Bush vs. The Axis of Evil - Finished Timeline

It's Too Quiet
Link to original timeline discussion thread: https://alternatehistory.com/forum/threads/bush-vs-the-axis-of-evil-tl.547339/

Bush vs. The Axis of Evil


'It's Too Quiet'

Excerpt from Christopher Hitchens in the debate ‘Was the War on Terror Unavoidable?’

“The dawn of the twenty-first century promised the dawn of a new era. Colonialism, Fascism and Stalinism had all had their intellectual and moral foundations fatally undermined, leaving a city on top of the hill for all the world to aim towards. One where we had ultimately decided that it was better to live than to die, of mutual existence over mutual annihilation, that the principles of democracy were something worth having for their own sake. Though we in the West had accepted these battles as won, like Hiroo Onoda prowling the jungles of the Philippines in the uniform of the army that was perhaps the foreshadowing of the religious fanaticism that the West would face, the scattered theocratic despotisms stood ready to prove the adage that a war isn’t won until your opponent says it is. A hermetically sealed Hermit Kingdom whose ruling ideology of Juche seemed little different to IngSoc, a Babylonian concentration camp that doubled as a mass grave beneath its terrorised surface, and a Persia grabbed by its scalp in Counter-revolution by Jihadists as motivated to subjugate the world under their rule as they were to throw battery acid in the faces of young girls who dared to allow a strand of hair to fall through their hijab. These three were not exactly made for each other. One declared the authority of Allah while the other declared the authority of Kim Il-Sung, One declared the territory of the other his and launched a war whose destruction and trauma linger in the minds the aggressor and defender as the Trench warfare of Flanders lingers in the minds of Englishmen and women even today. But of these three, they shared one thing in common that was more important than anything else: a near psychopathic level of being evil not simply to enact their wishes, but to prioritise their evil even to stifle their wishes. Those who believe that a war with the Axis of Evil (a name that gains snorts from those with short memories) was simply the cretinous blundering of an idealistic Texan, invariably those who never saw these regimes first-hand, should try and remember the shock on September 11th. Not to drown out reason and nuance, but simply to ponder the horror and the terror that was unleashed that day, and to realise that to the enslaved millions beneath those dictators’ jackboots that horror and terror was not a tragic moment but an unchanging daily, weekly, and yearly reality. Do you remember? When the rats that had been buried with the films of the emaciated survivors of Dachau, Belsen and Mauthausen, crawled once more up from the sewers to die in a free city?”


Excerpt from ‘Broken Dreams: How the War on Terror Changed America’ by Linda Reins

Islamic Fundamentalism had begun to rev up in the aftermath of the Iranian Revolution, the failed Saudi Revolution attempt in Mecca, and the Afghanistan War. The 90s had seen the Taliban take Kabul, a horrific bloodbath in Chechnya, and the increasing influence of Hamas inside the Israel-Palestine conflict. The US scored some wins here and there, for example taking out the leader of the Al-Qaeda terrorist group Osama Bin Laden in an air strike in 1998, but with a distracted public soaking in the joy of the end of history a full commitment to wipe out the Jihadists was simply impossible. Few unaffected beyond geopolitics aficionados greeted news of Israel’s withdrawal from Southern Lebanon with anything more than a shrug, barely remembering what all the fuss in Lebanon had been about in the first place. But one party that was paying a lot more attention to goings on in America than from America to Lebanon was precisely the one who now basked in their own adulation: Hezbollah. The Shia religious fundamentalist group had become an unlikely hero to many Lebanese of non-Shia sects (though most certainly not all) for being able to successfully repel the Israeli army in what had been a humiliating withdrawal for the Israelis. Wracked with victory disease, Hezbollah’s ambitions grew with Icarus-style hubris. Their bombing of the US Barracks in 1983 had led to the mighty Ronald Reagan run in terror, their slaughter of nearly one hundred Argentine Jews (of no connection to Israel) had been met with the Argentine government crumpled to its knees in submission and allowed the slaughter of their own citizens, and now the Israel that had blasted its way through the Six Day War had fallen to its Iranian-backed might [1]. In these circumstances Hasan Nasrallah had found himself at the centre of both a personality cult and his own delusion. It was only in these rapturous moments that he would set the course for what would be one of the most fateful days in history.

Nasrallah had one good thing to say about Israel – it was good that the Jews had all come to one place, that they could be destroyed [2]. It would seem that Nasrallah wanted to accelerate the process and increase Jewish flight to Israel, where God would ultimately grant him (should he be so blessed) or another Arab leader the honour of obliterating Israel and the Jews from existence. To that end, Hezbollah through their various assets around the world would inflict a devastating series of attacks against Jews globally to send a message to Jews that there was nowhere on Earth they were safe. And the centrepiece target would be the ‘Heart of the Zionist system’, the Twins Towers of the World Trade Centre in New York. To Nasrallah it was a symbolic totem of the West’s economic might, the godlessness of capitalism, and of the Zionist control of the West in general. The Hezbollah leadership wanted to further supplant the moribund Al-Qaeda who had been linked to the first World Trade Centre bombing and make themselves as the most distinguished ‘Resistance Movement’/Terrorist group in the world by committing a far more public display of terrorism. Having often been cited as the group that popularised the strategy of suicide bombing in the Middle East, it was not unreasonable that this inspired them to devise their own strategy for striking the Twin Towers: suicide attack by airplane. It was not actually anticipated to collapse both structures, but to create hundreds of deaths in the initial blast into the buildings and cause the destruction to be visible to all parts of New York to remind Americans (particularly American Jews) of their inability to defend themselves. Perhaps an eye-wateringly huge repair or demolition would have to result. Having heard of the story of the B-25 bomber crashing into the Empire State Building and the building obviously surviving to tell the tale, it was assumed a similar non-fate would befall the skyscrapers, though Hezbollah had seemingly not understood both how significantly larger a 767 jet would be, and the level of shoddy construction work that had gone into the Twin Towers.

If this is all that would have happened, perhaps the anger unleashed by Hezbollah that September 11th, 2001 (but only perhaps) would have been no more serious than how Lockerbie resulted in nothing more than the bombing of military bases in Libya. But Nasrallah thought he understood Reagan and how the incoming Republican Presidency of George Bush (a party wrapped in a suffocating layer of Reagan-nostalgia) would therefore repeat their prudency as had happened in 1983 in Beirut. What Nasrallah did not understand was that perhaps he understood Reagan better than the incoming Republican Party did, a party now taken with the ascendance of a new brand of Conservative – the Neo-Conservative, often ironically former liberals. After Reagan’s idealist foreign policy banished the cold, Nixonian realpolitik of Kissinger and was seemingly vindicated by the Fall of the Berlin Wall, the Republican Party did not simply copy Reagan’s foreign policy (one with only highly limited or swift military interventions) but extended it to now support a form of rollback that called for full military interventions against the worst Anti-American states. While incoming President Bush had expressed little interest on foreign policy (further feeding Nasrallah’s miscalculation), the cabinet of Cheney and Rumsfeld that he surrounded himself with was determined to take advantage of America’s standing as the sole hyperpower to take out their biggest enemies. With his first mistake of overestimating the rigidity of the Twin Towers and his second mistake of not understanding the new players in Washington, Nasrallah had sown the wind, but not only he would reap the whirlwind.

Throughout this process, Iran had been relatively hands off on Hezbollah, whom they continued to support and even applaud for their victory over the Little Satan of Israel.

However, Iran throughout the late 90s and before 9/11 had actually been defined by a hopeful series of reforms that inspired hope that the Rule of the Clerics could be resolved peacefully and that rapprochement with the West was a possibility. President Khatami was relatively liked by the population, unlike the Ayatollah Khamenei whose religious fanaticism was as alien to the Persians as it was to the Japanese. However, while Khatami presented a new image of the Islamic Republic, at the end of the day, it was still Khamenei who had overriding power. While Khatami may have been interested in pursuing a Two-State solution to the Israel/Palestine conflict, some form of agreement with the US over Iran’s budding nuclear program, he still had to say ‘Death to America’ as sure as any other politician in Iran had to. It was known to the leadership of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard that Hezbollah would be launching an attack on American and Israeli assets, but its specific targets and scale were far beyond what the Iranians had expected. However, even this information was withheld from Khatami by the Revolutionary Guard and even as high up as Khamenei, who had increasing doubts about his loyalty to the Rule of the Clerics and whether he wanted to install a Western democracy in Iran beneath the Ayatollah’s nose. It was also known that Khamenei was jealous of Khatami’s genuine popularity and was perhaps hoping to sabotage the reproachment by putting Hezbollah back in the news. If the Revolutionary Guard or Khamenei knew just what Hezbollah were going to do, perhaps they would have put pressure on them to stop, but due to the politicking inside Tehran, calamity would soon befall the land of Cyrus. Similarly, the incoming Syrian President Bashar al-Assad was granted intelligence indicating that Hezbollah were planning something big. It is debated to what extent Assad knew about the attack, and if he knew about it whether he supported it or was simply cowed into allowing it to happen due to his unexpected rise to recent power. Regardless, Assad would not stop Hezbollah’s attack – no one would.


Excerpt from ‘They’ll Hear From All of Us Soon’ by John Horowitz


That morning, the stormy weather on the night of September 10th had turned into a beautiful, cloudless morning over New York City. A quiet, optimistic city woke up in the last normal morning millions would ever have. It was perhaps, to borrow from the Reagan campaign slogan, the final ‘Morning in America’. Though she was called the city that never slept, countless yawns arose from the workers of the Twin Towers as they entered the lobby that day to their offices on the upper floors. The Twins were perhaps not the prettiest buildings, but in their seemingly unshakable presence coupled with the pride accompanied in working there, it was in many ways a perfect symbol for New York City. Many of those workers, just doing the normal harmless jobs of their day, may have seen Flight 11 careen towards them in their final moments. Others would have never known until their lives had already been stolen from them by mass murderers. Others would have gone in minutes from enjoying the company of friends and colleagues they had spent years of memories with from Christmas parties to weddings, to choosing between being burned alive or plunging hundreds of feet to their deaths. Those close to the scene could even hear the pitter-patter of bodies smashing to the concrete. Others from the other tower may have looked on in horror before their lives too were suddenly taken, this time with the eyes of every camera in the world upon them. On that clear September morning, everyone in New York could clearly see the murder from afar, the declaration of war from all that was evil, and the first realisation among many that while they went about their lives in kindness and charity to family and friends, there were people around the world who still wished for nothing more than to kill them. But soon further reports began to trickle in. The first was the report of an explosion at the Israeli embassy in Washington DC at the hand of a truck with high explosives in a suicide attack that would ultimately kill fifty-four people. Meanwhile, a Hezbollah group exploded another bomb at the Jewish Community Centre in Washington DC, killing roughly seventy-eight people excluding the terrorists.

Soon after the suicide bombing, the first of the Twin Towers fell to the Earth. The mass of steel and concrete that had soared over the New York Skyline for a quarter of a century was turned to dust. The lives of thousands in an instant were stolen. They were firemen who ran to help, the old and weak who could not run quick enough, the employee who simply worked at a floor higher than the impact site. They were White and Black, Jewish and Gentile, American and foreign. The only thing they had in common as they shared their last moments together was that not one of them deserved what had happened to them. And it was the same when the other tower fell moments later. There was nothing America had done or could have done that would have brought justification to the abomination that had transpired. Just as the Nazis in the name of higher civilization had committed an atrocity worse than even the fictitious, villainous version of Jews in their heads could have conceived, Hezbollah had, in the name of God, committed an act Satan himself could take no pride in. Nasrallah may have opened the gates of hell upon the world, but he also opened them upon himself.

As President Bush attended an elementary school class in Florida that morning, he had assumed the first crash had been an accident. It was only once he was in front of the children and reading along that he was informed of the second plane strike. As he sat in isolation, every camera in attendance firmly faced towards him, the magnitude of what was happening began to process in his mind. Franklin Delano Roosevelt had years of anticipation before the bombing of Pearl Harbour. Lyndon Baines Johnson was already stepping into known territory when he escalated American involvement in Vietnam. Now, with not even a second’s preparation, George Bush realised that whoever he was or wanted to be had died that very moment, and that he had to be someone else. He needed to be the wartime leader he never dreamed or even conceived of being. He could never have believed, however, that the scale of the war he thought would be so large still.


Excerpt from President Bush’s 9/11 Address from the Oval Office


“Good evening. Today, our fellow citizens, our way of life, our very freedom came under attack in a series of deliberate and deadly terrorist acts. The victims were in aeroplanes, or in their offices; secretaries, businessmen and women, military and federal workers; moms and dads, friends and neighbours. Thousands of lives were suddenly ended by evil, despicable acts of terror, many simply because they were Jews.

"The pictures of aeroplanes flying into buildings, fires burning, huge structures collapsing, have filled us with disbelief, terrible sadness, and a quiet, unyielding anger. These acts of mass murder were intended to frighten our nation into chaos and retreat. But they have failed; our country is strong.

"A great people have been moved to defend a great nation. Terrorist attacks can shake the foundations of our biggest buildings, but they cannot touch the foundation of America. These acts shattered steel, but they cannot dent the steel of American resolve, nor our unshaking commitment to our friends and allies abroad, to Israel and all countries that yearn to live free.

"America was targeted for attack because we're the brightest beacon for freedom and opportunity in the world, shining with the ‘light from above’ that our great songwriter Irving Berlin wrote about when he wrote ‘God Bless America’; a land where Jew, Christian and Muslim alike could find home. And no one will keep that light from shining, nor stop the Jewish people from existing.

"Today, our nation saw evil, the very worst of human nature. The same evil we saw in the concentration camps of Nazi Germany, and the same evil we will defeat again. We responded with the best of America -- with the daring of our rescue workers, with the caring for strangers and neighbours who came to give blood and help in any way they could. They did not care what their neighbour’s religion was, or their race was, because they were American first.

"Immediately following the first attack, I implemented our government's emergency response plans. Our military is powerful, and it's prepared. Our emergency teams are working in New York City and Washington, D.C. to help with local rescue efforts.

"Our first priority is to get help to those who have been injured, and to take every precaution to protect our citizens at home and around the world from further attacks.

"The functions of our government continue without interruption. Federal agencies in Washington which had to be evacuated today are reopening for essential personnel tonight and will be open for business tomorrow. Our financial institutions remain strong, and the American economy will be open for business, as well.

"The search is underway for those who are behind these evil acts. I've directed the full resources of our intelligence and law enforcement communities to find those responsible and to bring them to justice. We will make no distinction between the terrorists who committed these acts and those who harbour them.

"I appreciate so very much the members of Congress who have joined me in strongly condemning these attacks. And on behalf of the American people, I thank the many world leaders who have called to offer their condolences and assistance.

"America and our friends and allies join with all those who want peace and security in the world, and we stand together to win the war against terrorism. Tonight, I ask for your prayers for all those who grieve, for the children whose worlds have been shattered, for all whose sense of safety and security has been threatened. And I pray they will be comforted by a power greater than any of us, spoken through the ages in Psalm 23: "Even though I walk through the valley of the shadow of death, I fear no evil, for You are with me.

"This is a day when all Americans from every walk of life unite in our resolve for justice and peace. To see this racist, and evil assault on free people as an attack upon us all. America has stood down enemies before, and we will do so this time. None of us will ever forget this day. Yet, we go forward to defend freedom and all that is good and just in our world. Goodnight, and God Bless America.” [3]


Excerpt from ‘They’ll Hear From All of Us’ by John Horowitz

Three thousand people had been murdered. Across the country, indeed across the world, terrorism had lived to its name. The skies over America were devoid of civilian planes for the first time since the Wright Brothers took off from Kittyhawk. Schools were closed and almost every skyscraper and Jewish community centre was evacuated. Given the identification with Israel and the assumption that Islamists had been behind the attack, a wave of spontaneous attacks on Muslims began across America and to a lesser extent in Europe. Almost every world leader from then mere Semi-Dictator of Russia Vladimir Putin to even Yasser Arafat condemned the attacks unreservedly. But there were two notable exceptions – Saddam’s Iraq, who set out an initial report praising the attack before rowing back, and Iran, who went on radio silence as the repercussions were already being felt within the power structures of Iran. The Waking Giant that had made Admiral Yamamoto tremble now set its sights on those who had murdered its citizens. It would be a war larger than expected, even to the extent some still call it World War Three. It would be fought from the shores of the Mediterranean to the back alleys of Pyongyang. It would be the bloodiest war America had fought since Vietnam, the biggest by geography since the Big One itself, and even as it recedes into bitter memory with the fresh atrocities of the world, many wonder if it hasn’t simply made the international situation worse. It would be fought between the forces of the West, led by a President who had never imagined the task he would be faced, against the so-called ‘Axis of Evil’.

And it would be called ‘The War on Terror’ (2001-2003).


[1] – Both the Beirut Barracks bombing and AMIA bombings were heavily suspected to be Hezbollah though this has not been entirely confirmed. For narrative purposes, it is assumed ITTL that Hezbollah committed both acts.

