Cessa o Nevoeiro: O Surgir do Quinto Império - A Portuguese Timeline

It is ironic that we could see Dutch Timor be the enclave in a Portuguese East Indies (at least the island east of Java and Borneo) a reversal of fortunes.

It also shows the difference VOC found itself in regards to Portugal. Being neutral and Dutch investment in Portuguese Indian and South East Asia meant that VOC be relegated to minor player. Especially with the British in Borneo and them to fight for scraps with the British.

The Portuguese have an extra century of being Asia than the Dutch and English, they have consolidated positions and relations with other countries while the Protestants have to start from scratch while the Portuguese are reforming and adapting to the new reality of things and that gives them a huge advantage. In OTL support to attack the Portuguese came from all merchants and the ruling class of the United Provinces but here since there was no Iberian Union, many people don't see the need to attack a neutral nation that fills their coffers at the end of the day, it's counterproductive. But in the near future wars for supremacy like the Anglo-Dutch Wars may still happen and shift things on a different direction...

In OTL, Dutch Timor was pretty much an enclave until Portugal was sort of forced to sell Flores and the islands around it, so it will not be a surprise if it happens...
 
Overseas: Situation in Japão
Situation in Japão
Situasão no Japão

In general, the commercial and diplomatic relations between Portugal and Japão remained the same as they did at the beginning of their contact, however, there were ever-growing religious tensions caused by the ever-increasing conversions of the Japanese to Christianity. Important figures such as Toiótomi Hideióxi [Toyotomi Hideyoshi] who held power in Japão since 1585 were wary of this massive increase of believers in a foreign religion. Besides this mistrust, there was also an increasingly fervent dispute between Portugal and Espanha for the right to evangelize Japão since the country was too powerful and big to be colonized. These tensions arose because Japão was supposedly in the middle of the Treaty of Saragosa [Zaragoza] line that divided the hemispheres between both Iberian countries in 1529.

The truth of the dispute was that whoever had the exclusive right to proselytize Catholicism in Japão also had access to the very lucrative Japanese trade and for almost the entire 16th Century it was Portugal through the action of the Jezuítas who effectively dominated the trade with the country. This was officially sanctioned through a Papal Bull by Gregório XIII in 1575 which specified that the Japanese islands belonged to the Diocese of Macau which was Portuguese. In 1588 during the reign of Duarte II, the Diocese of Funai was created under Portuguese protection solidifying the country’s position regarding trade and evangelization.

The Spanish, however, did not plan to give up on their intents and despite the official dispositions of the Pope, they sent their sponsored missionaries into Japão through Manila in the Filipinas. The marriage contract of Izabel Clara Eujénia de Espanha with João IV also contained clauses that officially opened the Chinese and Japanese markets to Espanha, a concession that Portugal had to grant to fully prevent a Spanish invasion. The following Popes abstained from intervening further in the dispute over Japão even when pressured by Espanha. Despite the agreement between both countries, conflicts between missionaries on both sides continued. Since the Spanish Franciscans could not gain control of the Diocese of Funai despite succeeding in creating a schism between the local Catholic communities, they began planning the creation of a new diocese in the Japanese region of Tóhocu [Tōhoku], in the northeast, within the Spanish zone of influence according to the Treaty of Saragosa.

But things would change drastically thanks to the Spanish galleon San Felipe. This ship left Manila for Acapulco in Spanish America with an extremely valuable cargo of spices and porcelains. Due to leaving late, it was hit heavily by the typhoon season which forced it to seek shelter in Japão where it ended up stranded in the sands.The local Daimio [Feudal Lord], Txósocabe Mototxica [Chōsokabe Motochika], was hostile to foreigners and confiscated the cargo of the ship, citing normal procedures of the Japanese maritime law which stated that the cargo of any stranded or wrecked ship belonged to the local authorities. The crew under their captain, Matías de Landecho, protested and so Mototxica suggested that they took their case to Hideióxi and requested the help of his personal friend Maxita Nagamori [Mashita Nagamori] to intercede on their behalf as he was one of Hideióxi’s five Stewards. Landecho thus sent two of his officers to the capital of Japão, Quioto [Kyoto], with instructions to seek the help of the Fransiscanos and avoid dealing with the Jezuítas.

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Txósocabe Mototxica, Daimio of Tosa in the island of Xicocu​

Obviously, Mototxica did not wish to give up the valuable cargo he acquired and Nagamori, the one he advised the Spanish to seek, advised Hideióxi to confiscate the cargo for the court’s treasury. The Jezuítas learned of the conflict and offered to intercede on behalf of the crew of San Felipe but the Fransiscanos led by the Spaniard Pedro Bautista convinced the officers of the ship to refuse the help of the Jezuítas. Eventually, the Spanish officers, growing desperate for their situation, ended up asking the Jezuítas for help but it was too late…Nagamori went to meet the crew of Spaniards and demanded a ransom to be paid but the crew did not have enough money so the cargo was confiscated without them knowing. While all this was happening, the Japanese steward feasted with the crew and it’s said that he had a long talk with the master pilot, Fransisco de Olandia, where he supposedly asked about the place they came from and about Espanha to which Olandia replied by showing him a map of the Spanish Empire that caught the Nagamori by surprise due to its colossal size.

Likely drunk, Olandia also claimed that Espanha conquered such a large empire by converting the native populations to Catholicism and then sending troops to join the converts to conquer the land. This left the Japanese Steward abashed as he quickly noticed the similarities between this testimony and what was happening in Japão and left the next day to inform Hideióxi. The Japanese ruler and his court were enraged with the news and had their suspicions confirmed that the Japanese Christians were to act as moles against the regime and thus he was determined to enforce his Anti-Christian Decree of 1587 against all those who did not respect it and so all non-Jezuítas missionaries in Quioto were gathered and crucified, thus 26 Catholic missionaries were killed.

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The Twenty Six Martyrs of Japão​

The Portuguese-sponsored Jezuítas were spared from this awful punishment because they were known to preach with discretion and thus deemed less dangerous. Nevertheless, Hideióxi kept a close eye on them, waiting for any slight on their part…he also allowed the crew of the San Felipe to leave Japão but without their cargo which he used to finance his invasion of the Coreia [Korea],

The blame for the death of 26 Catholic missionaries accentuated the conflicts between the rival religious orders with the Fransiscanos claiming that the Portuguese-sponsored Jezuítas had been the instigators of the incident and manipulated Hideióxi in their favour by making him believe that the Spanish were nothing more than pirates as they seemingly did little while believers of Christ were martyred. The Jezuítas, on the other hand, denied the accusations and blamed the Fransiscanos’ imprudence, which destroyed any goodwill of the Regent of Japão towards Catholicism. It is known that this caused heavy resentment against Portugal and the Jezuítas in the Spanish Empire and both countries were with their tensions at an all-time high.

