently to God for divine help. With little else he can do; he anxiously awaits the incoming Roman onslaught.

The Roman campaign couldn’t have had a better beginning: The Latin defenders were caught off guard, their numbers few and spread out couldn’t mobilize any serious resistance to Roman advances; the local Greek population didn’t make any hindrance whatsoever, many villages even openly welcome the arrival of Imperial army, ready to provide shelter and a limited amount of provision to their Imperial liberators. That been said, most Greek population are more or less indifferent to the whole situation – they may hate the foreign Latin lords that have placed heavy taxation and discriminatory policies upon them, but Roman rule have not shown any respite on the heavily-burdened peasants in the past, the taxes were equally heavy. For most of the peasants, this whole campaign is for the nobles and the haves to fight over, as have-nots, they only hope for lenient taxation and less levy in the future.

As the main army rapidly marched north to encircle Glarentza, villages along the main road are quickly occupied and secured. Not before long, the whole south and central Achaea is placed under Roman control, where the Latin resistance either retreats north and east towards the mountainous terrain, or hold out in a few castles spread across central Achaea. Less than a month into the campaign, the purple banner of the Imperial army already flies triumphantly over most of the hills, forests, and farmlands of Achaea, with only Glarentza remaining as the last unfinished business.

As the armies of Andronikos and Theodoros marches along the ancient Roman roads and through the countryside of Peloponnesus to meet up with their Ioannes in Glarentza, Andronikos, clad in armor and astride a white horse, surveys the scene ahead. In front of him, the Imperial cavalry screens the advance, while behind him, an endless column of infantrymen and supply wagons stretches out. The Roman soldiers march with heads held high and chests puffed out. They are equipped with newly refurbished armor, influenced by Italian designs, and their polished swords and lances gleam brightly in the sun. They march towards reconquest and glory, their eyes fixed on the prize.

On 18 March 1417, the Romans surround Glarentza from all sides, and promptly set up camp, the siege of Glarentza has begun.
Amazing beggining for reconquest.
 
Good chapter, may Andronikos be successful in taking Glarentza. I do worry a bit about the assistance Leucas against the Romans, they can't waste resources for the upcoming battle with the Ottomans. Keep up the great work 👍👍👍.
corrected the date, thanks for notifying
Your welcome 👍👍👍
 
CHAPTER 7 – THE FIRST STEP OF RECONQUEST



1920px-Ancient_Greece%2C_Southern_Part_%28Putzger%29.jpg

- The map of Peloponnese, the Principality of Achaea occupies most of Achaea and northern parts of Arcadia, Argolis and Messenia. The Roman Despotate of Morea controls Laconica and parts of southern Arcadia.

Historically, the principality of Achaea has long served as a vassal under the crown of Naples, but the Neapolitan influence has gradually waned over time. In 1407, Duke Tocco of Leucas and Epirus, eager to seize control of the principality for himself, successfully persuaded King Ladislaus of Naples to rescind his nominal overlordship over Achaea. However, Tocco's subsequent invasion of the principality was thwarted by the intervention of the Republic of Genoa. Since 1409, Achaea has been nominally a protectorate of Genoa.



*********************************************


On the sunny day of 7 March 1417, Andronikos gathers with his brothers at the war council in the castle of Mystras, the administrative capital of the despotate of Morea. Outside the castle walls, the Roman army, numbering over 5,000 men, has encamped. They've arrived from Constantinople, Thessaloniki, and Morea, ready for battle.

Facing them are approximately 2,000 Latin garrisons, led by a hundred knights. But these forces are spread across Achaea, unaware and unprepared for the imminent attack. Intelligence suggests that the Latins did not anticipate the Romans to launch their campaign in spring. As a result, the defense of Achaea lies exposed and vulnerable.

During the war council, it's quickly decided that Co-emperor Ioannes will assume the role of supreme commander for the entire campaign and lead the main army towards the enemy capital of Glarentza. Meanwhile, the Thessaloniki army, nominally led by Andronikos and assisted by the experienced general Leontares, will strike independently through the Achaean countryside, capturing key castles along the way. Theodoros, Despotate of Morea, due to his forces' familiarity with the terrain, will focus on establishing Roman rule over the countryside.