[2] -
Nasrallah did indeed say words to this effect.

[3] – The same speech he made on 9/11 with minor changes.
 
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When the World Stopped Turning
When the World Stopped Turning


Excerpt from ‘They’ll Hear From All of Us Soon’ by John Horowitz

Despite the unprecedented intelligence failure, the intelligence services of the US were able to deduce almost by nightfall on September 11th that Hezbollah had been responsible. As the news began to spread around media circles, the geopolitical fallout was immediate. Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon leaped on the news to say that America and Israel were aligned against one enemy, which paid off in his frequent interviews on US television (especially the Bush-aligned Fox News network). This caused Israeli-sympathy in the US to reach unprecedented levels in the public and Congress, particularly inside the Republican Party. This was support he would take advantage of to push through the controversies of the Second Intifada. However, it was quickly agreed that Israel would not be involved in the retribution outside intelligence collaboration, in the same situation as the First Gulf War as the US wanted the diplomatic support of the Arab states who did not want to be seen as allied to Israel. This was especially the case given Sharon’s infamous complicity in the Sabra and Shatila Massacre, which made him particularly toxic. The Gulf states on the other hand universally expressed their sympathy for the attacks, in large part due to their fear of Iran. They saw this as the perfect opportunity to neutralise their long-running adversary (some using Hezbollah’s attacks as an excuse to crack down on Shia minority groups more generally whether they were friendly to Iran or not) and offered their air force bases for the task if and when the US decided to overthrow the Ayatollah. The Muslim world in the Balkans, Southeast Asia, Central Asia, North Africa and beyond nearly to a fault were likewise disgusted by the events – though unfortunately, this didn’t prevent the assault of Muslim minorities in the West by bigots. However, the most important reactions were taking place in Lebanon, Syria, and Iran.

In Lebanon, Hezbollah denied responsibility as was their standard operating tactic. They accused the attacks of being an ‘Amero-Zionist false flag’, alleging among other myths that 4,000 Jewish workers hadn’t turned up for work that morning in the World Trade Centre [1]. The reason for the obfuscation was for one reason: they were scared. They had gotten used to passive American responses to terrorism like in the Barrack Bombings, and now the US was talking about the utter uprooting of Hezbollah as an organisation. In Lebanon, a country that had finally gotten Israel out of its territory and having endured a notorious Civil War, the Lebanese could not believe it. After having finally achieved peace, Hezbollah had started a war, and not just with anyone, but it seemed the entire world. Good feelings towards Hezbollah among all sects of Lebanese who were thankful for ending Israeli occupation cratered to non-existence. Even the Amal Movement (a Shia Party aligned with Hezbollah) started to put space between themselves and the organisation. Fistfights broke out in the Lebanese Parliament between Hezbollah and members of other political Parties. But the big decider would be Sunni Prime Minister Rafic Hariri, who had gotten a reputation in Washington for playing all sides due to his precarious situation, though he was understood to be unhappy with the Syrian occupation of his country, as were many Lebanese who didn’t understand the point after Israel had withdrawn. After giving a series of non-committal answers, both he (and surprisingly Bashar al-Assad) would give their final word after a speech made by Bush to the American Congress on September 18th, one week after the 9/11 attacks.

To the thunderous ovation of a united chamber, Bush conclusively laid out the evidence for Hezbollah involvement and set his ultimatums to Hezbollah ‘and its supporters’. He said that the US was going to ‘Dismantle Hezbollah assets in Lebanon and around the world’, and to do that ‘the Syrian army that continues their illegal occupation of Lebanon and has supported these vicious terrorists can either leave in peace, and cease their cooperation with Hezbollah, or be considered one and the same’. Lastly, in a pointed threat to Iran – a part of the speech that was added at the insistence of Donald Rumsfeld and Paul Wolfowitz, Bush said, ‘Those who aid and support Hezbollah now have a choice, to renounce them, or to perish with them’. He also revealed that for the first time in NATO history, Article V would be initiated and all NATO members would stand with America as they stood ready to annihilate Hezbollah. As he was delivering his speech, the Sixth Fleet in the Mediterranean began their journey east, ready to smash all Hezbollah and Syrian army targets. Within hours of the speech, a remarkable message reached Washington from the Syrian embassy – Assad caved.


Excerpt from ‘The Family: How the Assads Plundered Syria’ by Abdul Malik

Bashar’s radical shift in Syrian foreign policy was not done in a moment of bold strength but of genuine terror. He knew Syria would be helpless before the might of NATO, and his support base knew that whatever followed the US dismantling of the Assad regime was not going to be one in which they were welcome. Unused to the bright lights of international pressure, the simple doctor thrust back into the business of the real-life Corleone Family, he froze when faced with the might of the West ready to fall on his head. To that end, Bashar risked being seen as weak and hoped for a rapprochement with the broader Arab and Western worlds - to do that, Iran and Hezbollah would have to be thrown under the bus. Bashar announced that all Syrian military assets would withdraw from Lebanon by October 10th, a date far ahead of capability since the West demanded them out as soon as possible to put boots on the ground, leading to unused army surplus kits being left behind. Bashar further cut off funding and support for Hezbollah, giving the Hezbollah members two choices of tickets: one for Lebanon, or one for Iran. Supposedly, it was the latter that proved more popular.

Bashar’s abrupt shift caught his friends and foes off guard, proving there was no honour among dictators as well as thieves. America and Israel expressed their cautious approval, with Syria quickly being rewarded by being removed from the State Sponsors of Terrorism list. A week of horror stories about the Assad regime on Western television sets ended as soon as it began, with ‘Cosmopolitan, tolerant Syria’ being the face of the ‘New Middle East’, a tourist destination like Egypt. Surprisingly, the move was quite popular in Syria itself, if only because people were terrified of war coming to their door. It was in this circumstance that Sharon saw the chance to get a third elusive peace deal for his country. In Hezbollah and Iranian media, of course, Assad became a greater Satan than Israel and America put together. He was viciously condemned for his ‘treachery’ among Anti-American factions in the Middle East. He was even condemned by the Syrian Social Nationalist Party (SSNP), a secular, Syrian ultranationalist group who dreamed of a Pan-Syrian empire including Palestine and Lebanon who were most notable for having a swastika for their logo. They called for his overthrow and resumption of the Anti-American status-quo but were soon to find themselves caught between a rock and a hard place.

The Pro-Assad media blitz in the West would intensify with the Christmas of 2001, when he would give an interview with American media with his family beside a Christmas Tree. As an Alawite and separately a shrewd politician, he was among the number of Muslims who celebrated Christmas and took advantage of this to build sympathy with Western Christians. He also would picture himself drinking alcohol to Western press (while ruthlessly censoring the same pictures inside Syria) to further underline the distance between himself and the groups his father had made bed with. His wife likewise became a fashion symbol among certain Western publications, with some Western leaders going as far as to compare him to Gorbachev. Privately to American diplomats, Bashar would compare his ‘plight’ to those of the Israelis, as his dictatorship was the same ‘sad necessity’ as Israel’s occupation of Palestine to ‘prevent a genocide of my (Alawite) people’. To their retrospective embarrassment, many people firmly believed that Bashar was leading Syria from his dad’s dictatorship to democracy, much as what happened in Taiwan. Even in the Saudi media, Bashar was portrayed positively as a man they could do business with, now that he had ‘Dragged Syria from the Ayatollah’s Dungeon’ as one state-media commentator put it.

Of course, life in Syria was just as repressive before – and would even tighten as Assad became paranoid that the whiplash from his policy changes would startle the population to resistance. The infamous Stasi-like intelligence and spy network of Syria created a culture of terror about speaking out about the family. Those who did would often simply vanish into the night. While there was indeed an influx of investment coming into the country due to the lifting of US sanctions, significant amounts were simply embezzled and stolen by the Assad family. Ultimately, to many Syrians (especially the more discriminated against Sunni majority), keeping their head down was simply the best thing to do to avoid trouble. While the political and religious discrimination was awful, they at least understood how grateful they were to not have the War on Terror visited upon them, the one that started in neighbouring Lebanon.


Extract from ‘‘All of Them means All of Them!’: A History of the New Lebanon’ by Charbel Saqr

On September 19th, in a joint address between Sunni Prime Minister Hariri, Christian President Émile Lahoud and notably Shia Legislative Speaker Nabih Berri, the three declared they concluded Hezbollah was indeed responsible for the 9/11 attacks and that Hezbollah was to turn their weapons in and surrender to the Lebanese army immediately. Berri’s turn had been a startling reversal of events, as the leader of the Shia Amal Movement that was in alliance with Hezbollah in Parliament, something that until a week ago was a point of pride. Within minutes of the speech, the army tried to arrest Hezbollah members inside Beirut, leading to scattered gunshots and explosions beginning to sound around the city. The residents in Beirut felt agony in their hearts that once more, by the insanity of Nasrallah, they would have to go through it all again. Syrian troops dropped posts and often simply walked, ran or on at least some occasions stole civilian cars at gunpoint to drive to the border and escape the incoming American intervention. Among Hezbollah’s allies were the SSNP and local Baath Party, who now switched their praise of Assad to praise of Saddam Hussein owing to his condemnation of Assad for his accommodation with the West – it should be noted that any talk of a civilizational struggle against Islam quickly collapsed as Hezbollah’s allies were primarily secular while every religious institution in Lebanon ran a thousand miles from the party. Unfortunately for the Lebanese army, Hezbollah was ferocious, ruthless and had a vastly more formidable series of weapons handed over to them by the Syrians in years past. Hezbollah quickly asserted their presence, seizing most Shia areas with their firepower advantage and summarily executing members of the Amal Movement for their ‘treachery’, all the while Syrian troops simply tried to scramble out of Lebanon before the deadline by any means necessary.

In order to gain support like Saddam did back in 1991, Hezbollah in South Lebanon began to launch missiles in all directions at Israel, who were already struggling from the Second Intifada. Israeli civilians would die, with some forty-four being killed [2] in the missile attacks. Faced with the same dilemma as his father did in the Gulf War, President Bush made the same call. He pleaded with Sharon not to fire back, but to provide the locations so that the US Air Force could begin the attacks on Hezbollah. Claiming he had gotten clearance from ‘the legitimate government of Lebanon’, on September 20th the first US planes began bombing Hezbollah targets in South Lebanon. While the Lebanese government had not cleared the US to intervene so early, they quickly realised there was nothing they could do, God help them. While the ground invasion was still weeks away, the US was already striking back at the people who attacked them on 9/11.

Hezbollah positions in South Lebanon were pulverised from the air with a ferocity not seen in all the years of Israeli occupation. As one surviving Hezbollah member put it, “It was as if all the stars above had fallen upon our heads.” The bombings were met with overwhelming approval by the US public, desperate for payback on those who had massacred them weeks ago (not that any of the innocents caught in the crossfire had anything to do with it). In the meantime, Beirut itself was left to the Lebanese army and police who had the monumental task of trying to flush out Hezbollah from the multiple-floor buildings across the city, Water was cut off to try and flush out Hezbollah fighters who would try to stage break-outs in the sewers, leading to gunfights in pitch-blackness with the way lit only by machine-gun fire. While not as much of a state-collapse as before due to the widespread anger at Hezbollah among the population for what they did, the bitter memories of the seventies and eighties bubbled back to the surface. But while some worried that it would re-entrench sectarian division among a new generation, what that generation instead saw was a struggle by all sects in Lebanon working together, something that would only fully manifest in the years long after. By early October, Hezbollah’s units had been decimated by American firepower with relative ease due to the relatively small size of Lebanon making it easier to find and destroy Hezbollah assets. America and the rest of NATO began to lull themselves into a sense of security – maybe they really could take out Iran without much of an issue …


Extract from ‘The Rise, Fall, and Rise of Iran’ by Zoreh Rahimi

The reaction among Iranian people to 9/11 was (like most else of the world) of visceral revulsion. Spontaneous candlelight vigils formed outside the Swiss Embassy (the de facto US mediator in Iran). President Khatami declared the attack ‘Barbaric’– meanwhile, the Ayatollah himself was silent. However, once US intelligence began to point the finger at Hezbollah, with the obvious implications that their supporters were now considered their target, alarm bells began to ring inside the halls of Tehran. Initial warm words of support to America were suddenly replaced with denunciations from state media about how Hezbollah could not have been behind the attacks and that it represented an attempt by America and Israel to remove their regional rivals. But there was one person who was not buying it, and that was President Khatami. He was repeatedly briefed by the Revolutionary Guards that there was no way Hezbollah could have been behind the attack and that their intelligence network would have spotted and stopped it in time. Outraged by how blatantly he was being lied to, he tried to meet the Ayatollah, who constantly delayed and pushed back meetings.

Unfortunately, however, he was also getting uncomfortable signals from his American contacts. They told him that the Neocons within the White House like Cheney and Rumsfeld were steering Bush to go after Iran, no matter what, since they saw this as a once-in-a-generation opportunity to cripple the source of so much of their political headaches. While Assad was given the chance to flip by simply changing his foreign policy orientation since American diplomats were not sure a better alternative was available in Syria at the time, there was so much bad blood with Iran that nothing short of accepting fully democratic elections would do in Iran’s case since the Americans knew it would be the end of the regime. While Khatami would be fine with that, he knew the Ayatollah would not accept in essence being told to resign. It should be noted that for a long time, American officials denied that their demands included elections in Iran and consisted of nothing more requests to cut off aid to Hezbollah and other designated terrorist organisations, but papers uncovered in 2006 by the Washington Post proved that Iranian officials were given this deliberately tall demand and that it had been encouraged by Neocons within the Bush Administration like Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, who smelt blood in the water to realise their dream of crushing all of America’s enemies by military might.

Outside in Iran the mood was turning sour, with one case of a football game the following weekend having the player’s arrange for a minute’s silence due to the events on September 11th. Regime police, now cracking down on displays of affection for America due to the fact their proxy group was being blamed, ordered the players and referees to cancel the minute’s silence and immediately proceed to the game. In response, the game kicked off without the minute’s silence, only for the teams to immediately pause and have a minute’s silence inside the first minute of the game – one the entirety of the 60,000 people in attendance adhered to. Even the police on the scene were intimidated into silence. While inspiring, it unfortunately played a role in deluding the White House into thinking the Iran war could be wrapped up in a matter of a few months – something that was very, very wrong. [3]

Khatami finally had a face-to-face meeting with Supreme Leader Khamenei on September 24th, the latter flanked by Yahya Safavi (commander of the Islamic Revolutionary Guards) and commander of the Quds Force Qasem Soleimani. Khatami pleaded with the Ayatollah to cut off and denounce Hezbollah before the US and its allies would turn their guns on Iran itself. That it might be enough to sway US opinion away from an attack on Iran. Soleimani laughed at the suggestion, saying that the terrain of Iran was so impassable it would be ‘100 Vietnams’ and that any invasion from the United States would lead to its implosion, meaning America would probably do nothing more than strike Hezbollah sites within Iran if they wanted to live. When finally asked for intervention from the Ayatollah, Khamenei cast his lot. He said that whether Hezbollah did the attack or not, America would not let this excuse pass them by and that it was foolish to communicate weakness ‘like the apostate Bashar’. He said any talk by America of installing democracy outside the command of his Supreme Leadership was little more than the ‘Second American Coup’ in reference to Operation Ajax (1953), and that to do so would lead to another Shah. He believed that if Iran held out long enough, they could strangle the global economy by keeping the price of oil to unsustainable highs and eventually the West would take a ceasefire that would leave Iran on top. “Therefore,” he reportedly said, “we will finally achieve our slogan – Death to America.” Outraged and broken, all his work up in smoke due to the politicking of jealous zealots who wanted war over peace, Khatami announced his resignation on the spot. However, when he got into his car, he noticed that the person in the front seat did not share the same dimensions as his driver, before noticing that the man at the front seat was not his driver at all. The man in the front seat turned around and shot Khatami multiple times with a pistol all over his body. Reportedly, Khatami’s last words were, to his assassin, “God have mercy on you, God have mercy on Iran.” President Khatami was dead at the scene.

The next morning on Iranian state television, Iran announced the ‘Diabolical Assassination of our President by CIA Assassins’. It reaffirmed its support to ‘all those who resist US Hegemony and Tyranny’ and called upon Lebanese people to resist the incoming US intervention. It rejected all demands by ‘The Great Satan and its Zionist overlords.” Fearing that Khatami’s funeral would be a rallying call to anti-regime forces, Khatami was buried in an unmarked grave outside Tehran, the location of which remains a mystery. Vice-President Mohammad Aref became President, himself a liberal and pro-reformist though he was terrorised into silence by the Revolutionary Guard, as were all dissenting voices and liberals inside the regime, as the hardliners sought to regain the power denied to them by Khatami. None but the most fanatically pro-regime Iranians (of which there were few) bought the story and saw it for the government assassination it was. In the ensuing days, protests broke out across the major cities in Iran. Among the chants were ‘Death to the regime’, ‘Down with Khamenei’ and perhaps the most chilling and human, ‘We don’t want to die’. Portraying the protests as an American operation, the Revolutionary Guard crushed the protestors with unprecedented brutality, with roughly 1,000 people killed. Though some American military leaders considered immediate shots into Iran, it was considered too early with worries that it could solidify support for the regime instead. Ultimately, the protests fell away by the end of October, with the regime still very much in power, and still defiant towards the US.