When the news of the incident arrived in Lisboa, João IV ordered Fransisco da Gama to appease as much tension as possible with Hideióxi, who had started a new round of persecution against Christians destroying 137 churches and decreeing once again the official expulsion of the Jezuítas. Gama sent Pedro da Nova, a secular and non-religious merchant, to meet Hideióxi in Quioto. Nova had the support of João Rodrigues Tsuzu, Hideióxi’s trusted Portuguese interpreter and also a Jezuíta adamant about protecting his brothers and Christianity. Together they managed to mitigate the worst by claiming that Portugal had no intention of conquering Japan and their objective was purely commercial. What fully ended the conflict was João IV’s carefully written and timed letter which promised exactly what the envoys assured but also to fully hunt the slavers of Japanese people and promote religious tolerance towards non-Christians and their sites of cult.

The Regent of Japão went back on the expulsion of Jezuítas but kept a close eye on them. The ports of Nagasáqui and Hirado were the only ones with permission to receive foreign ships and the Spanish and Fransiscanos were banned from the country due to their supposed imperialistic intentions. They were however allowed to dock in Japanese harbors in cases of extreme need but were forbidden from stepping on Japanese soil for more than six hours a day. While this fully resolved the conflict on who should evangelize Japão, it inflamed tensions between the religious orders and between the Iberian countries.

Hideióxi died in 1598 after his failed invasion of Coreia undermined his power and that of his family. A few years of political intrigues later, Ieiásu Tocugauá [Ieyasu Tokugawa], a follower of the late Oda Nobunaga like Hideióxi and the most powerful Daimio under his colleague’s rule managed to become Xogum [Shogun] in 1603 by outplaying his rivals and by not partaking in the campaigns in Coreia thus conserving his troops.

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Toiótomi Hideióxi, Regent of Japão​

The Jezuítas were quick to realize that the Tocugauá's hold on power had far more consistency than Hideióxi and so they were quick to abandon their remaining military aspirations to safeguard the island’s evangelization. But the change in power also worried Vise-Rei Aires de Saldanha and the King himself as the presence of the Portuguese in Japão was hanging by a small string and they did not know how the new ruler of Japão would approach them. Despite his mistrust of the Catholics, Ieiásu did not change his approach from Hideióxi’s and things remained unchanged as he profited from the Nanban Trade. King João decided to take action and requested the Xogum to exchange embassies given that the European Monarch had achieved positive results in Pérsia and Etiópia and also knew that a permanent representation in the court would soften the tensions and ensure that the Portuguese were not interested in conquering Japão.

The Portuguese King chose João Rodrigues Tsuzu because he was also well-liked by Ieiásu too. After many hesitations, suspicions and political developments including the arrival of the first Dutch ships in Japão, Ieiásu, already Ógoxo [Ōgosho/Retired Shogun] decided to send an embassy to Lisboa in 1608 under the direction of Hasegauá Fudjihiro [Hasegawa Fujihiro], a Buguió [Bugyō/Commissioner] at Nagasáqui who was used to deal with the Portuguese merchants in that city and whose sister, Onatsu no Cata, was one of Ieiásu’s favorite concubines. Hasegauá’s embassy left Nagasáqui, passed through Macau and various other Portuguese possessions such as Goa and Salvador before finally arriving in Lisboa by November 1608. King João received the Japanese embassy with pomp and was careful to not showcase too much of his power so as to not be seen as overly powerful for the Japanese to think he had the means to try to invade their country but had just the right amount of guards for Hasegauá to not perceive him as a weakling.

The Japanese ambassador stayed in the Portuguese capital for six months and travelled by ship to Roma where he was also well received by Pope Leão XI [Leo XI] who had invited him there. Although the Pope subtly tried to convert his visitor, deep down he knew he would not succeed and respected the Japanese’s intention of not converting but asked for his superiors to also respect the converted Japanese.

Hasegauá returned to Japão in January 1611 and only in March did he arrive at Edo to communicate his report. He was quick to praise Lisboa and the eloquence and wisdom of the Portuguese King who had a vast knowledge and respect for Buddhism and was very interested in the local Japanese religions with the Japanese even joked that he tried to convert the King of Portugal but the only thing he got was a smile. He also spoke of the Pope’s openness and tolerance and thus both Ieiásu and his son Hidetada decided to accept a permanent Portuguese representation at Edo and tolerate the Portuguese and Catholicism for a while longer but they were committed to mitigating its spread and influence as much as they could.

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Buguió Hasegauá Fudjihiro painted by Miguel Lopes while he was in Lisboa​

By November of that year, an edict was passed that forbade the Daimios from converting to Catholicism on the penalty of having to commit Sepucu [Seppuku]. Despite this, some Daimios like Date Masamune who held huge lands in Northern Honxu [Honshu] still held Christianity in high regard and protected it. No one was to be forced to convert and anyone seen preaching openly to the masses would at the very least be deported. On his behalf, João IV issued the Code of Malvana in Japão which was to be respected by all Portuguese and Europeans under his ultimate authority. The enslavement of Japanese, especially women was heavily punished and thousands of Japanese slaves were returned to their homeland as a token of goodwill.

By this time a game of cat and mouse between the Tocugauás and the Portuguese had begun, the former trying to find a way to persecute the Christians while the latter trying to persuade them of their good intentions. The official arrival of the Dutch in 1609 caused more problems for Portugal as the newcomers were competitors who through the help of William Adams, an Englishman working for them earned the favour of Ieiásu and secured rights to establish a presence on any coast of the country without any drawbacks, a stark contrast with the Portuguese who were only allowed to sell their goods in Nagasáqui and Hirado and fixed prices.

The Dutch decided to settle their base at the island of Hirado and from there they managed to weaken the Portuguese trading with Japão which was what both the Xogum and Ógoxo wanted. Ieiásu also refrained from reestablishing trade relations with Espanha for the same reasons Hideióxi had forbid them but was quick to offer almost the same rights of the Dutch to the English thanks to Adams but the English only stayed in Japão for 10 years (1613-1623) before they abandoned the country for lack of profits and having two huge sharks hunting their every move.