The combined Imperial forces were to depart collectively from Mystras, located in the south of the Peleponneses, and head towards Messenia. From there, Ioannes will proceed north into Elis to besiege Glarentza, a formidable Latin castle that serves as the capital of the principality of Achaea. Imperial agents inform that the enemy's main forces have gathered there. The Imperial navy will support the siege with a blockade, effectively cutting off communication between the Latin lords and their army in the rest of their realm.

At the same time, the forces of Andronikos and Theodoros will spread out to besiege major settlements of Navarino, Oleni and Clerment, and various towns and villages throughout Achaea. This is to secure the area while providing necessary food and provisions for the large army, supported by local village elders and clergymen. During this phase, Latin castles and strongholds like Arkadia will be surrounded and monitored, but no siege efforts will be made.

Once the countryside secured, the Imperial forces will reunite outside the walls of Glarentza and, depending on the situation, take the castle either by force or starvation. Once Glarentza falls and the main enemy army is destroyed, the Thessaloniki and Constantinople contingents will return home. Meanwhile, the local forces of Morea will engage in mop-up operations, capturing any remaining Latin holdouts in Achaea, including the strategic port city of Patras, if it hasn't already been taken.

The Morea campaign has been meticulously planned by the emperor Manuel, Ioannes, Andronikos and Theodoros. In anticipation and preparation, sufficient food, armor, weapons, arrows, gunpowder, horses, livestock, and all necessary war materials had been stocked in Mystras. To further safeguard against any potential Italian involvement, the Greek philosopher Plethon, who enjoys a good reputation in Italian courts, is sent to Naples to placate first the Neapolitan then other Italian lords.

In the face of the might of the Imperial army, Prince Centurione II Zaccaria of Achaea and his Latin retinues stand firm. As a formal vassal to the King of Naples, Centurione is renowned for his greedy nature, willing to employ any means necessary to get what he wants. Having been aware for some time of the Romans' intentions towards his domain and realizing his inability to defeat them alone, he has spent the past year frantically preparing for defense.

He has reinforced the walls of Glarentza and several other crucial castles, stockpiled food from the countryside, and dispatched numerous courtiers to Naples, his former overlord, Genoa, his nominal protector, and Venice, the enemy of his nominal protector, pleading for assistance. Even his wife's cousin Carlo I Tocco, the duke of Leucas, who had unsuccessfully attempted to seize Glarentza by force years ago, was not spared his pleas.

However, these efforts have provided him with scant comfort. The swiftness of the Roman advance has disrupted his plans, leaving the gates of many castles and towns open and their garrisons unmanned. To his disadvantage, the Greek population in Achaea is often indifferent, and at times openly hostile, to his attempts to hoard provisions from the countryside, let alone his efforts to gather a local levy force. Organized by the local Orthodox clergymen, numerous Greek villages have refused to comply with his orders to send provisions or men to Glarentza.

On 8 March 1417, a day after the war council, the Roman reconquest of Achaea begins. In accordance with the battle plan, the Roman forces march northwards, their banners fluttering in the wind. The Thessaloniki contingent, led by Andronikos and Leontares, slashes through the Achaean countryside, capturing many Latin castles and watches along the way, even taking the strategically important castle of Arkadia by a surprise attack. Theodoros also find great success, as many Greek villages and churches welcome their brethren with open arms. Meanwhile, the main army, under Ioannes' command, heads towards Glarentza, the heart of the enemy's power.

As Ioannes near their target, the siege preparations begin in earnest. The Roman forces encircle the castle, cutting off all supplies and reinforcements. The siege weapons are assembled, and the soldiers dig trenches and construct protective walls. The blockade by the Imperial navy ensures that no help can reach the besieged Latins.



The walls of Centurione's castles are indeed fortified with wooden attachments and ramparts, but without a steady supply, the garrison forces risk succumbing to a prolonged siege. What's more, he lacks the manpower to fortify all his positions. The Italian lords' inaction deeply disappoints Centurione. The lords of Naples are embroiled in internal struggles following the death of former king Ladislaus. Genoa, his nominal protector, is under immense pressure from the Duke of Milan on land and the Crown of Aragon at sea, unable to offer any support. And the Venetians, ever cunning, demand unacceptably high prices for minimal support.