Strategically, the Ayatollah did not close the borders to Iran, not wanting a pressure cooker of anti-regime sentiment to explode in Iran. This led to an estimated five million Iranians fleeing the country even before the first US boots hit the ground. They sold their cars, houses, family jewellery to get plane tickets now worth their weight in gold. Some fled in the night to Iraqi Kurdistan, some fled by boat across the Caspian to make landfall near Baku, those with families in the West had their communities do everything they could to pull them out before it was too late. Other governments, like Turkmenbashi’s Turkmenistan and Saddam’s Iraq either turned the refugees back to Iranian authorities and their prisons in the former case, while the latter simply ordered them massacred for ‘invading Iraqi land’. Crossing into Saddam’s Iraq was the riskiest option of all, with a local population so terrorised that few locals dared to do anything to help the newcomers lest their family be forced to pay for the bullets used to execute them. Marjane Satrapi would include her parents’ harrowing escape from Iran in her graphic novel ‘Persepolis’ [4], subsequently writing that their escape to France ‘Relieved and destroyed her, as she knew that thousands of men and women like her still had family trapped at home, trapped in a soon to be burning house. A house that would burn before the eyes of the world for years.’

Khatami, despite his membership of the Islamic Republic’s government, remains a hero in Iran today, and is seen as an embodiment of ‘True Islam’ as compared to the Ayatollah’s ‘False Islam’. He has to some extent become a symbol of peaceful coexistence in the West like Ghandi. Upon his death, former Indonesian President Gus Dur would write in eulogy, “He was Islam – not in its ‘best’ form, but in its true form. He was not killed for being ‘insufficiently Muslim’, but because he was a Muslim. There is no great division between Sunni and Shia, nor between Muslims and Non-Muslims, only between good and evil. Khatami was good, and the Ayatollah evil.” While Khatami’s fame became legendary, in the Western media the Ayatollah now became seen as something of the puppet-master behind Nasrallah, for whom no retribution would be sufficient if he got away with it. But the Ayatollah remained steadfast in his defiance of the US, regardless of what the brutal invasion of Iran would look like for his citizens. He wanted a long, bloody war that would force the US to relent, and it didn’t matter how many Iranians would die to achieve it. It was as if the Ayatollah had been possessed by the spirit of Korechika Anami, who was the War Minister of Japan in the final apocalyptic days of World War Two. When screamed at by his colleagues that if they did not surrender that all Japan would be wiped off the Earth in nuclear fire, Anami would simply smile and ask, “But would that not be wonderful? For this whole nation to be destroyed like a beautiful flower?”

Though nuclear fire did not await Iran, a long and tragic war did.

[1] https://www.snopes.com/fact-check/israelis-absent-911/ - A genuine (in the sense of the claim rather than its accuracy) conspiracy theory that spread in the aftermath of 9/11 among Anti-Semites.
[2] Same as the 2006 Israel-Lebanon War
[3] http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/middle_east/5377914.stm A real event, without the regime trying to stop it IOTL
[4] Great book/film.
 
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My Country, My Country
My Country, My Country


Extract from ‘‘All of Them means All of Them!’: A History of the New Lebanon’ by Charbel Saqr

Symbolically, four nation’s armies would make a footfall in Lebanon early October: American, British, French and Italian. They were the four nations who had been bombed out of Lebanon in 1983 at the Barrack Bombings – now they were back, in vengeance for that and other things. French troops generally stayed around the Christian areas (worried that their presence would be counterproductive for fears of colonialism accusations) while the Americans would surge into the trouble spots in and around the country. Special Forces would scale the same hotels that the various sides had fought over back in the Civil War and get into firefights around. The bewildering alliances of the Civil War were now mercifully broken down to ‘Just shoot the Hezbollah guys’ for American operators. In the bunkers of Beirut, the Lebanese government continued to negotiate with the NATO alliance. The Americans, cautious of the religious/political balancing act that Lebanon had dealt with since its formation, did not want to turn over the cart, and except for a rowdy evangelical undercurrent among younger aides, were not interested in pressing the Lebanese to recognise Israel. They wanted to ensure maximum cooperation with all major groups in Lebanon, especially the Amal movement who were seen as the best hope of bringing the Shia Lebanese onboard and get the extensive Civil War network revived back to life to crush their mutual enemy. Ten years after thousands put their guns down, they took their guns back up under the supposed auspices of the Lebanese army and police, themselves often simply a patchwork of warlord alliances, many to old commanders even over their sect. The old sectarian system played musical chairs, but was fundamentally the same old corrupt gang minus one participant. By October 20th, Beirut was finally declared secure and in the hands of the Lebanese army. By October 26th, the first Americans reached the border with Israel, steadfastly told not to shake hands or even smile at their counterparts over the border for fear of a photo being taken and used to ‘prove’ the operation was an Israeli plot. Some Israeli soldiers took the opportunity to do to the American soldiers what American tourists sometimes liked to do to the Beefeaters in Buckingham Palace – make them laugh. More seriously, Israeli intelligence proved vital in locating the Hezbollah leadership. By October 30th, what was left of Hezbollah had dissolved into the population, with President Bush declaring the first stage of Operation Enduring Freedom completed in preparation for the second.

In preparation for the upcoming war with Iran not a whole lot of troops were available, so roughly 30,000 NATO troops would be stationed in Lebanon for the foreseeable future while the Lebanese army asserted itself over the remains of Hezbollah. The group would sporadically lash out in guerrilla or suicide attacks. But in such a small space as Lebanon, with such a small support base from which to hide in, the group was in deep trouble before they even began. Syria kept their end of the bargain with the Americans and sealed the border tight, starving Hezbollah of its weapons and supplies, while Israel obviously wasn’t sending anything either.

Hezbollah’s leadership would now be systematically hunted and removed from Lebanese life. Mustafa Badreddine [1], was chased down by American forces before dying in a shootout inside the now famous Jeita Grotto. Naim Qasem, the Deputy Secretary General, would be arrested while attempting to cross into Syria – rumours that he tried to escape while dressed as a woman like Confederate President Jefferson Davis were bandied but remain contested. Hezbollah’s chief of staff, Imad Mughniyeh [2] would be wounded in an air strike along with his fellow militants, before a roaming shepherd would deliver him to a nearby American patrol and get the $5 million award promised by the FBI for his arrest, becoming a local celebrity in the process after he gave all but $10 to local charities for rebuilding and spent $10 fixing his fence. But the big question remained – where was Nasrallah?


Excerpt from ‘They’ll Hear From All of Us Soon’ by John Horowitz

As the days and weeks grounded on with no trace of Nasrallah found anywhere, even after the waterboarding of Qasem and Mughniyeh in Guantanamo, questions began to be raised. For the Bush Administration, it was simple - Nasrallah must have escaped, and there was only one place he could have done so. Wolfowtiz and Rumsfeld began pressing the CIA to find any evidence that Nasrallah was in Iran no matter how insane, down to a supposed sighting of working as a DJ in an underground Tehran discotheque. Still, Iran was harbouring members of Hezbollah, so claims he was hiding there seemed reasonable. Iran’s refusal to hand over Hezbollah members and the assassination of its moderate President had resulted in Iran’s pariah status quadrupling overnight. But while there had been committed NATO involvement in Lebanon, getting NATO to agree on an invasion of Iran was a far bigger ask. The Bush Administration pulled every lever it could for friends and allies.

Both President Putin and Jiang of Russia and China respectively were particular targets, with Secretary of State Colin Powell and National Security Advisor Condoleezza Rice leaning on the two to cut off trade with Iran, and in the case of Putin to increase the scale of energy production to try and handle the incoming oil shock of the Iran invasion. Oil had already climbed to nearly $90 per barrel in anticipation of a chaos in the Strait of Hormuz and everyone in the Administration knew it would get worse before it got better. Putin agreed to do so, with Gazprom going on to make gigantic profits with European powers exposed to the oil shock. In return, he asked for a free hand in the Second Chechen War, an ask gladly given to him by an administration desperate to minimise the issues caused by an Iranian invasion. With that, Russia redoubled its efforts to annihilate the Chechen insurgency, which faded into the background noise of the world with the War on Terror. China in the meantime would get help in procuring oil during the invasion phase.

As the war drums began to beat louder, military recruitment in the US exploded in the post 9/11 aftermath. With the number of troops needed to take Iran estimated as close to a million, every soldier possible was needed to make up the Coalition. Even Britain and France encouraged further military recruitment in preparation for the now seemingly imminent war with Iran. Thankfully, as the call went out, troop recruitment numbers, especially in America, were met with all the readiness of the America that vowed to avenge Pearl Harbour.

In terms of the invasion, two main axes of attack were planned. The first in the north would come from Azerbaijan (who were looking for future favours in their dispute with Armenia) and Turkey, with limited help from Iraqi Kurdistan. This would be aimed at heading to Tehran and decapitating the centre of regime power. Coalition partners would primarily be located here, especially Turkey who would play an outsized role in the operation. The second but perhaps more important part would focus on the Strait of Hormuz, where the Arab states would work together with Allied navies to open the waterway and secure the southern portion of Iran. Granted, the sheer scale of the southern coast was daunting but it also prevented the Iranians from being able to concentrate their own troops. American and British marines prepared for a military challenge unprecedented since D-Day. But one wild card remained, the man who may have embodied the very concept of the wild card itself.


Extract from ‘Saddam’s Shadow: The Legacy of Baathism in Iraq’ by Michel Farooq


Iraqis in some ways were in the most horrible predicament of the Three Axis of Evil nations. The Iranian government had seen its zeal flattened in the humiliating ceasefire of 1988 (six years after they could have gotten the same deal without hundreds of thousands dead), and the government was reluctant to directly antagonise the enraged public, who began a parallel existence in private life away from the regime. As a result, satellite television was illegal but de facto accepted, porn and alcohol was as easy to get as bananas, and actual support of the regime was seen as madness in private circles. By contrast, North Koreans lived on another planet compared to the rest of the world. Their people had no conception of how bad off they were. Millions believed the propaganda because there was nothing else to believe. Iraqis were thus a people tortured like the North Koreans, but in full knowledge of their situation like the Iranians. All the pain with none of the release.

Saddam Hussein’s reign over his tortured country sank deeper and deeper into madness, especially after failed Kurdish and Shia revolts in the 1990s. Once declaring war on Iran in part with the (laughable) excuse of defending secularism, Saddam embraced a more openly sectarian form of government in the intervening years in preference of his Arab Sunni base in western Iraq. The most famous example of this was the Blood Quran [3]. Supposedly a copy of the Quran written in his own blood, mathematically it was impossible to write out so much content with the amount of blood Saddam claimed, meaning it was in part or in full derived from other sources, with dead political dissidents being the most likely source. He was the only world leader to openly praise the 9/11 attacks, a fact which brought particular ire upon him. [4] Both the Shia-dominated south and Kurdish-dominated north were under no-fly zones, with de facto control of Kurdistan ceded to a contentious alliance of Kurdish political forces. Saddam had little kinship with the Iranians. especially given the calamitous war in the 1980s with Iran whose bad blood refuses to fade all these years later. But Saddam’s state media was all over the place, with the Onion at the time satirising Saddam’s opinion of ‘The Glorious Attack on America by the Dastardly, Cowardly Iranians’.

His sons, Uday and Qasey, formed an equal role in his criminal empire, the former so monstrous that he seemed to come from a reincarnation of Lavrenty Beria. Uday’s visits to the local schools made every girl flee to the bathrooms to avoid his eye – his reported victims included twelve-year-olds. His discovery of the internet meant he employed someone to search the internet for his supercar fleet and unique methods of torture. In 1988 at a party for the wife of Hosni Mubarak of Egypt, Uday beat a man to death in full-view of the party. When Iraq failed to qualify at the 1994 World Cup, then head of the sports commission Uday ordered the team to kick concrete footballs that broke their feet. That even Saddam was in the process of reducing his role within the regime to his younger brother Qasey should be appreciated. Also making up the monstrous family was Saddam’s first cousin Ali Hassan al-Majid, or as he was known in Iraq, ‘Chemical Ali’ for his use of chemical weapons in the Anfal Genocide against the Kurds in the dying days of the Iran-Iraq War. Then there was Iraq’s only Christian minister, Tariq Aziz, who in addition to his involvement in the Anfal genocide and vicious suppression of Shia uprisings was nicknamed ‘The Child Thief’ for his policy of hostage-taking children from Shia and Kurdish families to ensure submission from their parents.

Privately, Saddam offered to invade the Arab regions of Iran to assist in the invasion but was flatly turned down by the Bush Administration. The State Department was clueless about what way Iraq would go once the war started, with the only agreement being that they wanted nothing to do with Saddam and that attaching him to the invasion would annihilate Pro-US sentiment in Iran. It was at this time that voices among the Bush Administration began exploring the option of killing two birds with one stone and using the immense manpower build-up in the region to take out Saddam while they were there. Paul Wolfowitz was the eager proponent, seeing the rise of China as the future showdown with America, which meant the race was on to wipe out the old Soviet allies and partners before they could be used as enemy allies in the next Cold War. He suggested that Iraq would effectively greet the Americans like French citizens greeted American troops liberating them from Nazi Germany. His assessment was that Iraq was that it could be the inception of a ‘reverse domino effect’ where the brittle Saddam regime could fall and lead to a global groundswell against dictatorships, like Gaddafi’s Libya or Castro’s Cuba. This was the Neocon dream – a second 1989, where the froth of autocracy could be blown away to expose a world that wanted the same thing: the Fukuyaman Civilisational merger.

Since nearly a million men would be in the area, Wolfowitz supported sending about 100,000 of them up from Kuwait into the particularly anti-Saddam Shia region of Iraq to storm the southern portion of Iran. With most Iraqi oil fields located in the south, it was assumed this would cripple Saddam’s capacity to wage war or run his nightmare state and would force the Iranians to tie down yet more resources. This plan was pushed strongly by Cheney and Rumsfeld, but Bush was wary given he had too much on his plate at once. He had already been warned by his father about the company he had surrounded himself with, while Cheney seemed to argue that allowing Saddam to stay in power was the biggest American mistake since the post-WW1 return to isolationism. However, this was created simply as a contingency plan – a plan which, like Iran, vastly overestimated the local level of support that would come America’s way.

Russia and China would acquiesce to the West’s decision to take out the Mullahs, and despite some unease, most of the states that had contributed to the simple operation in Lebanon were ready to go to Iran. This included Turkey (the largest army deployed outside the Americans) and Azerbaijan (who were thinking about crippling Armenia’s local ally), whose help would be vital. Coalition forces took precautions not to be attacked in random attacks by Saddam’s air defences, doing whatever he could to make life for the US more inconvenient. Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic were eager to prove their own allegiance to NATO, while NATO-aspiring countries like Albania lined up alongside the international force to finish the job on the people who orchestrated 9/11. A common belief now spread by the Bush Administration was that the Ayatollah had ordered the attack to undo Khatami’s reforms and restore hardline control. Hundreds of thousands of American troops were moved to the Persian Gulf in the coming months, with only a skeleton force left in Europe and Asia, a fact not unnoticed by another dictator on the edge of America’s radar.


Extract from ‘The Second Korean War: The Key to Understanding the War on Terror’ by Bosun Choi


North Korean labour camps were not ‘gulags’ – they were unspeakably worse. While none of the ‘crimes against the regime’ (like trying to flee) could be seen as worth the monstrous punishments they received, there was one point that made North Korean camps stand out: the generational punishment. Successful or failed, an escape attempt would result in your family being enslaved into the camp system. To make matters somehow worse, forced marriages were employed among the inmates for the sole purpose of creating children to increase the labour pool of the camps where speaking in a group of three ensured all three were hanged or shot. Insects were scrambled upon to get any morsel of food. But this wasn’t simply confined to the camp, as school children were often taken to sports stadiums filled to witness hangings and firing squads, sometimes of classmates and teachers. It was a society that had grown numb to the monstrosities. Millions had died in the 1994 Famine, and the propaganda regime had already been seen as unsettlingly cultish as early as the 1970s. By the time of Kim Jong-Il’s ascension, millions of North Koreans didn’t know that places like East Germany and Czechoslovakia no longer existed, sincerely believed Kim was able to read minds, and while places like Iran arrested you (until you bribed them) if you were caught listening to Freddie Mercury, almost no one in North Korea had ever known who Freddie Mercury was. The ones most in the know were the scores of Japanese and South Korean citizens that his agents had kidnapped in the 1970s and 1980s (including a 13-year-old girl), trapped into being translators for his agents or in at least one case directors of a Godzilla rip-off film.