From 1612 onwards, thanks to the creation of the Companhia da Índia (CI), Portugal to stay competitive in the very lucrative Nanban Trade, began to separate itself from the Jezuítas by promoting their merchants over the clergy. This did not mean they stopped sponsoring the Jezuítas altogether but they needed to cut their ties to religion to ensure their presence in Japão. By 1613, João Rodrigues Tsuzu was accompanied by a Portuguese merchant and agent of the CI named Jozé Mendes Gouveia who showed the new ideology of the Portuguese to the Tocugauás. In 1614, the two of them managed to convince Ieiásu to lease Nagasáqui for a period of 50 years with the potential to extend the lease further afterwards. Nagasáqui returned once again to a situation similar to Macau, with a huge tribute being fixed to be paid yearly by the Portuguese together with the Jezuías began forbidden from administrating the city and confining their presence on Quiuxu [Kyushu]. A Buguió was to be present at all times to inspect the city's management.

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Ieiásu Tocugauá, First Xogum of the Tocugauá Dynasty​

For a time, the Tocugauás invested heavily in sending their own ships on commercial endeavours through the use of Red-Seal Ships which were letter patents of sorts that Ieiásu granted to his favourite Daimios and the principal merchants, including Europeans but the Tocugauá Xogunate intended to isolate itself from the outside world and this began being prepared in 1609 when the Dutch arrived. The last threat to their rule was Toiótomi Hideióri [Toyotomi Hideyori], son of Hideióxi and he was killed in 1615 after a failed rebellion against Ieiásu and thus peace returned fully to Japão enabling their plans of isolation to go forward.

Ieiásu died in 1616 and his son Hidetada who had been Xogum since 1605 finally held all authority to himself and while he didn’t ban Catholicism altogether, he did try to contain it in a specific geographical area in order to weaken it in a more or less peaceful way. In 1618 he published an edict that forced all Christians in Honxu, the largest island of Japão, to either apostatize Christianity, leave the island and their belongings or face the death penalty.

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Xogum Hidetada Tocugauá​

Those who decided to leave migrated to Quiuxu or went overseas but many were killed for refusing to leave their belongings or their beliefs, including Jezuítas who refused to obey the edict. Obviously, this was lamented by the Portuguese but besides receiving the refugees at Nagasáqui there was little they could do if they wanted to remain in Japão and this was capitalized by Hidetada which in 1623, as Ógoxo proclaimed the same edict but this time to Hocaido [Hokkaido] island.

Despite his efforts, a sizable community of Christians remained hidden in both Honxu and Hocaido. They were helped by the Japanese Catholic community of Quiuxu which grew larger with the migrants coming from Honxu and developed their own missionaries inspired by the Jezuítas that made their way to provide the mass to these communities, a fact that led the Ógoxo to keep Quiuxu but especially Nagasáqui under close surveillance. He made a permanent garrison of 10 000 soldiers settle in the outskirts of the city and 15 000 more spread through the rest of the island. The island’s Daimios were ordered to keep a close watch on the Christians and intervene if need be.

The Jezuítas on their part were having more difficulties to proselytize given all the constraints they had to face and the community of Catholics which by the early 17th Century could have been half-million believers decreased to something in the range of 200 000 to 300 000 mainly in Quiuxu thanks to Hidetada’s edicts but more or less they had some freedom of their own. Nagasáqui developed more during the Portuguese administration with the harbour being improved and the statutes of Macau mainly its Senate being granted to the city by Vise-Rei Fransisco da Gama in 1624. Nevertheless one could but wonder for how long this arrangement would last especially with how everything was developing.

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The Jezuítasholding a sermon in Nagasáqui​

I'm quite sure this isn't what many wanted with Japan but I think it's quite a good achievement given OTL. Catholicism is more or less tolerated and it's community remains significant especially in Kyushu. I decided to make Nagasaki a leased city like Macau but much more controlled than it. I also abstained from writing more about people like Date Masamune since the Japanese hold the Spanish with much suspicion here so his schemes would lead to little. I would like to hear some thoughts about the update and as always thank you for the comments and likes.
 
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Lusitania

Donor
Another great chapter. You actually did an awesome job researching the topic. Overall I think the Portuguese have established themselves well. The religious situation was always a perilous issue. Glad we are slowly weaning ourselves out of mixed administration. Let church run its own affairs.

With the church present in japan it would eventually venture south to the islands between japan and Taiwan, Taiwan itself but more importantly into Korea. The Portuguese navy could take the Island south of the peninsula as a excellent base for anti piracy and ability to exert influence.

Can’t wait for Siam and Chinese updates. Great stuff.
 
Another great chapter. You actually did an awesome job researching the topic. Overall I think the Portuguese have established themselves well. The religious situation was always a perilous issue. Glad we are slowly weaning ourselves out of mixed administration. Let church run its own affairs.

With the church present in japan it would eventually venture south to the islands between japan and Taiwan, Taiwan itself but more importantly into Korea. The Portuguese navy could take the Island south of the peninsula as a excellent base for anti piracy and ability to exert influence.

Can’t wait for Siam and Chinese updates. Great stuff.

Glad you enjoyed the Update. Regarding Asia, I only have two more Updates which are about Ceylon and the Persian Gulf. Then I will move into America so no more developments of China and Siam in King John IV's Reign.

Now that I speak about America...do you happen to have suggestions for this time frame? I have some ideas but I'm unsure if they are enough for two Updates? I'm especially unsure if I will pick something up in Newfoundland or not.

Thank you for the comment.
 

Lusitania

Donor
Ok for the Americas I not sure you interested in doing a small recap of the Spanish position in new world and their interaction with French, Dutch and English.

Be interesting to find out how it’s interaction the Portuguese is going 20-40 years after the agreement. I am also wondering about Spanish being upset about Portuguese settlement and claiming land to the Rio de la Plata which then can bring up Spain's settlement and trading in the Far East contrary to the Treaty of Zaragoza.

As for Newfoundland I think it needs to be a Portuguese private initiative maybe with financial backers from Galicia and another Britany. While both are located in rival colonial countries there would be those in these regions who would be interested in investing in Portuguese Newfoundland. (using your Dutch model)

Time Frame you could make this one Part 1 -1580-1620 and then part part later 1621-1650/1660.
 