Despite having taken these precautionary measures, Centurione finds himself torn between confidence in his preparations and concern over the vast numbers of the Roman army. He clings to the hope that God will intervene and that his Italian allies maybe will send crucial reinforcements. Surprisingly, it is the former enemy of Centurione, Duke Carlo I Tocco of Leucas, who responds positively to his plea for help. Perhaps sensing the threat of Roman reconquest on his holdings in Epirus and Cephalonia, he sends what little resource he can spare - two galleys arrive at the port of Glarentza, bringing 200 soldiers, provisions enough to supply 500 men for a month, and two cannons recently acquired from Venice and gunners to operate the cannons.

Heavily outnumbered, without the unwavering support of the local population or a guarantee of foreign intervention, and with the Roman attack catching him off-guard, Centurione's only practical option is to concentrate all his forces in Glarentza and brace himself for a long and brutal siege. As intelligence reaches him that a large Roman army has gathered and moved out of Mystras, he retreats to a local chapel to pray fervently to God for divine help. With little else he can do; he anxiously awaits the incoming Roman onslaught.

The Roman campaign couldn’t have had a better beginning: The Latin defenders were caught off guard, their numbers few and spread out couldn’t mobilize any serious resistance to Roman advances; the local Greek population didn’t make any hindrance whatsoever, many villages even openly welcome the arrival of Imperial army, ready to provide shelter and a limited amount of provision to their Imperial liberators. That been said, most Greek population are more or less indifferent to the whole situation – they may hate the foreign Latin lords that have placed heavy taxation and discriminatory policies upon them, but Roman rule have not shown any respite on the heavily-burdened peasants in the past, the taxes were equally heavy. For most of the peasants, this whole campaign is for the nobles and the haves to fight over, as have-nots, they only hope for lenient taxation and less levy in the future.

As the main army rapidly marched north to encircle Glarentza, villages along the main road are quickly occupied and secured. Not before long, the whole south and central Achaea is placed under Roman control, where the Latin resistance either retreats north and east towards the mountainous terrain, or hold out in a few castles spread across central Achaea. Less than a month into the campaign, the purple banner of the Imperial army already flies triumphantly over most of the hills, forests, and farmlands of Achaea, with only Glarentza remaining as the last unfinished business.

As the armies of Andronikos and Theodoros marches along the ancient Roman roads and through the countryside of Peloponnesus to meet up with their Ioannes in Glarentza, Andronikos, clad in armor and astride a white horse, surveys the scene ahead. In front of him, the Imperial cavalry screens the advance, while behind him, an endless column of infantrymen and supply wagons stretches out. The Roman soldiers march with heads held high and chests puffed out. They are equipped with newly refurbished armor, influenced by Italian designs, and their polished swords and lances gleam brightly in the sun. They march towards reconquest and glory, their eyes fixed on the prize.

On 18 March 1417, the Romans surround Glarentza from all sides, and promptly set up camp, the siege of Glarentza has begun.
Map is good but one actually showing where Glarentza is might have been a bit better. Seems to be described as the Westernmost point so somewhere near where the map says Chelonatas Pr?
 
You're right, let me find a more acurate map.
Random request of mine, but I would love to see this fic use tons of artwork/maps/etc. I could even use some of my AI artwork to help if needed to better give description to your great story 🤣🤣👍👍.
 
Random request of mine, but I would love to see this fic use tons of artwork/maps/etc. I could even use some of my AI artwork to help if needed to better give description to your great story 🤣🤣👍👍.
Great news to me, I was never an artist guy myself lol, so I welcome any artworks and/or maps that could help illustrate and improve the immersion of the story. Feel free to send me any pictures you find could improve the TL by message, and I will put them into proper places along the Chapters, cheers!
 
And don't be afraid of using AI images for pictures of people, they can be pretty good.
I'm rather unfamiliar with the AI image apps, am definetely interested in learning them later when I have more time to spare, as of now they have all gone to polish and develop the TL :)
 
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