Technically, upon his ascension to de facto power in 1994, Kim Jong-Il was not technically the President. That was still Kim Il-Sung who was declared to be the eternal president. Marxist-Leninism was no longer the official state ideology but ‘Juche’, which preached a mix of theocratic fervour, racial supremacy of the Koreans, and the most extreme form of Stalinism. Only the most extreme of tankies could take any fealty with the North Koreans, the same who sided with the Khmer Rouge. Kim and the roughly 2000 members of the inner circle of the North Korean regime lived a life of sickening luxury above a starved empire, perhaps taking inspiration from the words of Saddam who had said, “A starved dog will follow you.” The suffering of the North Korean population was not simply a bug, but a deliberate policy to make the citizens dependent on the state to give them anything to live. None of the inner circle’s lifestyles of rivers of champagne, harems and French lobster were interrupted. Kim himself was the world’s largest single buyer of Hennessey while pretending during the famine that he lived for months on a single bowl of rice. He was also obsessed with Western films to the extent he saw James Bond films as documentaries and set up acts of terrorism against South Korea as if he wanted to become the real-life Bond villain. He attempted to assassinate the South Korean President in October 1983 in Myanmar, which got multiple government ministers killed and the President was only saved due to a traffic jam. Then to sabotage the 1988 Seoul Olympics, North Korean agents blew up a civilian airliner, Korean Air Flight 858 in 1987. The attack made North Korea a pariah even inside the Communist bloc, but now the man who ordered it was in charge of the country.

Kim’s reaction to the War on Terror was initially one of indifference, simply sending out a near-automated reply condemning the actual attacks. However, when it became clear Iran was about to be attacked, and the sheer scale of the operation became apparent, Kim began to think. He reasoned that a war in Iran would suck up vast amounts of US troops and attention, including stripping resources from Korea and Japan, which was correct. This may have been the best shot he ever got to achieve the North Korean dream of taking the Korean peninsula and enslaving its southern residents to worship at his boots like he made his own brutalised citizens do. But there was also a sillier reason to brood – the World Cup. Kim had wanted a joint World Cup between the Koreas but was forced to watch as the South chose to work with the Japanese to do the event. To Kim, it was a disgusting betrayal of Koreans as a nation given Japan’s actions in World War Two and earlier. But it also filled him with jealousy, to see how prosperous, respected and influential South Korea had gotten since it dragged itself kicking and screaming out of the era of dictators and into the democratic world. The two reasons would gnaw at him as 2001 changed to 2002, but then he would get a third reason to go on January 29th, when Bush would declare in no uncertain terms that America had his eyes on him as much as the Ayatollah.

Extract from ‘The Rise, Fall, and Rise of Iran’ by Zoreh Rahimi


As December passed to January, the talk of war was at a fever pitch, and the price of oil was rising like crazy. Oil had risen to $120 dollars a barrel and was only going to go up. Polls showed opposition to the Iran war in many European countries who were participating in the operation, including France and Turkey (whose domestic politicians argued that the war was actually an operation to deprive Armenia of her ally and free Nagorno-Karabakh). The UN was reduced to a bystander, while Bush Administration officials pieced together wild speculations about Nasrallah in hiding in Iran, the Ayatollah personally ordering 9/11, and in some cases that Saddam Hussein was in on it and had teamed up. In the Post-9/11 frenzy, no one wanted to second-guess the actions the US military was taking at the time or who the government was saying was in on it. The decision to invade Iran had long ago been set on by the Administration, with Cheney and Rumsfeld leading the charge while Colin Powell and Condoleezza Rice were content with just uprooting Hezbollah and weren’t buying the claims that Khamenei was behind 9/11. Bush would ultimately be convinced by the calls to war, the Neocons using his optimism of American ideals and way of life and certainty that the rest of the world wanted to be like them to push their own neo-imperialist conception of the new era.

At the State of the Union Address on January 29th, Bush would first use the term ‘Axis of Evil’, to describe Hezbollah, Iran, Iraq and North Korea. The reason for the mentions of Iraq and North Korea related to the chances either could develop WMDs. There was very little doctrinally similar between the three parties apart from what they lacked: democracy and human rights. One reason it was added was to dampen the hysterical calls in some quarters of the American Conservatives like the ‘Counter-Jihad’ groups which included the likes of Ann Coulter, that America was in a civilisational war with the Middle East, and so added an atheist Asian dictatorship to diversify the line-up. But the three did have one thing in common – resolute hatred of the United States and its allies. This term would eventually come to describe the loose-knit alliance network of the War on Terror, though that was most certainly not the original intention of Bush. They expected a tough but manageable campaign in Iran, perhaps eventually followed by actions against Saddam and Kim Jong Il later. If Bush knew the impact of the speech, he would almost certainly not have made it, though perhaps Cheney and other Neocon loyalists don’t regret it. The speech would be considered the opening of the second act of the War on Terror, with the US Air Force finally poised to deliver the blow on Iran that they had waited decades to unleash.

Bush would end the speech with his final ultimatum. “The decades of cruelty will now come to an end. The tyrant and his henchmen must lay down their arms and return the rule of Iran to its brave citizens. Their refusal will mean military conflict against the might of the free world, at a time of our choosing. All foreign nationals who are in Iran must leave Iran immediately, and to the citizens of Iran, don’t worry: we’re going to save you. America has made its choice, now it’s time for the Ayatollah to make his.” America would announce its leaping off the edge of the cliff to bipartisan applause. Iran, having deliberately waited until the last minute when it would become clear what would happen to minimise diplomatic blowback, would announce that starting from the end of those 48 hours the Straits of Hormuz would be closed. That early February, the price of a barrel of oil broke $200, and the world’s economy began to teeter. People thought that’s as high as the price would go – they were wrong.

From Turkey, Azerbaijan, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Bahrain, the UAE and several other places the combined Coalition air forces began Operation Iranian Freedom with a ‘Shock and Awe’ air and naval campaign over the entire country targeting radar, missiles, stockpiles and crucially the budding Iranian nuclear program. Iran’s size made the mission humongous, hence the delay on sending in the ground troops. It would ultimately be a bombardment phase that lasted a month. The best place you could get a sense of the scale of the operation was the capital. Roughly seven million people lived in Tehran and saw with terrifying clarity a sky lit with flames. Ear-shattering explosions could be heard from miles away, as the Parliament, police station, IRG compounds and more exploded into flames. The expectation in the aftermath of the Iranian protests was that Iranians would be cheering on from their suburban houses. Instead, even the atheists among the onlookers looked upon the carnage and said to themselves, “Vatanam (My country) …”

Dissent within Iran virtually stopped after February 1st. While not everyone was willing to storm into battle, no one was interested in continuing the civil disobedience campaigns that had sprung up around the country since Khatami’s death. Khatami would have been on the front like anyone else. Iran was a nation that had lasted thousands of years, a country embarrassingly rich in history, a people embarrassingly rich in culture. Even if they had an embarrassingly corrupt government, their loyalty was to the lands of their ancestors. As one Iranian in their diary would record, “I would serve under Khomeini, the Shah, Mosaddegh, anyone! … as long as I served for Iran.” While outright hatred of the Coalition was rare outside the true believers, Iranians would cheer at every news that their army had scored a win. The Revolutionary Guard (now declared a terrorist organisation by almost every country on Earth) fought with the determination of men who knew they had nothing left to lose. From an undisclosed location, the Ayatollah would give his audio pronouncements to do battle with the American Satan. Though the American bombardment was having the intended effect of deteriorating the Ayatollah’s forces, those forces had not even begun to show the Americans just how much they'd bitten off, an amount all the mouths in the world couldn't chew.

[1] Also suspected in Hariri’s OTL Assassination.
[2] Until 9/11, he was considered the man who killed more Americans than any other.
[3] Real life.
[4] Real life
 
'Khomeini is the Leader'
'Khomeini is the Leader'

Excerpt from ‘The Family: How the Assads Plundered Syria’ by Abdul Malik


Bashar’s turn to the West had stimulated long-delayed negotiations with Israel. In 2000, his father Hafez would turn down a deal to get back 99% of the Golan Heights practically with his dying breath. For Bashar, having already soured his relationship with the Anti-Israel bloc in the Middle East, he felt that he needed something positive for Syria as well apart from the relief that he wasn’t dragging Syria to war. He would be reluctant to meet Sharon given his reputation among the Arab world, and was worried the man who came to power after his brutal crackdowns in Gaza and who came to power to represent the Settler movement would be averse to deals at all. Instead, to his surprise, Sharon was quite open to a deal over the Golan Heights, a region that did not interest him. At the same time, relations with the Palestinians had already rapidly deteriorated. A frightful war of words between Arafat and Syrian leaders, who had significant bad blood since the Lebanese Civil War and the PLO’s endorsement of Saddam’s invasion of Kuwait, publicly escalated, especially since the talks came in the middle of the Second Intifada. Sharon had abandoned the idea of talks with Arafat but wanted to look reasonable to international observers so talks with Assad seemed like the best way to support his credibility. In the meantime, Syrian state television hit Arafat for being too soft on Israel and demanded to know why Syria was not allowed to recognize Israel when the PLO had agreed to do so as part of the Oslo Accords. If Palestine could recognize Israel, why was Syria not allowed to?

As such, on March 29th 2002, Bashar al-Assad and Ariel Sharon would meet in Sharm el-Sheikh. The deal that was discussed would result in 99% of the Golan Heights being returned to Israel minus the shore area east of the Sea of Galilee. Israeli settlements in the area would be dismantled and compensated by the Israeli state with American help. The local Druze would be given full citizenship and immunities in the new Syrian state, though they had the option to apply for Israeli citizenship and come to Israel like anyone else. The Golan Heights would be demilitarised with UN oversight while Israel would agree to reduce troops in the area as well. Syria had firmly planted itself in the American camp in an astonishing about-face, just as Nasser’s successor in Sadat had done. Despite all the anger on state television against the Palestinian Authority, Bashar still needed a selling point to bring home to his citizens who had been raised to see the Israel-Palestine conflict as the ultimate expression of good (the Palestinians) against evil (Israel). While he personally cared nothing for the Palestinians, his sudden turn on Hezbollah had turned heads – he didn’t want to shake the boat even harder and wanted to push back against allegations that he was a Zionist stooge especially given the deal came during the Intifada. Sadat got Palestinian autonomy, Arafat got PLO recognition, and so Assad wanted something to brag about at home.

The Syrian delegation, themselves keen followers of demographic trends in their own country and playing on the Israeli fear on their own, suggested a form of disengagement from Gaza. To their surprise, Sharon was more than ready to listen. Sharon suggested the complete disengagement from the Gaza Strip, which made up nearly half of the Palestinian population, with Jewish settlers to be dragged out. A border fence would be erected around the region and Gaza would effectively be separated from Israel. Sharon liked the idea because he was worried a unilateral withdrawal from Gaza would make it look like a surrender to terrorism. To make it part of a peace deal would make it look like negotiations with Israel worked out. It also massively helped Israel’s demographic concerns in remaining both a Jewish and democratic state by removing 2 million Palestinians from the equation. At the time of the deal, unfortunately, the Palestinian Authority and Israel were in conflict, so Arafat would not be setting up shop in Gaza anytime soon. At the same time, Israel built serious political capital with the Americans for showing their ‘determination in the search for peace’. And Bashar? He could brag he liberated more of Palestine than Yasser Arafat ever had. [1]

On April 4th, after much back and forth, the two finally shook hands and secured Israel’s third recognition from an Arab state. Sharon’s decision to sign the deal was supported by the Israeli public but not by all that much, with Sharon majorly angering his settler voting base in the process. It would result in the formation of the Kadima Party in 2003 where moderate Likudniks like him and more conservative members of the Labour Party joined to form a centrist alliance, whereas Benjamin Netanyahu took over a now more rightist Likud. Sharon continued his agenda with little care. Despite anger and outrage among the Right, Jewish settlers were dragged from Gaza and driven out. While few Israelis were happy about the move, most understood it.

However, Sharon’s aims were a lot more razor-sharp than was let on in both his own and his enemy’s propaganda. His withdrawal from the Golan Heights compensated the settlers there with territory in the West Bank, or as he and the Israeli Right called it ‘Judea and Samaria.’ This was the land of the Old Testament, not the Golan Heights. The formation in the coming years of a security wall around Gaza now made the Likud One State solution all the more achievable. Sharon had earned himself a hefty measure of goodwill from the Western press, one he used to rapidly expand the settlements inside the West Bank to fulfil Likud’s foundational dream of ‘Judea and Samaria’ as part of Israel.

In the immediate aftermath of the agreement, Bashar’s popularity increased with his own support base of a middle class who wanted out of any Middle Eastern conflict and religious minorities, but a large contingent of Sunni Arabs in the east (and Palestinian refugees in Yarmouk) felt that Arafat spoke the truth when he claimed that Assad had made this deal to undermine rather than help Palestine. Bashar became a villain almost as great in Palestinian circles as Sharon despite gaining Gaza, with Arafat calling him ‘A sad irony. An eye doctor who cannot see.’ Arafat was consequently singled out for vicious criticism in Syrian media, with one Baathist in the Syrian Parliament declaring, ‘This is the saddest of jealousies. Jealous because it was not Yasser Arafat that gave Gaza to the Palestinian people, but Bashar al-Assad! The traitor of Gaza speaks lies of the liberator of Gaza! He deserves to be beaten with a shoe, but if I did that, even my shoes would cry, ‘Master, I beg of you, what crime have I done that I deserve be used on Yasser Arafat?!’’ [2] Syrian media would further belittle and degrade Palestinians for not being grateful for what Bashar had ‘given them’.

Bashar’s signing of the peace treaty and his promise to keep Syria out of all wars made him a staple of the international arena, filmed meeting George Bush, Queen Elizabeth, and Pope John Paul II. Bashar and Sharon would both win the Nobel Peace Prize that year in what is perhaps even today the most discrediting verdict the award ever provided. The award was provided even after a rally by Palestinians on April 29th 2002 inside the Yarmouk refugee camp in Syria was met with Western-built tanks that Assad had purchased earlier that year from France. The death toll was covered up and in the tight information environment at the time, coupled with the ongoing War on Terror, was completely glossed over. It is now estimated that the Yarmouk Massacre claimed at least 500 lives and maybe significantly more, with Bashar’s brother Maher al-Assad personally on the ground overseeing the indiscriminate chaos. In an eerie retelling of the Hama Massacre where Hafez’s younger brother Rifaat oversaw the obliteration of Hama off the face of the Earth, Maher oversaw the massacre of Palestinian refugees. [3] That the slaughter eerily mimicked the Sabra and Shatila Massacre further underscored the parallels between Bashar and Sharon. As a final middle finger before a disinterested world, a statue of Bashar was placed at the entrance and centre of the camp as contrition. However, in the scary world of 2002/2003, the Americans were simply desperate for anything to be going right. Bashar’s international stock rose farther than any Assad had ever gone, sinking all the rest of humanity with it.


Extract from ‘The Rise, Fall, and Rise of Iran’ by Zoreh Rahimi

[4]​

Turning the Strait of Hormuz into a warzone was a hard blow for the world economy, as Western and Eastern economies mutually suffered while oil producers like Putin’s Russia and Chavez’s Venezuela were making money hand over fist. Therefore, the priority for the American and British fleets was to make the Persian Gulf open for shipping as soon as possible. The initial stages of the conflict were a pleasant retelling of Operation Praying Mantis, with larger Iranian ships being easily picked off and the American and British navies attempting to guarantee the movement of tankers through the strait. After the first Coalition bombs started falling, Iran had begun targeting every tanker they could. Every tanker they removed from the world market was another less boatload of fuel – if they sank enough, the calculation was that the world would call it quits. The sheer sight of foreign tankers in flames in the crystal blue waters of the Persian Gulf, fire riding above the waves, was enough to raise oil prices to suffocating levels. The main Iranian ships were destroyed while the coastal launching positions of rockets from Iranian forces were bombed from air and sea. But it was here that the first signs that this invasion would not be the romp of Lebanon, but a different beast entirely.

The first signs were the arrival of the Iranian Air Force, many of which had been hidden in the mountains. These included F-14 fighter jets from the 1970s that the US had given the Shah. Now in a sad twist, they were being turned on the nation that gave them. They would launch quick hit and run attacks on naval vessels whenever they could, coming and going too quickly for the US to adequately respond. Dogfights began with US jets over the skies of Tehran that February, and though the US fighters generally came out on top, these were not the turkey shoots they had long gotten used to. Any Americans who bailed out over Iran found themselves held captive by the Revolutionary Guard – few would ultimately survive to tell the tales of torture they endured. But it was the Iranian navy whose innovation would most break the myth that this would be an easy war. The ‘Undefeated’ F-15 met its first combat loss, though military aficionados shrugged it off as ‘American tech being needed to beat American tech’.