Ok for the Americas I not sure you interested in doing a small recap of the Spanish position in new world and their interaction with French, Dutch and English.

Be interesting to find out how it’s interaction the Portuguese is going 20-40 years after the agreement. I am also wondering about Spanish being upset about Portuguese settlement and claiming land to the Rio de la Plata which then can bring up Spain's settlement and trading in the Far East contrary to the Treaty of Zaragoza.

As for Newfoundland I think it needs to be a Portuguese private initiative maybe with financial backers from Galicia and another Britany. While both are located in rival colonial countries there would be those in these regions who would be interested in investing in Portuguese Newfoundland. (using your Dutch model)

Time Frame you could make this one Part 1 -1580-1620 and then part part later 1621-1650/1660.

I wasn't planning on doing a small recap of Spanish America simply because there aren't many changes worth noting from OTL, I would prefer giving a recap when there are significant differences involved so I can have new things later on. Same with the French, Dutch, and English at least for John IV's reign.

Well, the Treaty of Zaragoza was already violated by the Spanish in the Philipinnes as many have pointed out and while Isabella Clara's dowry brought a larger area of land in South America, measurements are still imprecise so it will eventually lead to whoever has the power to settle the area and defend it will get it, like OTL. I also don't think the Spanish have the might to expand too much in the Far East especially when their troops are usually occupied putting down revolts in the Philippines and the Dutch and English are preying them more than the Portuguese.

You mean through the use of the Company of Brazil or a new company altogether? That does sound interesting...I will see what I can make of that.

The time frame is already set, which is John IV's reign.

Thank you for the suggestions.

Another good update. Excellent.

Glad you enjoyed, thank you for the comment.
 
Another great chapter. You actually did an awesome job researching the topic. Overall I think the Portuguese have established themselves well. The religious situation was always a perilous issue. Glad we are slowly weaning ourselves out of mixed administration. Let church run its own affairs.

With the church present in japan it would eventually venture south to the islands between japan and Taiwan, Taiwan itself but more importantly into Korea. The Portuguese navy could take the Island south of the peninsula as a excellent base for anti piracy and ability to exert influence.

Can’t wait for Siam and Chinese updates. Great stuff.

I second that. I still do believe that there is a certainty for the Ryukyu Islands to become Portuguese TTL to secure the Nanban trade routes; maybe the Satsuma invasion of the islands in 1609 either fails or does not happen. Making the Ryukyu kingdom as a Portuguese protectorate is likely after the Ming/Qing transition in China, as it's one of the closest Chinese tributary states.

Also, as a OTL historical side note, the people of the Ryukyu islands did have some exposure to the Lusophone world, since many of the migrants from Japan to Brazil in the early 20th century are in fact from Okinawa. Maybe we can see Portuguese influence among the people in the islands more TTL, but that's up to the author's discretion.
 
I second that. I still do believe that there is a certainty for the Ryukyu Islands to become Portuguese TTL to secure the Nanban trade routes; maybe the Satsuma invasion of the islands in 1609 either fails or does not happen. Making the Ryukyu kingdom as a Portuguese protectorate is likely after the Ming/Qing transition in China, as it's one of the closest Chinese tributary states.

Also, as a OTL historical side note, the people of the Ryukyu islands did have some exposure to the Lusophone world, since many of the migrants from Japan to Brazil in the early 20th century are in fact from Okinawa. Maybe we can see Portuguese influence among the people in the islands more TTL, but that's up to the author's discretion.

The invasion of the Ryuku Islands happened because the King refused to help Hideyoshi in his invasion of Korea and so the Daimyo of Satsuma, Shimazu Tadatsune convinced Ieyasu to invade the kingdom. I doubt the invasion would fail but I will see what I can do...maybe a three-way vassalage between Portugal, Japan and China? Portuguese influence is guaranteed however, Japan for example will be far more influenced by Portugal.

I also have been ruminating on...a different China in the near future but the problem is that I have little knowledge of China's history and how to do Emperor names and things like that but I will see. I really wanted to put this idea further as it would have huge changes in China but would still be in the general aim of my timeline...

Agreed. Taiwan and Ryu Kyu.

Any updates in your TL soon?

I have an update of Ceylon written in Portuguese, now I will translate it to English and while doing so I will improve it, then I will need to search for mistakes so I hope to have it ready by Sunday.
 
I have an update of Ceylon written in Portuguese, now I will translate it to English and while doing so I will improve it, then I will need to search for mistakes so I hope to have it ready by Sunday.

I actually asked Gintoki about update, but I'm glad to hear that you have one too.
 
Overseas: Portuguese-Sinhalese War (1595 to 1630 Phase)
Portuguese-Sinhalese War (1595-1630 Phase)
Guerra Luzo-Singaleza (Faze de 1595-1630)

Ruling Portuguese Seilão [Ceylon] was Governor Jerónimo de Azevedo, an excellent military commander with above-average administrative skills. He was responsible for salvaging the failed expedition of the late Pedro Lopes de Souza where he also managed to maintain control over the important Forte de Balana, the key to invading the Kingdom of Cândia [Kandy] and negotiating the rescue of many captured Portuguese soldiers. He also had to put down revolts against the Portuguese after their failure to control Cândia.

But just as Balana was important for the Portuguese, it too was also important to Cândia because it would open Colombo, the capital of Portuguese Seilão to them and thus the Kandians often tried their luck at the fort. King Vimaladarmasúriá I [Vimaladharmasūriya] do Cândia despite being widely accepted as the Monarch, continued to be seen as a usurper by the Portuguese and many of his countrymen and for this reason, he ordered the construction of new forts at Balana Pass to counterbalance Portuguese positions and improve his defences.

On January 1, 1595, Azevedo organized a military parade of the troops at his disposal together with King João Darmapala de Cota [Kotte], a puppet of Portugal. Close to 900 Portuguese soldiers and 2 000 Lascarins were gathered at the Governor realized his army was small and very dependent on the unreliable mercenaries. For this reason, he asked for more men in both Goa and Lisboa. Darmapala died in 1597 and in his will, he donated his entire Kingdom to Portugal without worrying about the opposition to such a decision. With a sizable territory suddenly on his hands, Azevedo chose to negotiate a compromise with the population to have a smooth and peaceful transition of authority. A Convention was thus organized with representatives from all over Cota in the town of Malvana on the outskirts of Colombo.