The Iranian navy was not particularly advanced, and after the first weeks of hostilities, was already mostly gone. Naively assuming the Iranian navy had been vanquished, American ships began moving and more daringly into the Persian Gulf. But what the Iranians lacked in technology, they made up for in innovation. Iran changed to a strategy of using smaller ships hiding along their vast shores while communicating with non-electric forms of communication such as pigeons, motorbikes and WW2-style light signals to help coordinate between the navy and air force. When a large flotilla of US ships got in range on February 7th, the Iranians launched their masterstroke. Overwhelming American sensors with a barrage of cruise missiles, the flotilla was decimated, with several ships sunk, most notably the aircraft carrier USS Abraham Lincoln [5]. By the time the carnage was counted, the US realised they had lost more men (4,000) in a single day than any other battle in their history, including D-Day.

The loss of an aircraft carrier and the sheer scale of the death toll before the invasion had even begun stunned the United States and global media. The first cracks in the Post 9/11 national consensus began to emerge as to the fitness of the Bush Administration to lead the war effort – no one wanted to rock the boat so early into the war but at the same time, the sheer gut blow was inescapable. It also proved an immense morale boost for the Iranians, who began to believe they could pull it off like the Vietnamese did. Other ships were soon attacked, some overwhelmed by torpedo boats. The Iranians even began employing torpedo boats on suicide-missions to take out tankers and Western warships – the Western press called them ‘Iranikazes’ in reference to the infamous Japanese planes.

In response, the Americans and British adopted a more methodical and conservative strategy in the Gulf at the cost of a further constrained oil market. In terms of defence, America began to implement their own protections against boat attacks They also loosened civilian targeting restrictions, increasing the amount of civilians who were killed in the bombardments to try and ensure a disaster like February 7th could never happen again. Iranian sympathy for the Coalition further eroded. But one part of February 7th that the Iranians hadn’t reckoned with was how it changed calculations inside the Bush Administration. Notably, it made the Administration deathly scared of amphibious landings in Iran at all, which opened the Pandora’s Box for what would come later: the gamble that turned the Iran War into something that almost resembled World War Three.

[...]​

The bombing of Iran lasted roughly a month, with most major installations of Iranian forces reduced to rubble. Their air force and navy was mostly gone, they had no outside help, and most of the country still wouldn’t be caught dead saying a good word about Khamenei (wherever the hell he was now). But as the Coalition, spearheaded in good part by Turkey, began their auspicious march over the Iranian border from Turkey and Azerbaijan. The Iranians had known the battle plan for a long while and had erected a touch series of fortifications down the way. From Turkey, Coalition forces attempted to reach Tabriz while from Azerbaijan they aimed to follow the Caspian to reach Rasht and ultimately Tehran. Troops who had naively imagined Iran as an exclusively secular and Pro-American people were rapidly disabused of the notion, as they ran into the rural Iranian populace who was significantly more religious and nationalistic than the urban Tehran residents. While the religious zeal of the Iranian Revolution had faded, a renewed vigour returned. Suicide bombings The mountainous terrain was the stuff of nightmares for Coalition troops, as they seemed to be attacked from all sides.

This was supposed to be accompanied with a landing by American and British marines on the island of Qeshm (a stepping stone to capturing Bandar Abbas) and another landing at the central oil producing city of Abadan, but the shock of February 7th ensured a much more conservative posture. Ultimately, the landings at Qeshm unfold, the most serious amphibious landings since the Big One, and the most vicious fighting seen by either the British or Americans in living memory. Mercifully for the Coalition, it would ultimately be a relatively easy capture on March 3rd, with the Iranians preparing for the far more easily defendable Bandar Abbas conflict. Abadan was likewise intensely fortified around the sea. The Abadan operation was delayed, as air cover was redirected to ensure the safety of the fleet around Bandar Abbas at the mouth of the Hormuz Strait, trying to demine the location as quickly as they could.

This created a problem, as oil was still at nearly $300 a barrel and driving the global economy to a standstill. Bicycles surged in popularity even in America as scenes unprecedented since the oil shortages of the early 1970s reared their head. Serious discussions began inside the White House about the wisdom of fuel rationing. Ultimately, it was agreed to open up the emergency oil reserves to an extent to try and mitigate the pump-pain for now. It was already expected that recession would hit inside the year. Meanwhile, the oil lobby inside the United States (which had been deeply uncomfortable with the war contrary to later populist myths), began pleading with the Administration to try and secure the safe passage of Middle Eastern oil as quickly as time would permit. It was in these stressful conditions, that Bush would make what was likely his most catastrophic error of the war, the one that turned an Iran War into the century-defining conflict that the War on Terror would be known as.


Extract from ‘Saddam’s Shadow: The Legacy of Baathism in Iraq’ by Michel Farooq

Saddam Hussein seemed to have made his mind up on the war by early 2002. To him, Iran’s defeat to the West was inevitable, but he wanted to make sure the Americans (and broader Coalition) suffered with every inch. He reportedly said, in reference to Kissinger’s own quip, ‘It’s a pity they can’t both lose’. Saddam still retained a small number of sleeper agents in Kuwait from the Gulf War who were reporting on US troop presences. These were relayed to the Iranians who used them to send missiles to US bases in Kuwait over the February – an alignment almost as bizarre as Khomeini and Israel teaming up to destroy Saddam’s nuclear reactor back in the 1980s. Saddam stepped up his violations of the No Fly Zone placed over South Iraq and harassed Coalition planes transferring men and supplies to Turkey and the Gulf. Saddam even sent sabotage teams into Turkey and the Gulf states to try and destroy Coalition supplies in the expectation it would be blamed on Iranians, though it is unknown if any of them succeeded. If this sounds like madness for a country that had been shattered by sanctions and was enemy number one of the Western foreign policy elite, it should be remembered that Saddam attempted to have Bush Senior assassinated on a trip to Kuwait in 1993 – Saddam’s sense of self-preservation was undeveloped compared to other dictators.

Saddam had always been enemy number one for the United States. Under the Clinton Administration, Congress passed a law announcing that ‘Regime Change’ was the stated policy for Iraq, and that Saddam Hussein had to go. Bush was often said to have had a particular animus for Hussein, given that many regretted his father not taking him out in 1991. Rumsfeld went as far as to demand his agency to find evidence Saddam was behind 9/11 on the day that it happened. Saddam’s Iraq was by far the weakest of the Axis of Evil nations, broken by decades of sanctions, meaning the Neocons thought Saddam would be what the USSR was to Hitler: The Rotten House that would come down with the first kick. Despite Iran proving that this was not necessarily the case, the thinking in the US remained that Iraq would be comparatively easy.

That January, debate had already been underway at the White House, with Cheney and Rumsfeld insisting that this would be the perfect time to take out Saddam too, using his undercover help for Iran as a pretext. This was fiercely opposed by Colin Powell, who was incensed that the Administration, during the fiercest war America had fought in living memory, wanted to go into Iraq too. Rumsfeld argued that it would kill two birds with one stone: he suggested not a charge on Baghdad, but instead to loop through Basra and the Iraq-Iran border and to take Abadan (with its oil producing capabilities). He argued that the Shia population would rejoice in liberation from Saddam, that this would weaken the Shia religious fanaticism in Iran since they would have secured one of Iran’s supposed policy objectives and win goodwill from the Iranians, and that this would help the world’s oil market since a higher % would be under the control of the US rather than insane dictators. Saddam’s rule itself would ‘probably’ collapse with the loss of his oil revenue and his remaining forces could be mopped up with only a few divisions. Yiddish-speaking Powell called it ‘The Schlieffen Plan for Schmucks’ in reference to World War One Germany’s strategy of invading a neutral neighbour to attack their enemy. He knew this would cause international uproar and wanted no part of this, especially given that both he and Condoleezza Rice (similarly repulsed by the plan) had expended so much time and energy to build the coalition necessary for Iran. Bush initially agreed with Powell, resisting pressure from the Neocon camp to implement their grand plan of a world free of dictatorships by the force of American firepower.

This was changed by February 7th. The shock of losing an aircraft carrier, the extreme loss of life and the acknowledgement of hubris by all rights should have led to the Administration being more cautious. Indeed, they were – of amphibious invasions. Rumsfeld now argued that amphibious invasions were too dangerous to attempt two at time, especially at Abadan. He argued that they could still reach their operational objectives. He also bandied about evidence that Saddam had been instrumental in handing over the targeting information that allowed the aircraft carrier to be sunk – evidence that even then was considered pathetic even in the fog of war, let alone today. The Iraqi Kurds were enthusiastic about the plan, who were mainly deployed as a diversionary force on the Iranian border – they were enthusiastic about any plan to take out the man who genocided them in 1988. Rosy pictures of enthusiastic Iraqi local support filtered through from Iraqi politicians – they insisted that while Iran was a 2500-year-old civilisation, Iraq was a less than a century old patchwork of three peoples who would be relieved to see a figure from a rival sect out of power. The ‘reports’ that Iraq had provided the information that led to the sinking of the USS Abraham Lincoln began to be circulated by the Administration’s partisans on the Fox News Network, whose unapologetic jingoism made them the most popular cable news network during the war. No one wanted to believe that the US military had been incompetent – they wanted to believe in dastardly foreign conspiracies. Other rumours were tossed around on the network, with some anchors suggesting Saddam was handing over chemical weapons to Iran to use on American soldiers. Others suggested that Saddam may have had a role in 9/11 – even most CNN and MSNBC viewers in polls believed that Saddam had a role in 9/11 according to surveys at the time. It was nonsense, including the idea of Saddam militarily supporting Iran in a way that would provide his mortal enemy with any aid – Saddam’s method was to directly take it to the US.

As April began, the Strait of Hormuz was more open than it had been, but hardly as much as it could have been, with any tankers rolling through needing intense Coalition escort. The chance of a random missile, mine or suicide torpedo boat setting the Gulf on fire was a real one. With forces on the northern front finally reaching the outskirts of Tabriz, Coalition forces begin the second and final amphibious assault of the war, landing just outside Bandar Abbas with the intention of annihilating the last remnants of the Iranian navy base. Several amphibious ships were blown up by hidden mines and boats, inflicting brutal casualties on the Coalition. The Iranian Navy had outperformed all expectations, now their last act would be to die with a rifle in their hands on Iranian soil itself, fighting off the marines as they continued to land. Bandar Abbas would be the first true battle of the invasion of Iran and would last a month and would be the beginning of a common story seen in the war: huge Iranian losses and smaller Coalition losses that scared the Coalition significantly more.

As the chaos was just beginning, on April 18th, a US spy plane was shot down near Abadan. Based on the data recordings, it was shot down from the Iraqi side of the border. This was the final straw for Bush, who felt that Abadan was too important for global oil supplies, and that any amphibious invasion would be stopped with Saddam’s help. He decided to go with ‘The Rumsfeld Option’. He had broached the topic to the various other members of the Coalition – the overwhelming majority rejected it, most vehemently. On Bush’s side were the Iraqi Kurds, Britain (who were also worried about the impact of Saddam intervening in support of Tehran) and the Australians along with some Eastern Europeans eager to prove their mettle. By the time the spy plane was shot down, Bush had worn down his partners to the point where they finally gave private approval for a bombing campaign (not invasion) of Iraq and its military installations. This in a way worked out for the Pentagon, since they had taken out most of the visible Iranian targets inside Iran so resetting to start bombing Iraqi targets seemed to give them something to do. On April 20th, from Kuwait and Saudi Arabia, American and British planes unleashed a new wave of destruction, this time against Iraq. Though it was calculated to be just short enough to avoid full escalation, it still destroyed most of the Iraqi radar and anti-aircraft defences inside the lower No-Fly-Zone in Iraq. It certainly achieved its goals of helping American spy planes operate in peace in the Gulf. Unfortunately, it gave the Iranians a wicked idea.

On Friday April 26th a Shia procession began to congregate near the Tomb of Ali in Najaf, the third holiest location in Shia Islam behind Mecca and Medina. Some of the Mosques took a sudden, and stridently militaristic tone that morning, saying that the time had come to finally cast out the Saddam regime. Similar scenes played out in Basra, and other parts of southern Iraq. Even Baghdad saw some astonishingly brave sermons. But it was in Najaf that the most strident resistance was found. The Iraqi army stationed there was overwhelmed by the sudden and baffling presence of arms among the protestors, who made mincemeat of the demoralised security service, who feared war with America was imminent. By nightfall, most of Najaf had arisen in rebellion and pitched battles began in Basra between militias and the Iraqi army. Crowds of bearded young men (which should have been a clue to onlookers) waved American flags and said, in English, ‘Save us from Saddam!’

That evening, the Bush Administration debated developments. To Rumsfeld, it was proof that Iraq was ripe for an uprising against Saddam since clearly a bunch of rabble rousers could just take the third most important city in Shia Islam from under Saddam’s nose. Saddam for his part had announced that his son Uday would be put in charge of ‘Suppressing’ the rebellion, with rumours spreading that Uday would destroy the Tomb of Ali as a punishment for the Shia for their insolence. The footage of Iraqis with American flags begging for help, much like the Kosovans had for Clinton, warmed Bush’s heart to the idea of intervention. He had remembered the shame that fell upon many in the foreign policy world when the Kurdish and Shia rebellions of the 1990s that had been instigated against Saddam had been allowed to be crushed after his own father had encouraged their rebellion, adding a further layer of personal responsibility. Eventually, to the disbelief of Colin Powell, Bush decided to ‘create a second Kurdistan’ i.e. to liberate Southern Iraq and use it as a base to attack Iran. If Bush hadn’t been so blinded by his certainty in the goodness of his country to realise the truth, that these ‘protestors’ were Iranian supporters raising hell specifically to force a US intervention and bog the US down yet further in the Middle East, maybe he would have chosen differently.

On April 27th, Bush made an address from the Oval Office and delivered an ultimatum: “We have seen that the urge for freedom is limited to no race, religion, or creed, but a yearning across all men, imbued by his Creator. The same rights written in our Declaration of Independence. Saddam Hussein must now respect that right. If Saddam Hussein does not respect that right and does not consent to withdrawing his troops above the No-Fly-Zone established by the United Nations in the next forty-eight hours, the United States and its allies will remove them for him.” It was a bold statement, but one completely unsupported by the very Coalition he had invoked. Knee-deep in an unexpectedly difficult war in Iran, no one wanted to back the US’s Iraqi incursion, except three countries: Britain, Poland, and Australia. With this being all the help they could hope for, Bush cast the die that would define the century.

On April 30th, while the Royal and US Marines were fighting door-to-door in Bandar Abbas, American tanks stormed from Kuwait into the deserts of Iraq. The troops, many falsely believing Iraq had helped with the sinking of the USS Abraham Lincoln, were quite eager to whip the Iraqis a new one. They charged down the highways of Iraq in the direction of Basra, utilising the newly developed tactic of ‘Thunder Runs’. For an Iraqi army that was overwhelmed, demoralised and separated from command, it was a knife through hot butter. The US stepped up their bombing northward as well, taking out a column of tanks headed towards Najaf. They would find out later the next day that one of the casualties in this ‘Second Highway of Death’ was none other than Uday Hussein, his Golden AK-47 having melted on his lap as he burned alive inside one of the tanks. Though Uday had fallen out of favour with his father, his death would light a fire in Saddam that this would be his last and bloodiest war.

Saddam would declare that evening from an undisclosed location that ‘America and Satan are at war, and we will fight the greater evil, no matter how uncomfortable it is to ally with Satan’. Iraq would never publicly consider themselves an ally of Iran in the conflict with this statement by Saddam being the closest acknowledgment. Iran would condemn the ‘Warmongering imperialism of the Great Satan that threatens to suffocate the world in darkness’, though they too refused to call the Iraqis an ally. For the first time in the Western press, the Iran-Iraq ‘duo’ began to be referred to as ‘The Axis of Evil’ in a straightforward context. Across Europe, the first serious anti-war rallies would now begin, as it now appeared that America was using the Iran conflict as an excuse for a broader game of civilizational conquest. Almost all Coalition members would stress their non-committal to helping the US, and that this was entirely the decision of the US, many vocally voicing their displeasure, such as the French. President Chirac would publicly call Bush’s invasion, ‘A dereliction of duty’ and ‘An opening of the gates to hell’. The Pope would even condemn the attack, alongside multiple religious leaders and a still small but still noticeable segment of the Congressional Left in America. Increasing fear was being spread that the draft was now inevitable, but the Administration insisted this wasn’t necessary, even as military planners stretched mathematics to breaking point to try and get numbers that could sustain the war. Bush even appealed to Assad to join the conflict and take out Syria’s old enemy, which earned a particularly unenthusiastic response from Damascus. The only immediate help coming in was from the Kurds, who began marching south towards Mosul with the aim of conquering enough territory to have a strong hand in any negotiation with a future Iraqi government. Russia and China now began a series of much more hostile declarations, with Putin calling the decision to expand the war to Iraq ‘A form of imperialism ill-suited to the new millennium’, with China warning, ‘The United States risks losing all goodwill it has earned since the terrorist attacks of 9/11’. The Mullahs in Iran were pleased – their plan to utilise the arrogance of the neocons and their certainty that the world longed to be American had been expertly played, and now America would find a new distraction that would prolong the war. A prolonged war increased the odds of their eventual victory, and with this victory, who on Earth would dare defy them after defying the United States?

But while the diplomatic implications were disastrous, there was at least one piece of good news for the US military – Thunder Runs worked. The American military was in the outskirts of Basra one day into the invasion, having already seized the Rumaila Oil Field before they could be sabotaged by Saddam. In Basra the plan was that the Shia militias (actually Iranian agents in a Tet Offensive-style uprising) who had risen up against Saddam would now turn their guns on the Americans and shatter American expectations yet again. But the Iranians had made one critical miscalculation; while the Shia were unenthusiastic about America taking out Saddam even a week ago since it was foreign interference in the Arab world, everyone feared Saddam was going to unleash his rage on the Shia if he was allowed to return. The frosty reception that Americans would have received otherwise became one of great relief and rejoicing, with any Iranian-backed units trying to take on the Americans turned on by the population. Saddam’s disintegrating southern flank still in places tried to hold up their resistance, leading to a chaotic three-way struggle in Basra in early May between Saddam-ites, Shia fundamentalists and the US military. Ultimately, there was only going to be one victor. Basra was taken with only twenty Coalition dead and was secured by May 5th. Iraqi port facilities at Umm Qasr had already been seized by British special forces mostly intact. Iraq was now cut off from the Persian Gulf, with its oil facilities moved to rapidly transferring everything it could to help relieve the battered global economy.

It was a great irony that Rumsfeld and Cheney, who had been so enthusiastic about starting the invasion of Iraq, would seem almost completely indifferent thereafter. It seemed the thing that most appealed to them was just starting the war against Hussein and not thinking much beyond that since they could come back to him later. American troops rolled along the Shatt al-Arab river, with hundreds of thousands of men rolling both towards Iran and northwards towards Najaf. As American soldiers peered into the river, they could see rusting away the tanks and destroyed vehicles from the last war that had been fought here between the two nations they were now simultaneously at war with. Many had heard of the unfathomable horrors of that war, and wondered how they could beat two nations that had endured so much for so long. Could they last eight years in a war like that?


Excerpt from ‘Broken Dreams: How the War on Terror Changed America’ by Linda Reins


On May 6th, Bandar Abbas finally fell to the Coalition, and ‘fell’ was the correct word as no one on scene felt ‘liberated’. When a member of the Iranian forces was captured and found with a Sony Walkman that played American rock music, the American on scene asked him why the soldier was fighting for a government that would arrest him if he was caught with it. "If you stood at the border, tossed me a gun and told me to shoot Khamenei, I would have,” he reportedly replied, ‘but if you step one foot onto my country’s soil, I wouldn’t have you here even as a corpse’. The American soldier who heard the conversation would recall, 'After I heard that, I realised there was a chance we might not win this thing.'

As if silently accepting the impossibility of the task given to them, the Pentagon encouraged and convinced the Arab nations of Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates to step up their role as the occupying force behind the lines. No one in the Pentagon trusted the capability of either army on the offence, but the defence was considered safe enough. While no one was thrilled about occupying Persian towns with Arab troops, it had become a necessity after the decision to invade Iraq. With that, 200,000 American troops had been redirected from Kuwait and Saudi Arabia to fight a guy who had nothing to do with 9/11, leaving a hole that the Arab allies of America volunteered to fix because Bush saw some protestors with flags, had the troops there at the time and thought 'now or never'. However, to stress their opposition to the invasion of Iraq, they refused to transfer across Iraq and were transported to Bandar Abbas by boat or plane. The Arab troops were viscerally hated by the locals and the Arab troops hardly found the Persians much better. It was considered an inelegant solution, but the Americans needed any solution. While storming into towns was a horrible experience, it wasn’t the same as an occupation of people that hated them – the ghosts of Vietnam were hard to shake.

On May 7th, American troops crossed the Iraq-Iran border in order to seize Khorramshahr and Abadan. The madcap plan to invade Iran through Iraq had certainly spread Iranian forces thinner than they would have liked, all for the very agreeable (to the Iranians) cost of the implosion of America’s diplomatic power and now open criticism from its own allies. Though Bush tried to laugh it off in public, privately he worried that he made the wrong choice and that he had been manipulated into war by Cheney and Rumsfeld. Powell had narrowly avoided resigning in protest of the Iraq invasion, convinced by Bush himself to stay at the last minute. Members of the military were now insisting on a draft, with Cheney and Rumsfeld insisting that it wasn’t needed and that it would adversely hurt the economy and home front.

But as the Poles tried to help drag Bush out of the mess he’d put himself in by marching with the Kurds down to Mosul and the Australians made the awkward charge on the road to Najaf, other players in the world were watching. That player looked at American actions in Iraq with a mix of horror and dread – it was like a prophecy had come true. The Axis of Evil speech was not a cheap stunt, but a master plan. A masterplan to overthrow all of America’s enemies with the political capital built on 9/11. His nuclear program was still years off – it wouldn’t complete on time, and he certainly wouldn’t be allowed to complete it. If this Texan Cowboy was desperate enough to invade Iraq while still struggling in Iran, it would only be a matter of time before he would test that wrath too. He would never have a better time than now. If he waited any longer, the Iraqis and Iranians would fall and the undiverted attention of the world would land on him and end his dynasty. He would not allow it. If he could seize his southern neighbour, however, then options would open. With the West too distracted in the Middle East and only a skeleton force left on the peninsula, the South would never be so exposed again. The Americans would need to reinstall the draft to fight him, something he knew would be a bombshell that would upturn American society. He might annex the South, maybe not. Maybe he could hand the South back, and in return get a guarantee from China, maybe get nukes. The more he thought about it, the more he talked himself into it. Maybe he could do it, and complete what his father started. As fear entered into him from the madness of Bush’s Iraq invasion, so did reason leave him. Seeing his future deposed at the end of an American rifle, he tried to avert it like Macbeth did when told of his fate by the witches. Yet it was precisely due to his actions that Macbeth would ultimately meet his downfall. For so long he had played the madman to scare the world, now he started to wonder if he was the sane one in a world of madmen.

So it would be for Kim Jong-Il, as the final episode of the War on Terror was about to unfold: the Second Korean War.

[1] Sharon would eventually pull out of the West Bank so this is basically him having a politically convenient excuse to do what he did OTL.
[2] A real insult in the Syrian Parliament directed at Abdul Khaddam, a reformist member of the government, who fled Syria in 2005 in opposition to Assad.
[3] Yarmouk Camp underwent OTL sufferings during the OTL Civil War, of which the Syrian government was certainly one of the actors. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yarmouk_Camp#During_the_Syrian_Civil_War
[4] – The sign off tune to Iranian State News for at the time
[5] Based on a more limited version of a contemporary military exercise: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Millennium_Challenge_2002. The Lincoln was the infamous ‘Mission Accomplished’ carrier Bush made his OTL speech from.
 
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They Succeeded
They Succeeded

Extract from ‘Kim’s Footprint: How the War on Terror Changed Asia’ by Saeba Ryou


Seoul in the early June of 2002 is a moment lost in history. Like San Francisco in 1967, or Berlin in November 1989, it lingers nostalgically in the minds of people not just in South Korea, but the whole world. The World Cup had become an escape from the appalling reality that was sweeping the Middle East, of the War on Terror and the Second Intifada. Economies were stalling around the planet, and many who thought they could go to the World Cup that year couldn’t afford to do so. They missed an atmosphere that has not been seen since in the Korean peninsula, and to an extent Japan. South Korea was, like in 1988, celebrating their astonishing progress as a society. From the brutality of the Japanese colonial era, to the apocalyptic First Korean War, and the constant back and forth between repression, freedom and deeper repression, Koreans had only begun to see themselves as integrally Western as the Japanese or Australians. And they knew it didn’t have to end up like this – they could look into the world they would be living in if they lost their war just across the border.

President Kim Dae-jung was described as ‘Asia’s Nelson Mandela’ - a political prisoner of an American allied state who would go on to assume power. He had been sentenced to death both by North Korea during the First Korean War and escaped, and the South Korean government before he was saved due to an appeal by Pope John Paul II and the Reagan Administration. He was the first left-wing President South Korea ever knew, albeit on his fourth attempt. His dovish position on North Korea was controversial even at the time, nicknamed the ‘Sunshine Policy’. In addition to meeting Kim Jong-Il in Pyongyang, Korean athletes would enter the Sydney Olympics under a single Unified Korean flag. President Kim would win the Nobel Prize in 2000 for his work in attempting to mend bridges with North Korea. For this, he was criticised by the Right for ‘appeasement’. Yet even today, despite all that’s happened, South Koreans can’t bring themselves to hate Kim Dae-jung. He represented the hopes of an era, the hope of peace and prosperity across Korea. In a way, they are thankful for his efforts at reconciliation, as it confirmed without any shadow of a doubt in their mind that the North Korean regime was not worth conversing with.

[…]​

During the World Cup Opening Ceremony on May 31st, France played Senegal in Seoul. What was not seen during the celebrations was the South Korean air force and army on high alert making sure North Korea did nothing to spoil the event. That day, North Korea moved its troops to the borders and began making preparations that were kept silent by the South Korean government so as not to cause panic. When the first games went off as planned without incident, the South Koreans breathed a sigh of relief. The North Koreans had not done anything and it looked like yet another ruse by the Hermit Kingdom. The biggest controversies of the World Cup before June 29th involved an underperforming France, dissension in the Irish team, scattered boos greeting the Americans, Germany beating Saudi Arabia by eight goals to nil and a quite suspicious string of positive referee decisions for the South Koreans (or so other fans are quick to claim). In a world where Kim kept his sanity, perhaps these would be the only things we remember the World Cup for. But ultimately, there’s only one sad reason why the 2002 World Cup has and likely always will go down as the most shocking in the tournament’s history.


Extract from ‘Saddam’s Shadow: The Legacy of Baathism in Iraq’ by Michel Farooq


The Southern No Fly Zone in Iraq was substantially larger than the one in Kurdistan, reaching up to the 33rdParallel and subsuming a large portion of the country. The primarily Shia region was considered relatively easy to clear while the more Sunni section above was considered a tougher nut to crack. To complete the liberation of the southern zone from Saddam, a slapdash American/Australian/British force now charged up the Tigris and Euphrates with nowhere near the air support or scale required on a conventional invasion. The vast majority of American forces continued their march to free up the Gulf for oil tankers. A multinational force charged up to two targets: Najaf and Amara. Samawah and Nasiriyah were initially ignored. Saddam’s threats against the Shia uprisings (despite his erstwhile alliance with Iran) convinced large sections of the Shia population that a massacre would befall them if the Coalition didn’t take over soon. Mercifully for the Americans, the population were generally relieved to see them, unlike in Iran.

While the Iraqi army itself was in disarray in Southern Iraq due to the collapse in command structure and shock of the invasion, the Fedayeen Saddam proved to be a ferocious enemy, often used as a Blocking Corp, executing Iraqi soldiers caught fleeing. To a large extent they already put down the Shia insurrectionists before the Coalition arrived in Amara. The Republican Guard likewise were no easy foe, and they ground the underprepared Coalition to a halt on more than one occasion. During the Battle of Amara, the Coalition would see the Fedayeen in their full force, sometimes using the Shia population as human shields. Ultimately, with the need to take Najaf and prevent a massacre growing, the Americans would divert resources and leave the Australians and British to take the city. With difficulty, British forces under Colonel Tim Collins were able to take the airfield and land British paratroopers in order to overwhelm and break the local defence. Unlike in Basra, this had been no picnic.

The main battle of the initial phase in Iraq was for Najaf, the third holiest city of Shia Islam. The Americans had done their best to try and save the city from armoured prongs and missile attacks raining in from up north – one missile coming perilously close to hitting Ali’s Tomb. Iran would, perhaps surprisingly, say nothing of the incident. The Americans, with nothing to lose, now tested their ‘Thunder Run’ technique one more time, charging like madmen up Highway One in Iraq. On the way they played all the old classics: ‘Thunderstruck’, ‘Rock the Casbah’, ‘B.O.B (Bombs Over Baghdad)’, and perhaps the most honest track of them all, ‘In Too Deep’, which became to American troops in the War on Terror what ‘We Gotta Get Outta This Place’ or ‘Fortunate Son’ was to the Vietnam War.

They faced almost no resistance along the roads as resistance seemed to have broken down among the Iraqi army. Finally, they swung off the road and into Al Diwaniyah, a town just 10km away from Najaf, and soon faced intense opposition, not from Saddam’s army, but the now turned Shia insurrectionists who had succeeded in their purpose of dragging America into a new conflict. While this reality had slowly dawned on the White House, it was generally covered up, and most didn’t care anyway as it was a chance to achieve American control in a hostile country anyway. However, the next day the Shia groups surrendered. It was not for pleasant reasons.

In Karbala, just north of Najaf, the Fedayeen Saddam had successfully put down the Shia uprising and did so in a fashion bordering on genocidal. As the stragglers were rounded up, they were interned and led to the Imam Husayn Shrine Mosque on May 13th. It was one of the holiest sites in Shia Islam, a commemoration of the Grandson of Muhammad, Husayn ibn Ali, whose death at the Battle of Karbala in 680 AD galvanised the nascent Shia movement and whose shrine was visited by millions annually. The circumstances of Husayn’s death were considered tragic even among Sunni Muslims – this was why the shrine had stood so long and without incident. That’s why the world was stunned and horrified to read that Saddam had led prisoners into the Shrine while it was laced with explosives and not only killed 500 prisoners (most simply family of the Shiite paramilitary members), but destroyed a priceless piece of global, Iraqi and Islamic history in a moment of sectarian pettiness. The shock was so great, that even Iraqi Shiite units tied to the Iranian regime could not justify their resistance to the Americans anymore. They did not want to risk a similar fate befalling the Shrine of Ali, giving open way for the Americans to occupy Nasjaf and put a protective perimeter around Ali’s Tomb. Unfortunately, some Americans actually cheered Saddam’s destruction of the Husayn Shrine on the basis that it was Shia, since Shiite terrorists did 9/11. In a poll that June, 37% of Americans thought Saddam Hussein was involved in 9/11 and 32% thought Saddam was Shia. The perception of the Shiites as a more radical branch of Islam still lingers in the Western imagination today.

While Saddam was supported by a handful of Wahhabis (who consider any form of these tombs to be idolatry) Saddam was globally condemned as a madman, apostate, and monster … except in Iran. Owing to the awkward alliance the two had found themselves in, the Iranian government would issue a press release that spent two lines condemning Saddam for destroying the mosque and an entire page condemning the United States for creating the circumstances that led to it – a particular irony since it was Iran’s own uprising that convinced the US to enter Iraq. This ironically convinced the US of the general sanity of the Iranian regime (that they were still trying to be diplomatic despite the worst affront) and of Saddam’s own utter madness.

To the Iranian population, while millions were furious, it didn’t matter. No one (even the religious) were fighting for Saddam or even the Ayatollah - they were just fighting to kick the Americans out - after they kicked America out they could go after Saddam again for all they cared. The Iranian-backed militia in Iraq would be interned by the Americans after their surrender but would have clean consciences – even if the Ayatollah didn’t care, they would. The shrine’s destruction simply further divided Iran from Iraq, which was apparently one of Saddam’s intentions as he worried being seen as together with Iran for domestic and Arab-diplomatic reasons. For this reason, many scholars dispute the ‘Axis of Evil’ label since Iran and Iraq never considered themselves official allies, although both would claim alliance with North Korea while North Korea claimed alliance with both, hence breathing life into the designation. Sunni scholars by contrast had no restraint, with most calling for Saddam to be labelled an ‘apostate’, becoming a pariah in most of the Muslim world even more than he already was.

However, despite the claims of vengeance against the Shia, the Iraqi army would actually begin a broad retreat from many parts of the south. Indeed when the United States army actually pushed towards Karbala, reaching it on May 23rd, that’s where they found something remarkable in the ruins of the Shrine. The zarih (the enclosed section containing the grave itself) was miraculously intact and had preserved the grave. The explosives that had been encased around it had failed to go off while the ones on the building itself had worked and covered the site enough to preserve it from ruin by Saddam’s men. It was a veritable miracle, and led to great rejoicing among all Muslims and lovers of history alike. Iran would release a statement arguing that ‘God has protected Saddam from folly’ while Saddam put out a press release saying that the failed bombing was deliberate and it was a loyalty test to catch out those who would betray him. The Shrine has since become an even more popular pilgrimage location in recent years, particularly among religious Shia but also among Sunni.

The Americans had found the intact tomb (the shrine itself quickly rebuilt with much of the prior material as an American priority with extensive help from international Muslim groups) but they found that the Iraqi army had just … left. The Pentagon concluded that Saddam had effectively conceded the No-Fly Zone of Southern Iraq and he was preparing for a ‘Mother of All Battles’ in Baghdad. By June 2nd, the vast majority of Shia areas south of the No-Fly Zone designation (those that hugged the Euphrates and Tigris while the Sunni areas in the far west remained Saddam’s) had been taken by the US. This was good for the United States on two counts (ignoring the various problems it created). For one, they had indeed made operations in the Persian Gulf far safer without the threat of Iraq blowing up reconnaissance planes while simultaneously forcing the Iranians to divert more troops to mind the now extended front. The other reason was that it provided a significant morale boost to see Saddam’s rule in the south shrivel so quickly, though many other problems in Iraq would soon emerge to wipe the smile off of Western planners’ faces. For now, they simply and naively hoped that the loss of so much territory in Iraq would fatally undermine Saddam’s position and lead to a more compliant Iraqi government. All the while, US soldiers could see Baghdad almost in walking distance ahead.