The arrival of Catarina do Cândia at Colombo just a couple of days before the convention was to begin brought many unexpected things to the table, the first of which was a letter from King João IV with a set of predispositions regarding religious tolerance and the protection of Buddhists, which in Seilão’s case made up the majority of the island’s population. It stated that conversations should be done peacefully and consciously, not to mention that it had to come from the non-believer’s own conscience and not from external pressure such as threats.

Along with these predispositions and in a more secular demeanour, it was also established in the Convention that the natives of Cota would maintain their laws and customs as long as they did not contradict too much the King of Portugal’s laws and in return, they would swear their allegiance to him and join his army if need be. Thus the result was the Code of Malvana published in 1598 which was gradually spread through the Estado da Índia and the rest of the Empire, covering more religions than just Buddhism and Hinduism and becoming a very important symbol of tolerance in the Portuguese Empire.

With peace achieved, Azevedo began a profound reform of the territorial administration of Cota, dividing the Kingdom into four provinces ruled by a Disava (a mixture of a military captain and a judge) who was often either a Portuguese or a Half-Portuguese. The tribute system was replaced by a fixed tax which equaled the previous amount so that no one could say they were being exploited and the army at Azevedo's disposal slowly started to swell.

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GovernorJerónimo de Azevedo who ruled Seilão from 1594 to 1615 and marked an era in the island​

But the provisions that led to the Code of Malvana were not the only thing that Dona Catarina brought from the Portuguese capital…in her hands came a bastard son who had been born on board the ship that was carrying the Queen and whose father was never known until ADN tests were made in 2002 and compared with João IV, identifying him as the father of the child as many believed since the boy's birth but had no way of confirming aside from the name of the boy being João. Nevertheless having a son, no matter who the father was, meant that Catarina had arranged her successor without the need to marry or submit to a husband. This got rid of the biggest problem that caused the revolt that got her expelled from her hometown but created another because the child was still a bastard of a Portuguese father and this was very well availed by Vimaladarmasúriá who dubbed Catarina as the “Christian Whore”.

Catarina however did not let herself succumb to these insults and continued to claim the throne of Cândia, promoting the Code of Malvana in her Kingdom that she did not control in hopes of gaining the support of the moderates, but at that time, she got none. Little João do Cândia was a scion of the House of Siri Sanga Bo from his mother's side who at different times ruled many Kingdoms in Seilão and was educated by Catarina, her Catholic advisors, and the Jezuítas who were granted permission to preach on the island in 1602. She was granted the coastal and border town of Tangale in southern Seilão where she established her court.

A defensive fort called Santa Catarina de Tangale was built to protect the town from both land and sea attacks. The town’s small harbour was expanded to accommodate three Portuguese galleys that were to remain there at all times in case the Queen and her courtiers had to be evacuated and a church consecrated to Saint Catherine was built on the town square while the Buddhist temples remained untouched. To truly keep her protected, the Queen had her private army of Lascarins which she sometimes used to raid nearby villages or try to convince them to shift their allegiance to her.

With Cota pacified, Azevedo decided to try his luck against Cândia in 1603, hoping to restore Catarina to the throne as his directives from Lisboa encouraged him to. He organized an army of 1 000 Portuguese soldiers and 12 000 Lascarins and with it, he traversed the Balana Pass and almost reached the capital of the Kingdom with some successes along the way during skirmishes. The Governor, however, failed to properly coordinate the expedition with Catarina, who was still organizing her funds and army, and so her forces were way behind Azevedo’s so to compensate for this, he had to set camp on the outskirts of Cândia

Vimaladarmasúriá, worried about the situation decided to send some envoys to the Lascarins and bribed nearly all of them to his side and an attack was planned to happen by dawn. Those who were not bribed warned Azevedo just in time to prevent another butchery. The Governor thus retreated in what was called "A Famoza Retirada" [The Famous Retreat] as he and his loyal men managed to escape back to Balana with very few casualties taken.

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A Famoza Retirada​

After his failure and being criticized by Catarina, Jerónimo changed his approach to dealing with his enemy. The new strategy that he came up with consisted of conducting raids against Kandian villages and fields to destroy the crops and kill the farm animals, provoking a food crisis to cripple the Kingdom. Parallel to this, the Governor and the Queen would conduct smaller campaigns through the coast of the island with the support of the Portuguese Navy so that Cândia was left with no ports to conduct commerce or receive food or weapons. The first of such raids took place in October 1603.

On June 2, 1603, while the Portuguese were making their plans, the Dutch Admiral Ióris vã Spilbergen [Joris van Spilbergen] arrived in the town of Baticaloa on the east coast of the island and was warmly welcomed by the local authorities who sent him to the city of Cândia to meet Vimaladarmasúriá. The King of Cândia was eager to find allies that could counterbalance the Portuguese and to him the Dutch seemed to fit that role so he tried to develop cordial relations with them, going as far as to try and learn their language and discuss a possible trade agreement that would favour the North Europeans regarding the acquisition of cinnamon and pepper.

Unfortunately for Cândia, this was not to be…in 1604 King Vimaladarmasúriá perished and instead of being succeeded by his young sons as he wished, it was his cousin Senarate Adásim [Senarat Adahasin] who took the throne in usurpation confining most of the boys in Buddhist monasteries or simply getting rid of them completely while he married the girls and their mothers to gain legitimacy. This caused a few supporters of the late Vimaladarmasúriá’s sons to shift their allegiance to either Azevedo or Catarina. The Dutch after two mostly fruitless trips to the island gave up on the idea to set a base there, leaving the Kandians at the mercy of Portugal.

Azevedo’s guerrilla technique was giving encouraging results as the new King of Cândia was unable to cope with the economic and food crisis thus leading to revolts against his rule. Catarina ever patient was gradually receiving the vassalage of more neighbouring villages who desperately sought her protection and food, which the Queen granted more than willingly.

In 1608, as soon as he came to power in Goa, Vise-Rei Duarte de Bragansa showed interest in helping Catarina’s cause in Cândia. Some said that he wanted to marry her and get a crown, others stated that his warmongering ways needed a war and Seilão’s constant warfare was a perfect place to get one. He was quick to contact Azevedo and ask what he could do to help and the reply he got was to help in taking over the eastern coast of the island, specifically the ports of Triquiminale and Baticaloa, the ports that prevented Cândia from having excessively large food shortages and from where they engaged in commerce.

Bragansa formed a squadron of 10 ships and a Terso of 2 000 mixed soldiers and took command of the Invasion of Triquinimale that was put into motion on 8 December 1608 when the Vise-Rei and his Terso landed on a beach nearby and then attacked the garrison of the town from its western side. They then managed to open the gates by December 19 and take the city, capturing or killing the soldiers.

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Vise-Rei Duarte de Bragansa​

News of the conquest alarmed Senarate who was not expecting such a move and so he wasn’t able to launch a proper response when he was worried about Azevedo taking the opportunity to launch another invasion through the Balana Pass. Senarate ended up sending 8 000 Sinhalese soldiers to the lost town by December 21 but these were defeated by Bragansa’s more disciplined and better-equipped Terso two days later. Azevedo occupied as much coastline as they could on their way to Baticaloa to confuse Senarate further. The plan worked because Bragansa’s Terso despite having taken sizable casualties after the engagement with Kandian forces took the aforementioned town which surrendered after his men arrived on January 7, thinking the Portuguese would eventually force their way in and kill them without mercy.

The whole coast between the target cities fell into Portuguese hands and was granted to Catarina as they were seen as an important part of Cândia and this would strengthen her power and claim. Duarte had achieved glory in his campaign but at this point, his duties as Vise-Rei and the casualties suffered compelled him to leave the island by March 1609 but his men remained and were used by Azevedo for his campaigns to dominate the coast which ended on January 4, 1612, when all the coast of Cândia was under Catarina’s hands.

While all this was happening, the puppet King of Jafana, Etirimana Sincão [Ethirimanna Cinkam] also known as Parasasecarão VII [Parasasekaran VII] began plotting to free himself from Portuguese influence and control by making an alliance with the Tamils of the southeastern coast of Índia and with Cândia who began using the ports of this Kingdom to counter their food crisis. Considering all that, the Portuguese’s gains were being galvanized, Duarte of Bragansa sent a warning to the aforementioned Monarch to leave his schemes under the threat of a full-scale invasion. When the answer took too long to reach Goa, as the King was measuring the Vise-Rei while trying his best to find a solution that suited him, Bragansa commanded Azevedo to invade Jafana, an action that finally compelled Parasasecarão to submit and cut off relations with Cândia, although the Kandians illegally continued to use the northern ports.

Senarate’s Cândia was thus close to submission while Catarina’s was increasing its size and power with more and more villages submitting to her when the Conselho do Ultramar and King João IV decided to promote Azevedo to Vise-Rei da Índia in 1615 as a way to use his skills on a wider area and reward him for his good service. Although Azevedo continued to keep a very close watch on the island of Seilão, the situation got grimmer for the Portuguese as soon as he was away…The new Governor, Nuno Álvares Pereira, former Captain-General of Sofala struggled to arrange money to pay the troops and so he raised the taxes to compensate it, causing resentment among the population. To make matters worse, he did not impose the Code of Malvana as much as he should and so, some more zealot missionaries and Catholics began desecrating Buddhist temples inflaming the situation further.

Everything culminated on the Revolt of March 24, 1617, which broke out in Sabaragamua [Sabaragamuwa] in the southwest of the island, very close to Catarina’s lands. The revolt was quick to reach such an intensity that Álvares Pereira was forced to call the troops of the northernmost province of Sete Corales [Seven Korales]. This created a void in Sete Corales and a new and larger revolt broke out there by June. This new revolt was led by a simple and poor grain measurer who claimed to be Prince Nicapitiá Bendara [Nikapitiya Bendara], grandson of the late Rajasinha de Sitabaca, a claim that granted him much support.

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Accumulated tensions being unleashed during the Revolts​

Senarate promptly took advantage of this to reinforce his power and position. He ended the last rebellions on Cândia and sent support to Nicapitiá in hopes that he would restore an independent Cota and Sitabaca that had fallen into Portuguese hands. He also sent 5 000 men under the command of former rebel Cangara Aratxi [Kangara Aratchi] and the Prince of Uva, Curuvita Rala [Kuruvita Rala] who invaded Catarina’s lands in the south, taking most of them and forcing her to flee Tangale with her 17-year-old son who wished to remain and fight but was convinced by his mother to follow her lest to destroy all of her efforts.

The Queen arrived once again at Colombo amidst heavy protests against the Governor and his taxes. Some urged Catarina to claim control of Portuguese Seilão but she refused it and together with Álvares Pereira called for Azevedo’s help. By then a sizable chunk of Sete Corales had already fallen into the hands of Nicapitiá while Senarate’s Cândia had recovered the southern provinces and was preparing to take the eastern coast as well, food began reaching the Kingdom in larger quantities making all the effort go down the drain.

Given that no major war was going on at the time Azevedo raised 3 Tersos, 6 000 soldiers, which he led to Colombo. Arriving by October of 1617, he took command of the situation and joined the local troops under Álvares Pereira and advanced with close to 10 000 men to Tangale as he deemed the Kandians as the most dangerous at that time. The massive Portuguese army made the whole island tremble given that the bulk of this army was made of trained Portuguese soldiers and not Lascarins of dubious loyalty. Senarate, worriedly rose nearly all the might of his Kingdom to try and defeat them. 22 000 Kandians and close to a hundred war elephants under Curuvita faced the Portuguese at the Battle of Catuána [Katuwana} near Tangale where despite being outnumbered 2 to 1, the Portuguese using the pike and shoot strategy took down nearly 4 000 Kandians at the expense of a 1 000 Portuguese. The experienced Kandian commander was overwhelmed with the butchery even when a sizable part of his troops had arquebuses so to not lose his entire army, he decided to retreat into the mountains, costing him an extra thousand men.

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Battle of Catuána​

Rather than trying to invade Cândia and risk losing more troops, Azevedo focused on recovering the lost lands. Many villages that had sworn allegiance to Catarina were however fully lost to Senarate. After being successful on the southern and southeastern coast, Azevedo marched to Sete Corales to put an end to Nicapitiá’s Revolt. The King of Cândia convinced the Portuguese to sign a truce but this made many Kandian nobles openly contest Senarate’s move as they felt they could win. While taking control of the situation in the north and seeing the situation in Cândia favourably, Azevedo compelled Senarate to abdicate in favour of Queen Catarina but this was too much for the King and so while he kept the truce to recover his strength he refused the proposal and by doing so he managed to quell the angered nobles by promising them the lands under Portuguese control. Curuvita Rala, his best commander was assassinated during this time and many attributed the blame to the Portuguese, who were the ones who made the deed, but many suspected Senarate of being behind it due to fears of being usurped and so they began plotting to remove him in favour of one of his older sons.