While the war in the Southern No Fly Zone was over for now bar Sunni hold outs in the West, the Kurds would continue their slow-burn Battle of Mosul with the help of the Polish, who had enthusiastically attempted to prove their zeal to stand with the US to help with their European security concerns vis a vi Russia. Shortly after the US invasion on April 30th, the entirety of Iraq was put under a No-Fly Zone, with the US still advancing no farther than the old Southern zone. However, the Kurdish Peshmerga militias would still be given the might of US air power to try and help with their mission. After nonstop bombing from the Americans lasting for weeks, a detachment of Green Berets and Polish forces were able to enter Mosul on May 28th before eventually calling the city secure with the help of the Peshmerga on June 19th. This has since been deified in Polish drinking holes as a tale of Polish Rambos blowing up Baathists just by punching them. But as Kurdish occupation began (a resented one by the locals) the Peshmerga’s real goal continued to be along the Iraq-Iran border, in order to maximise the territory Iran would need to defend as well as cut off the two potential allies. From the Sulaymaniyah region, Kurdish forces fought a tough campaign to head south and reach the Coalition forces. They had fought for years in the mountains, and now they worked their way down the desert in old Soviet jeeps taken from the Iraqi army with the US air force overhead making sure they were not picked off from above. On June 3rd, the Elbe Moment finally materialised as British forces just north of Kut shook hands with a detachment of Kurds riding south. When the British soldiers said that the Kurds would get a state for sure because of this, the Kurds jokingly replied, “Well you did promise us one the last time.”

Elsewhere throughout Northern Iraq, the Kurds seized the Kirkuk province, and everything north of Kirkuk that was west of the Tigris. They also seized areas as far south as Badra beneath even Baghdad. They also linked up to the Sinjar province, thus creating a contiguous de facto independent Iraqi Kurdistan. To say the least, Turkey was not impressed by this course of events, and how they were too distracted in Iran to do anything about it. The problem was that, like Finland during World War Two, the Kurds had achieved practically everything that they wanted in Iraq. There was no interest in sending troops to Baghdad in what everyone knew was an Arab city. Even Mosul was ultimately to be used as nothing but a bargaining chip. The real focus for the Kurds now was to press their advantage – they had liberated themselves in Iraq, now it was time to do so in Iran. Both the Kurdistan Democratic Party and Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (who were in coalition at the time despite being in Civil War during the 1990s) now swung their troops around towards Iran to fight in their specialty – the mountains.

Meanwhile, Saddam fortified Baghdad with all he could. Taking inspiration from the worst element of the regime he hated more than any other, his ironic allies of Iran. During the Iran-Iraq War, rumours spread that Iranian troops were distributed plastic keys that the fallen would use after they died to open the doors to Paradise. While there is scant evidence of this in anything but a few isolated incidents and certainly not as a general policy (perhaps a misunderstanding of a prayer book by Sheikh Abbas Qumi given to Iranian troops entitled ‘Keys to Paradise’ inside a metal/plastic box), Saddam thought that it was a wonderful idea and officially distributed them. In the Great Terror, people did and said everything they could to reduce suspicion on them. Some declared Saddam to be the Mahdi (the figure in the Islamic End Times who will lead the forces of good to victory against the Dajjal, the Islamic equivalent of the Antichrist) while Shia would, in order to preserve their children’s lives, proclaim him the Twelfth Imam (the Imam in Shia Islam who has been kept alive by God since the Seventh Century and whose return and victory in the End Times will lead to equality and prosperity on Earth).

While he had once invaded Iran in 1980 in the name of secularism against barbarism, now he embraced the apocalyptic rhetoric of his old enemies, only for his own sake. All the while, the food and fuel situation in Sunni Iraq deteriorated to the point that deaths from malnutrition were escalating. Needless to say, Saddam never missed a meal while living in a level of opulence that was the precise thing the Prophet Mohammad and the earliest followers of Islam rose up against; the debauchery of Mecca’s merchants. Saddam had multiple palaces around Iraq that he sometimes would never visit except for once while still demanding the palaces be ready for his arrival at any moment. Despite Baghdad being majority Shia, no Shia thought about rebelling. Saddam had ordered the execution of parents, children and spouses in the event of rebellion. The Thunder Runs would simply no longer work given the intense fortifications that were erected around Baghdad, with many critics of the Bush Administration arguing that if they were going to invade Iraq they should have just charged Baghdad. But this ignores just how desperate the US were for troops at this time considering the situation in Iran – even a Thunder Run required too many troops for the job. Instead while Baghdad prepared for the final battle, US troops wandered around the ruins of Babylon just south. There they could see the bricks that Saddam had carved his own name into in a level of grandiosity that many of the troops would later think no different than the Neocons who thought they could turn the whole world into America.

But Saddam found at least one unlikely guest in Baghdad. It was Russian ultranationalist Vladimir Zhirinovsky, who had come through Syria to try and rally Iraq to victory on his June 8th arrival. He had refused to give a similar speech in Iran due to their alcohol prohibition but Iraq was more liberal on that front so he went. His drunk declaration that night threatening the United States has since become an iconic quote on the Russian (and eventually Western) internet. In the company of his visibly confused and uncomfortable Iraqi escorts, he would proclaim: “You have the bald eagle? Well Iraq’s an eagle! The Eagle of Saladin! It’s an eagle far stronger than your cocksucking eagle! When the bald eagle is pecking at the Iraqi Eagle’s ass he thinks that he’s winning, then the Iraqi Eagle will clench its ass so tight that the ass will be in the ass. Then we can measure the eggs [balls], and then, everyone will know everything.” He predicted ‘Iraq will win like Russia did against the Nazis, because we speak the same Russian language. All Iraqis speak Russian – they read Dostoyevsky’. He would allege in his rant that President Putin had already developed gravity reversing technology and the United States would ‘Fall up into the sky’ while ‘England will return to the bottom of the ocean’. Various unprintable racially-charged pornographic illustrations involving Condoleezza Rice subsequently proceeded. That Zhirinovsky acted like this was perhaps not surprising, but subsequent research revealed that his trip had been supported by President Putin, in what is now seen as one of the first signs of the Kremlin using the War on Terror to cement Anti-American credentials and using Russia’s resident clown as a cat’s paw. [1]

While Putin had his machinations abroad, Saddam’s son Qasay himself had his own hidden agenda. Saddam’s mental deterioration since Uday’s death had unnerved him. Qasay was hardly a humanitarian, but Saddam’s destruction of Iraqi heritage shocked him and had him fearing for his own safety. Reportedly on the same night as Zhirinovsky’s tirade, Qasay would meet with members of the Republican Guard to plan the assassination of his father.


Extract from ‘The Rise, Fall, and Rise of Iran’ by Zoreh Rahimi

The speed of the invasion of Abadan had come as a surprise to the Iranians as well as the Americans. Iran had prepared for an amphibious assault and had primed the waters with that intent. Instead, it turned out that the invasion would come overland, but while expecting a stalemate in Basra, the Americans simply charged through it, attacking into Abadan on May 9th. Abadan played a key role in the formation of the Islamic Republic when the Cinema Rex theatre in Abadan was burned down in August 1978, the twentieth-year anniversary of Mossadegh’s overthrow. The fire was blamed on the SAVAK, but it later turned out to have been done by Islamists who considered it a centre of American cultural imperialism and to further discredit the government. Abadan never fell during the Iran-Iraq war, although it had gotten extremely close to doing so. By 2002, it had barely reached the same level of crude export that it was doing under the Shah.

For the Americans, Abadan was the big prize, as if they could bring it back on the global market, they could help relieve the agonising global economic standstill. For the Iranians, it was a symbolic point of pride that they never lost it during the Iran-Iraq war, and they feared a morale collapse if the US ended up taking it. To that end, the regime sent some of the most fanatical members of the Revolutionary Guard into the city to give the Americans the fight of their lives, which they certainly did. Basra this was not. American troops fought practically for every brick in a city that still hadn’t fully recovered from the chaos of the Iran-Iraq war. On June 1st the city would finally be declared secure. Roughly 600 US troops would die in the battle, a grizzly toll that reminded America of how brutal this war was going to be. The Iranian losses were exponentially higher, leading to the nearby port of Bandar Imam Khomeini being seized relatively easily on June 4th. Navy Seal David Goggins participated in the Seal infiltration into the port and saw the incoming US troops moving up from Abadan who had fought in the battle, going on to say, “They looked at you but you could tell all they could see was what went down back west – they couldn’t focus their eyes on anything. I told one of the guys ‘Looks like you spent a year or two in Hell’, and he replied, ‘Worse, I spent a week or two in Abadan’.”

At the same time, American forces that had successfully taken Bandar Abbas now crawled their way along the coast with the intention of reaching the American troops who came overland. By the time Abadan had fallen, the Americans from Bandar Abbas had taken Bandar-e Lengeh. The plan was for both movements to meet up in the battle for Bushehr – a name often jollily retitled to ‘Bush Here’. If they could do that, then the Persian Gulf could finally be declared secure and global trade could hopefully, hopefully reopen again. Anti-American sentiment had already noticeably increased in Europe, with protests in Germany and London utilising the high energy costs to demand peace with Iran and the reopening of the Strait. It was hoped a union of the two prongs in the south would mean the Gulf would be safe, petrol prices would fall, and the Anti-War sentiment would dissipate. It was a decent, if slightly naïve plan.

In the north, the coalition was locked in two major battles. The first was Tabriz, the second was Lahijan. The Coalition had fought a bloody trail to Tabriz, which was the first city of over a million people that they encountered. The Turks played an outsized role in this operation and were sensitive to the casualties. Once Coalition forces reached the outside of the city by April 21st, they came to a halt at the suburbs. The Turks wanted strong air support for any operation on such a large city – however, the unexpectedly difficult situation in the Gulf had meant less planes operating over Tabriz. Then once Iraq was invaded, the Turks were even more furious, especially since the Kurds in Iraq were also getting critical air support in a way that would potentially endanger the security of the Turkish state. It seemed America didn’t care as much about Turkey’s own War on Terror – leading to multiple screaming matches in NATO centres between Turkish and American military planners. The focus of planes in the oil producing south of both Iraq and Iran would catapult the populist theory that the entire war had actually been a smokescreen for an imperialist oil grab – a theory that remains popular today, especially in a more bitter Turkey. Instead, the Coalition simply fought to secure the supply lines (hammered by IRG guerrillas), while they waited for the situation in the south to improve itself, and for better relations to form among the Turks and Americans.

The case of Lahijan proved slightly more amendable. A large chunk of supplies to the Coalition were actually sent over the Caspian and were thus unmolested by guerrillas. The terrain, however, while passable, was also extremely narrow, leading to choke points that could easily ground to a halt. Once that happened, artillery could open up from the nearby hills and inflict brutal casualties. The crawl south was thus helped out by mountain-troopers clearing away in the nearby hills ahead to help get Coalition troops through. By April 5th, Coalition troops had entered Bandar Anzali although most of the port infrastructure had already been destroyed. On April 18th, Rasht was found almost empty. This was because the Iranians had simply plugged the two routes for the Americans. They could either go over the mountains now towards Qazvin and get brutalised there, or keep crawling along the coast through Lahijan where they could get brutalised there. Ultimately, since Lahijan was closer to the Caspian and could therefore be more easily supplied by the sea, it was considered the better way to go.

On May 3rd, the Battle of Lahijan commenced, and would gain the reputation around the world it has today. The city was practically in the hills themselves, with everything visible to Iranian troops staring down from above. It was a brutal situation, made worse by the fact Iranian troops had pulled from Rasht to fight there. Coalition troops struggled to keep their supply lines functioning given the amount of ammo needed and the difficulty in transferring so much of it through the Caspian or overland. Due to the pauses of Coalition troops, the city lasted longer than even Abadan or Bandar Abbas, only falling on June 15th to an exhausted Coalition who looked ahead to Tehran, saw the long way there, and wondered what in God’s name they got themselves into.


Excerpt from ‘Broken Dreams: How the War on Terror Changed America’ by Linda Reins


Following the 9/11 attacks, Congress would pass the PATRIOT Act, which would radically increase the abilities of the Federal Government to spy on its citizens, authorising detention without trial for non-citizens and the ability to search records without a warrant. The ACLU immediately declared it unconstitutional, though even if it was, the demand on the streets for such a law was through the roof, not just from the intelligence agencies but the populace. After having come through 9/11, no one wanted a similar incident, thus leading to wide-reaching changes that seemed common sense (not allowing box cutters on planes) to the not-so-common sense (taking off your shoes before going on a plane). The immediate reaction of civil society was muted.

Adverts encouraging people to join the military initially weren’t needed. Everyone wanted to join the army to get back at the people who did 9/11. The problem was that an escalating amount of Americans couldn’t pass the requirements for entrance, often as a result of obesity – something that would ultimately and perhaps ironically make the Bush Administration the first in American history to seriously grapple with the issue and temporarily coding the issue as Right-wing. Iran was a huge country and required a lot of troops, and the US certainly had many more commitments around the world that weren’t going away. This had led to talk of the ‘five-letter-word’ as Bush told his aides: ‘Draft’.
Talk of the Draft had begun as early as November 2001 as talks about the logistics of invading Iran got underway. Everyone in the Administration knew it was a political third rail and would repeatedly stress in the strongest terms that there were ‘no plans’ to use the Selective Service Structure. Instead, the US simply pulled as many troops as they could from Germany, Japan and, yes, Korea. After the sinking of the USS Abraham Lincoln however, the Administration realised what they got themselves into. By mid-February, the Selective Service were given instructions to ensure they would be ready for use in a ‘worst-case scenario’. Once news of this hit the press, genuine concerns were raised that the Administration had gotten more than they could chew in Iran. Bush would once again announce on February 20th that there were ‘No intentions to use the Selective Service at this time.” [Emphasis added]. Once the invasion of Iraq began, there were already Anti-Draft movements on college campuses, laughed at by many in the media but especially Fox since there wasn’t actually a draft at the time, though many jokingly stated there should be one. Even then there was resentment, as the agonising pump prices brought life in many cities to a halt. Speed limits were dropped in some jurisdictions, and others began price controls that made the problem even worse.

In the White House, however, it was no laughing matter. The invasion of Iraq when combined with the invasion of Iran, not to mention the occupation of Lebanon, had taken the US army to breaking point. The reckless decision to invade Iraq had resulted in an equation that did not add up. There were simply not enough Coalition forces to everything the Administration wanted, and no one was going to contribute more troops after the US recklessly went into Iraq. Rumsfeld even began suggesting the creation of a ‘Free Iraq’ army from the Shia south, harshly opposed by Powell as he knew it would become a sectarian war. By June, the Administration spent most of their days trying to untie this Gordian Knot of trying to fight this war without a draft – until the day that it turned out there had to be a draft anyway.


Extract from ‘Date with Destiny: The War that brought Korea and Japan Together’ by Kaori Makimura


Kim Jong-Il had two strong pushes to get into the war and two strong pulls holding him back. The pushes were the knowledge that this was the weakest America would ever be in the Korean Peninsula, and that hints were coming in that the Neocons considered North Korea next on the list of places they wanted taken out. In addition to the initial Axis of Evil Speech, Secretary of Defence Rumsfeld had said on May 7th ‘After this war, we’ve got to deal with North Korea – the previous administration made the mistake of letting Kim Jong-Il get away with his extortion and blackmail, and it’s not going to stand. We will take all measures to ensure the safety of the American people’.

On the other side, the pulls were the threat of South Korean/American military response and the extent to which China would allow them to get away with it. China was North Korea’s biggest trade partner and potentially had the power to cut the country off at the knees. China had pursued a more cooperative policy with the Americans, but the sudden invasion of Iraq had altered the calculations. Now the Chinese became increasingly suspicious of America’s real intentions as the Politburo began to suspect the Americans of a neo-colonial project to eliminate its rivals.

Many also believe the success of South Korea in the World Cup was what finally made Kim decide on his plan. Many suspect that the success of the South Koreans, especially after they had rejected all North Koreans from joining the team for not being good enough, was a deep personal wound to Kim. Kim had previously blown up an airliner for Seoul simply holding the 1988 Olympics – that the South Koreans were now doing great in the contest is hypothesised as a reason ‘Operation Father of the Nation’ was ultimately decided on. Indeed, it’s suspected that it was brought forward one day from June 30th to June 29th to not be on the day of the World Cup Final, but the Third-Place match in Daegu between South Korea and Turkey to ensure maximum disruption. Taking a page from the Tet Offensive and the Yom Kippur War, Kim had decided to strike at a moment when all of South Korea would be doing something else, but not after giving just enough suitable cause for others to turn away.