All of Portuguese Seilão was pacified by March of 1618 and Catarina returned to Tangale while Azevedo much to his dismay had to return to Goa as other affairs demanded his attention. He did however leave a Terso in Colombo to strengthen the Governor’s Seilão’s power; reinforced and repaired damaged forts; sent the most zealot missionaries back to Europe and fined those who desecrated temples and lowered the taxes back to their previous numbers. Thanks to Catarina’s benevolence and pragmatism, she abdicated her right to earn a fifth of the revenue of Portuguese Seilão to facilitate the finances of the colony.

Nuno Álvares Pereira was sent to rule Insulíndia and was replaced by Constantino de Sá Noronha in 1617. The new Governor followed Azevedo’s policies and focused on recovering the army in hopes of making a campaign against Senarate who in turn was doing the same, preparing an invasion of Colombo. A couple of months earlier, Pararasasecarão VII died. Initially, his young son was proclaimed King but Pararasasecarão’s nephew, Txanquili [Cankili] who was part of the Regency for the boy King, dissolved it and killed all other possible opponents to the throne and thus crowned himself King in a usurpation in the style of Senarate’s. Azevedo acknowledged him as King when he guaranteed that he would honour the established agreements with Portugal.

The murders of so many pretenders and the lack of political ability from the new King made him an unpopular ruler, especially among the Christians who revolted against the taxes that Txanquili II imposed and succeeded in expelling him. While the Catholics debated on setting a new King and appeasing the non-Christians or just submitting themselves to Portugal, Txanquili gathered the support of the Kingdom of Tanjore [Nayak of Tanjavur], a Southeast Indian ruler and was reinstalled in the throne after an invasion of Jafana.

The King of Jafana decided to execute the heads of the revolt but this caused problems with the Portuguese and more revolts which he was unable to contain. While Txanquili supported Cândia in the shadows, Senarate driven by the need to fight the food shortages began seriously considering invading Jafana. But he wasn’t the only one considering such an approach…Sá de Noronha given that the King of Jafana could not pay the tributes he was due and was executing more and more Christians decided it was enough incentive to invade the country and right at the end of 1618 he did so, before his rival could.

The Disava Filipe de Oliveira entered Jafana at the command of 5 000 soldiers and contrary to what was expected, he did have to put down strong resistance by Txanquili and some other anti-Portuguese nobles. Senarate decided to make a move and invade Jafana, claiming it as his instead of supporting a potential ally. He tried to force Oliveira into battle but the Christian simply avoided him and focused on defeating Txanquili which he at the Battle of Nalur, fought on January 11, imprisoning the King and his remaining family. Having sent the aforementioned family to Goa, so they could be converted and compelled to celibacy, and recognizing the danger of the Kandians, he requested support while he tried his best to fend off Senarate with his relatively small army. Sá de Noronha began conducting more frequent raids in the Balana Pass in hopes to divert his opponent from the north but this did not have the expected result.

Reinforcements came to Manar by June where they joined with Oliveira’s forces and helped kick the Kandians from Jafana, pacify the mutineers and get rid of the pirates that started to infest the Estreito de Manar [Strait of Palk] which separated Seilão from Índia. The Code of Malvana was promulgated with some changes since Jafana was a Hindu Kingdom and the capital was changed to Jafana itself as it had been for many years. By now the Portuguese had enough of Senarate, the rebellious Kandians and their schemes so Sá de Noronha invaded Cândia in February 1622, through the Balana Pass with 12 000 soldiers, most of whom were Lascarins which he seriously thought would keep their loyalty to him...It went wrong…as a sizable number of them deserted and a skirmish outside of one of the forts provoked heavy losses in the Governor’s army. Since his army was still mostly intact and more reinforcements were underway, Sá de Noronha made the gamble to proceed into the city of Cândia itself.

The move worked because Senarate was expecting him to turn back after taking so many casualties but once he learned of the Portuguese’s advance, he decided to meet the Portuguese in open battle, the Battle of Ganoruá [Gannoruwa] right at the outskirts of Cândia. It was a bloody affair where the Portuguese lost 3 000 men and Senarate 5 000 but the King of Cândia ended up fleeing the capital into the mountains as he feared Portuguese reinforcements which were on their way giving the victory to Sá de Noronha who entered the city a day later.

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Sá de Noronha leading the Portuguese in the Battle of Ganoruá​

It was a Pyrrhic victory for the Governor whose army was incapable of pushing further given that it was now at 3 000 men strong. He did try to advance a little further on the mountain passes when 3 000 more soldiers arrived but the Kandians, protected by the hard terrain and dense forests prevented significant gains and Sá de Noronha fully gave up on his project before another disaster occurred. By September, Queen Catarina returned to the city in which she had been born with her son, now 25 years old and with four children of his own. She was sworn Queen of Cândia in the city once again and her son her legitimate heir with the local population accepting it as they were fed up with Senarate and the famines. The Queen was much more mature than the first time she was there: despite her known submission to the King of Portugal, she kept her Portuguese counsellors under a tight leash and pursued her independent policies such as extra tolerance towards other religions and how things were administrated. Having a strong son and many grandchildren with Royal blood from the previous dynasty gave her more legitimacy.

She, however, was not convinced with the current defences of the city as the last experience had left her afraid given how fast the situation changed, on one day she was a well-loved Queen and on the other she was on top of an elephant fleeing death, imprisonment or a forced marriage so she nominated a Disava to rule the city in her name and left the city with Sá de Noronha back to Tangale which she kept as her capital. The inhabitants of the city were thus allowed to keep their normal lifestyles with little interference which boosted the Queen’s popularity.

Defeated and humiliated, Senarate arrived at Uva where he raised his eldest son Sirimane Adásim [Sirimane Adahasin] to Co-Monarch but now, given that he lost the city of Cândia and that he was never universally acclaimed he proclaimed the creation of the new Kingdom, the Kingdom of Uva. Depressed and sinking into excesses, Senarate had his son organize the guerrilla to oppose the Portuguese. He spread spies all along the Portuguese-held territory, reformed the army and trained troops to use the captured muskets and locally produced variants more efficiently, especially in a guerrilla situation. Food was rationed to last as much as possible and raids to steal food from Catarina’s lands were heavily promoted and scorched earth policies were also heavily used to turn villages in his favour.

Senarate despite all his flaws had managed to fend off the Portuguese even at times of weakness and his son was proving himself to be a tough opponent for the Portuguese to crack but would they be able to avoid submission given that they had no access to the sea and were encircled? The remaining 1620s were a period of stalemate, neither the Portuguese nor the Sinhalese made major campaigns, instead, guerrilla fights became the most common form of combat. Catarina was certainly happy and relieved in Tangale after succeeding in recovering a sizable part of her Kingdom but she was reported to have remained away from the affairs of her lands for three full days when she heard of João IV’s death…

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Seilão in 1630, Queen Catarina directly controls the Provinces labeled with her name
and Cândia, Baticaloa and Trincomalai which she shares with the Portuguese​

This Update grew much larger than what I anticipated but it's done. This is a much better Portuguese perfomance on the island than OTL but there is still plenty to do in the island. Queen Catherine rules in her name a considerable area and it's very likely she will increase her territory in the future given that she as a woman will live a long live. I also ended up going with the bastard child route which is accepted here because John of Kandy married a Singalese woman and he will be accept by Portugal and given the amount of usurpations I went through it would be to difficult to conceive. Only one Update to finish Asia...As always thank you for the comments and likes.
 
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Lusitania

Donor
The island of Ceylon now is in the hands in the Portuguese and their allies and pushing the independent country to center of island effectively isolates it from rest of world. Portuguese now benefit from trade both for whole island and control what and whom has access to island.

They have pushed the Dutch, and English away from island and whom ever comes after. In time additional ands will fall to them. Rest inside becomes a vassal. Long term though you would see two different countries emerge with Kandy snd portuguese controlled coast being a hybrid of Portuguese/native in time becoming its own unique culture while center stays more stagnant and could even regress and stagnates as the leaders reject or push back to any innovation / change. Very interesting to see next 100 years. Huge divergence from iOTL.

The birth of a child on route to Ceylon. Loved it and completely believable.

The tolerance and religious part becomes a sin for state right away but for church in long run. For it benefits from continued Portuguese presence and protection.

In closing great update. This makes both Ceylon and western coast of India Portuguese domain and influence with any European enclave a minor player. In long tem those are the two areas it needs to concentrate in expanding. Not mean it can’t have several factories on east side but that be domain of casa da India not Portuguese India. Which bring me to another divergence. The economic trade by casa da India vs political and military control and power of Portuguese India. They don’t have to mutually exclusive. I can see Casa da india expanding outside Portuguese control (as long as not supporting Portuguese enemies. ) while Portuguese state could allow both local and other national enterprises to compete with casa da India.

The divergence in mid 1600 is sufficient that two things are evident. Dutch ascendency is limited and they are a competitor but not dominant player during this century as iotl. The English on the other hand are also being slowed down by stronger Portuguese presence and having to deal with both Dutch and strong Portuguese (with Portuguese territory not able to be attacked).
 
The island of Ceylon now is in the hands in the Portuguese and their allies and pushing the independent country to center of island effectively isolates it from rest of world. Portuguese now benefit from trade both for whole island and control what and whom has access to island.

They have pushed the Dutch, and English away from island and whom ever comes after. In time additional ands will fall to them. Rest inside becomes a vassal. Long term though you would see two different countries emerge with Kandy snd portuguese controlled coast being a hybrid of Portuguese/native in time becoming its own unique culture while center stays more stagnant and could even regress and stagnates as the leaders reject or push back to any innovation / change. Very interesting to see next 100 years. Huge divergence from iOTL.

The birth of a child on route to Ceylon. Loved it and completely believable.

The tolerance and religious part becomes a sin for state right away but for church in long run. For it benefits from continued Portuguese presence and protection.

In closing great update. This makes both Ceylon and western coast of India Portuguese domain and influence with any European enclave a minor player. In long tem those are the two areas it needs to concentrate in expanding. Not mean it can’t have several factories on east side but that be domain of casa da India not Portuguese India. Which bring me to another divergence. The economic trade by casa da India vs political and military control and power of Portuguese India. They don’t have to mutually exclusive. I can see Casa da india expanding outside Portuguese control (as long as not supporting Portuguese enemies. ) while Portuguese state could allow both local and other national enterprises to compete with casa da India.

The divergence in mid 1600 is sufficient that two things are evident. Dutch ascendency is limited and they are a competitor but not dominant player during this century as iotl. The English on the other hand are also being slowed down by stronger Portuguese presence and having to deal with both Dutch and strong Portuguese (with Portuguese territory not able to be attacked).

In OTL Jerónimo de Azevedo did a lot in Ceylon during his tenure as Governo, given the means, he had available to him so I just expanded on that as he has more means and a pretender to back up. Nevertheless, the Portuguese-Sinhalese War will continue for quite some time but I'd say the Portuguese do have a much stronger position on the island and anyone trying to contest that will have a hard time doing so. I don't think the new Kingdom of Uva would reject innovations, they would be open to them as any advantage they can get against the Portuguese can mean fighting longer and harder.

I was unsure of how João do Cândia's birth would be received but I'm glad someone likes it. Just a way to fix Dona Catarina's major problem and maybe do more in the future...who knows...

I think that religious tolerance for pragmatic reasons will be King John IV's lasting legacy, one that will eventually be recognized but only after his death which is kind of sad but a reality given the mentality of the era.

I have been taking a look in the next set of Viceroys of India and unlike many of these from the past updates such as da Gama and Azevedo, they didn't seem to be top-notch so it's likely that they will let the Company of India get more autonomy. It does seem like a pragmatic stance for the Company to open feitorias outside of Portuguese controlled areas, but to consolidate themselves it was necessary to open offices where they felt more secured but given that the bulk of the profit comes from trading locally rather than with Europe, it seems like the next step is indeed expanding out of the borders.

That's the bulk of it regarding the Dutch and English but I do plan on explaining it after I'm with the Empire Updates. I have a first draft of an Update about the Netherlands written and there are small changes from OTL there but they are mostly setups for the future but let's say their focus as hinted in the Insulindia Update is not conquering the Portuguese possessions. The English will have a Portuguese Queen so eventually, they will indeed cease to attack Portuguese held possessions just as the Portuguese will do to them.
 
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