On the morning of June 29th, two North Korean patrol boats wandered into the Northern Limit Line close to the island of Yeonpyeong, a maritime boundary between the Koreas that North Korea had never recognised. Despite the invasion, the two boats proved remarkably passive for North Korean ships, well known for harassing and even shooting at South Korea vessels at any chance. A cautious South Korean squadron then approached the patrol boats and ordered them back – they were pleasantly surprised that the North Koreans were being so unexpectedly cooperative. They could get back to thinking about what actually mattered, which was the Third-Place game that night in Daegu. While security had been stricter in the earlier stages of the tournament, South Korea had gotten more complacent as the tournament went on without incident – the North Korean army had been on high state of readiness since the Iraq War and so their posture was nothing new.

Then, almost as soon as the patrol boats were brought over the Northern Limit Line, the South Koreans were rocked by two almighty explosions. They scrambled to battle stations before realising they were unharmed. It was the two patrol boats who were in flames before sinking to the bottom of the ocean. What they had just witnessed was a North Korean False Flag operation undertaken by a fanatical cadre of believers in Kim and Juche. A suicide mission undertaken to give North Korea an excuse for what would soon come.

After the false flag mission had been completed, Kim would send a message to the Politburo in China. In his megalomania, he had written a 20,000 word essay on the historic rights of North Korea and of the inevitability of Western treachery and the confrontation between good and evil, in addition to recommending a viewing of Pulgasari, the Kaiju film he had produced back in the 1980s with the help of two kidnapped South Korean film stars. Of the essay which was relevant to current proceedings, Kim would give a carrot and stick – if China kept sending supplies to North Korea after violence began he would not unleash the much feared carpet shelling of Seoul (since there were thousands of Chinese people living there), and if they stopped sending supplies then he would unleash his WMD arsenal upon the peninsula. He said he would be willing to countenance an independent South Korea ‘that so dastardly blew up our patrol ships this morning’ (while no one stopped to ask Kim why he would write a 20k word justification if the attack happened only in the morning since they’d be killed) only in return for ten nuclear weapons and a functioning nuclear program that could replace the nukes if needed. Incidentally, there were no references to alleviating the material situation of malnourished North Koreans by reducing sanctions, something Kim obviously didn’t care about. What he wanted was nukes, and he was prepared to take South Korea as a hostage to make it happen.

That the message was sent before North Korea’s invasion and not immediately after was always denied by China until proven by a defector in 2018, further straining China’s ties with the West though they continue to deny it. The reason this is controversial is that while China gave no explicit greenlight to North Korea, they simply did not respond at all, meanwhile not informing South Korea of the information that would have certainly reduced the initial North Korean success. While China insists that their decision was always motivated by the blackmail of WMDs and preserving Chinese citizens in Seoul, the same defector argued that such a conflict would badly stretch and weaken the Americans while even a ‘victory’ for the Americans in the peninsula would result in nothing more than perhaps a slightly revised northward border and no more Kim-related headaches for Beijing.

While confusion rang through South Korea’s military command about the Yeonpyeong incident, the lack of casualties on the South’s side resulted in no real sense of urgency. Many joked that the North Korean ships were just death-traps that blew up, or maybe they were defectors too scared to make the final move. The lack of North Korean response further kept tensions down, as the incident was not even mentioned in North Korea afternoon news. The South Koreans returned to the festivities of the World Cup in what would be their swansong at the tournament on their own home soil. At the Third-Place game itself, a record was technically broken since the Turks scored a goal in less than eleven seconds. Debate still rages about whether this record should remain recognised since the match itself was called off. After the first goal was scored, the South Koreans equalised, only for the Turks to be back in top at the thirteenth minute. It was certainly shaping up to be a good match as far as third-place contests were concerned.

Then, at the nineteenth minute and twelfth second (corresponding to the birth year of Kim Il-Sung), just barely visible on the hard-cam, a blast shook the stadium from inside. The cameras quickly cut to studio or to nothing at all. No one wanted to point a camera at what had happened. An explosion had come from inside the spectators, ultimately killing twenty-five people, all of whom were South Korean, eight of whom were children. The match was immediately called off, with at least three members of the South Korean team ultimately retiring from football altogether as a result of the appalling scenes. Like the Yeonpyeong incident, this had been a suicide bomber, though many in the first few minutes thought it might have been a Kurdish suicide attack. This had been the sign that the North Koreans were waiting for. Those who watched the game and were anxious to see it return from the technical difficulties would eventually see the technical disruption signal relent and live coverage return. But it wouldn’t be to the football studio, but the news studio, accompanied by the headline ‘BREAKING NEWS: NORTH KOREA ANNOUNCES INVASION OF SOUTH KOREA’.

[1] Based on a real speech he gave in Iraq with some alterations of my own.
 
'I Can’t Believe in Anything Anymore'
'I Can’t Believe in Anything Anymore'

Extract from 'The Summoned Generation' by Heihachi Edajima (Minmei Publishing)


‘The Lost Generation’ - that’s what our youth considered themselves in the early 2000s. To them the glories and comforts of the Bubble Era of the 1980s was a distant dream - now only the long, gruelling stagnation of a fallen behemoth awaited them.Though its pop culture was beginning to catch on in ways in the West unprecedented since the glory days of the Kaiju films, the Japanese seemed to have no future to look forward to. The early sprouts of a new phenomenon were beginning to spread, of the shut-in (Hikikomori). Many men, crushed by the immense weight of competition at school and work, often simply surrendered and retreated to the world of their rooms. A nation already averse to social spontaneity spiralled further down this trend. Dating, marriages and births all began to plummet. A mood of listless hopelessness consumed millions of young souls. For one Summer in 2002, however, they could forget about it again. They could watch Japan compete in the World Cup. The Japanese were very happy to get to the knockout stages, and while their South Korean co-hosts got further than them, given the 'likely method' of South Korea's advance then there’s no shame in coming behind them.

The Japanese watched the South Korea-Turkey game much like any other nation on that fateful day on June 29th 2002. It was a game few cared about - some more nationalistically inclined sided with the Turks to spite Korea, some supported Korea to see a fellow East-Asian country score success at an event that East Asia had never truly shined in before. From the izakayas in Tokyo, Kyoto and Osaka, millions of Japanese and foreign citizens watched the game with the same detached trance like they had for any other of the hundreds of games they watched before. The first goal got laughs, the second goal got murmurs of surprise and respect, by the third the game had come to life and all the bars in Japan had come alive with it. When the screen went black, countless bar staff scrambled to see if something was wrong with the set while the customers complained like this would be the biggest inconvenience of their day. Ten minutes later the first texts, phone calls and message board posts started filtering through. Roughly fifteen minutes after the screens went black, the screens turned on not at the football commentary desk, but at the breaking news station. The unthinkable had happened - North Korea had invaded the South, with three quarters of a million men flinging themselves against the ramparts of civilization to bring about its subjugation. Distant videos showed a sea of fire and carnage near the DMZ, flames and smoke already reaching to the sky, and a confirmation that an explosion had occurred in the game’s stadium with casualties. Those who used 2channel, soon to further explode in popularity, would quickly see the uncensored photos of the bodies from the game and know what and who they were fighting.

Millions immediately ran back to their homes to find their loved ones and plan their next moves. Unfortunately, hundreds would not. The trains of Tokyo, Kyoto and Osaka were by now even more crowded than at their peak rush hours. They were the perfect target for Kim’s sleeper agents in Japan. A suitcase was left behind on the train and bus here and there, and it was almost impossible to track anyone in the chaos. Within the first hours of the invasion, the sounds of explosions already began to fill the cities of Japan. The death toll quickly surpassed even the 1995 Sarin attacks, with its appallingly indiscriminate nature -or potentially discriminate in that it seemed to deliberately target civilians - leading to a death count that day reaching 268 after dozens of bombs exploded across the major cities, bringing transport and life in Japan to a halt. The same thing was happening in South Korea, of course, on an even larger scale, with Seoulites recalling the horror of feeling the explosions beneath them from the underground system. Some who escaped the game at the stadium would die in an attack in the Daegu station that night from sleeper agents. Whereas 268 would die in the train and bus bombings in Japan that night, 452 would die in South Korea. Among the casualties were sixty-seven foreigners, mostly World Cup fans from various nations around the world, although very luckily for Kim no Chinese were involved, with conspiracy theories floating around Korea and Japan even today that Chinese tourists were warned of the attack beforehand and didn’t tell anyone.

In addition to the purely indiscriminate transport bombings, the terror refused to stop. A handful of conventional missiles were launched from North Korea to Japan, leading to more panic while the missile warning system blared on television. While shorter range SCUD missiles fell on South Korea, No-Dong Missiles [1] were sent to Japan. While it was not the wave of annihilation that many had feared in either country, not the saturation of conventional and chemical artillery fire, the terror it produced was more than effective. The missiles were not aimed at US bases near Yokohama or Kadena or Misawa. Likely knowing the missiles were inaccurate, Kim simply ordered them to be fired at the major cities in Japan just to prove that he could. Ten No-Dongs successfully reached Japan of the fifteen that launched - eight had a trajectory targeting the major cities while the other two exploded harmlessly in the countryside. Lastly, only five would actually land and explode successfully, as the US navy managed to intercept the missiles aimed at Fukuoka and Tokyo, preserving both cities while two missiles landed in Osaka and Kyoto (a particular emotional blow to the Japanese given how the city had been spared bombing during World War Two) and a further one landed in Niigata.

Of course, this was a pittance compared to the wave of nationwide devastation that South Korea suffered that night, with SCUD missiles raining down indiscriminately against the whole country, and the death toll among civilians already surpassing the 3,000 killed on 9/11 that very night. Very nearly among that count was South Korean President Kim Dae-Jong, who was in Japan at the time and almost killed by his bodyguard who was actually a North Korean agent - while two other members of his entourage were killed, the South Korean President got away with only a bullet in the arm, meaning his first few televised addresses would be in a sling. Taking inspiration from Theodore Roosevelt’s run in with an assassin, the President would give a nationwide address over television from Japan only one hour after getting shot. As if to underscore the seriousness of the situation on the Japanese side, the Emperor himself would deliver an announcement at the same time announcing that a state of war now existed between Japan and North Korea. By midnight, both Japan and South Korea were under martial law.

Kim made a number of bizarre assumptions in his invasion. Infamously, he had assumed that since Americans didn’t care about football that they would therefore not care about an attack happening in the middle of a World Cup game. He also assumed any anger felt by the South Koreans would be irrelevant since they would just grovel at America’s feet and do whatever they wanted. But perhaps his worst prediction was that he could do whatever he wanted to Japan since not only were the Japanese going to be unable to land troops in the Korean Peninsula due to history - even going so far as to supposedly add the indiscriminate attacks to Japan since he assumed the average South Korean would support them, but that the Japanese themselves had grown too weak and pacifistic as a society. But just as the America of September 11th and 12th were very different worlds, so was the Japan of June 29th and June 30th. 6/29 is a day whose very mention tightens fists even today across Asia, much as 9/11 is in New York. It was a day that forged a new destiny for our people, and a return of the long-sought for Yamato Damashii. These were no longer ‘The Lost Generation’ - these were ‘The Summoned Generation’.


Transcript from Kim Dae-Jong’s June 29th Address

“My fellow Koreans, before I begin this speech I would like to confirm and dispel some rumours that have begun to circulate about me. Yes, it is true I have been shot, but as you can tell by my voice I am evidently alive. I am healthy, in stable condition, and ready to fulfil my duties as President of the Republic of Korea on this most solemn hour.

“Two years ago, I became the first President of this Republic to visit Pyongyang, under the auspices of Chairman Kim. I did this not out of fear, not out of delusion as to his sadism, but for the very simple reason to avoid another war on this peninsula as devastating as the last. You can imagine how devastating it is to me, to know that all my efforts have been for naught, and that consequently, this peninsula is once more at war. Once more in a state of war begun by the Kim Dynasty, in defiance of all laws of legality, morality and sanity itself. A Dynasty that has spent the last half a century that truce has held in this peninsula, of provocation, terrorism, and descent into the most abominable Totalitarianism ever witnessed in the annals of human civilisation. A Dynasty who was wounded merely by turning our eyes upon our Republic, and seeing what men and women of the same stock, same hands, same souls had produced, all without them. A Republic of free men and women that even amidst the toil below could look up at the starlight and knew in its beauty that the fate of mankind was not to be the serf of kings, emperors or even chairmen. A Republic of people that never ceased their unending yearning for freedom, democracy, the free press, free speech and finally achieved it. Freedoms that they fought to gain, they must now fight to defend.

"With the emergency powers granted to me by the constitution, I proclaim this country is at war. Curfew is from 11:00PM to 5:00 AM, nationwide. All outgoing civilian planes without express government approval shall cease. The army and conscription services have been activated and are operating as expected. Already I have received assurances from President Bush and Prime Minister Koizumi of Japan of their commitment to stand by us in this moment of crisis, and to work together to hurl back the forces of despotism. As I speak now, American troops fire alongside ours along the DMZ. As I speak right now, the same terrorists that have so dastardly attacked us on a day that was supposed to be a celebratory one for all Koreans, are being arrested in Japan after launching their own dastardly series of bombings across the East Sea. He attacked when he knew the nations of the world, in all their thousands would be gathered here to compete in peace, to bring togetherness and harmony to the world, where politics and ideology would be forgotten. This was not merely a declaration of war upon the Republic of Korea, or Japan or the United States, but a declaration of war upon the human species itself. And with the strength of all humanity behind us, we will make one thing clear: Seoul will never fall again.

"My government had done all it could to bring North Korea among the nations of the world, to keep the peace on this peninsula. Today, we can fight in clean conscience, and say before God and our ancestors that there was no fault on our end, that all the evil rests solely upon that detestable tyrant in Pyongyang. June 29th was supposed to be the happiest day in the history of Korea, and now it shall be the saddest. My fellow Koreans, we may not have chosen this destiny, but destiny has chosen us, in this final conflict with evil. More than any other day or night in my lifetime, I am proud to be a Korean.”


Excerpt from ‘Broken Dreams: How the War on Terror Changed America’ by Linda Reins


With the stoicism that he had developed during his term in office, President Bush would announce on June 30th from the Oval Office that due to the impossibility of sending more troops to North Korea, there was only one thing to do: the draft would have to begin. “This administration, against the demands from top generals, did everything it could to avoid resorting to this, until our enemies resorted to this.” That July 4th, expected to be the biggest and most confident display in decades, fell flat. Attendance was significantly below expectations almost nationwide at fireworks displays - the nation had entered a cold shock. Even the Boomer generation, mainstay of the Republican Party, had gone through the mental scarring of the Vietnam experience. Even those who felt Vietnam a just war could more than understand why someone would have dodged the draft if given the chance. At the same time, there weren’t even that much in the way of protests of the decision - people were just too depressed. The ‘Blue Summer of 2002’ was characterized by surges in suicides, depression and religious apocalypticism. In an episode of the Sopranos, where the protagonist’s son AJ falls into depression upon hearing the news of the draft and worries he’ll eventually be called up to fight and die in Iran or North Korea, he summarised the mood of millions of young men and boys in particular by saying, “It’s like I’m just tied to a train track and can see the train running towards me’.

Soon college applications became a matter of life or death, as the college students would gain deferrals and others would not. Others beat the draft by simply eating themselves to morbid obesity, and of course, many simply left the country. The Bush Administration, extremely wary of being too forceful on the draft considering how much they insisted it would not happen and Bush’s own murky history on his Vietnam service. In the month of July, 100,000 young American men left the country, a total equal to the entire Vietnam War draft dodger count. Given the increased ease of transport the figure was much higher than the 1960s. The Administration would gently admonish them in public, saying “No one is happy about this situation, but these were not situations of our choosing but situations inflicted upon ourselves and our allies.” At the same time, visceral condemnations of the draft dodgers were absent outside the embarrassing partisans on the American Right, the world of Rush Limbaughs and Sean Hannitys. Bush had increasingly turned against Rumsfeld and Cheney and started talking more with Powell and Rice about ways to move forward, feeling he’d been misled by the neocons and now simply trying to save the situation as best he could, in keeping with his optimism in the American project. The ‘Nudge’ strategy became critical to the Bush Administration's attempts to try and stop anti-war protests from forcing the White House’s hand. They would call people up, and they would then have the chance to dodge without serious penalty or find themselves ‘nudged’ into the war, hence the draft often being colloquially referred to in the population simply as ‘the Nudge’. It was joked that anyone who was drafted would always try and make sure they were going to Korea instead of Iran or Iraq. The actual reason was that the Korean conflict seemed more morally certain than Iran or Iraq, but it was often joked that the real reason GIs wanted to go to Korea instead was a perception that the local women were more ‘liberal’.

But while some people could get away quite easily due to college deferments and with rich parents, obvious inconsistencies and disparities emerged among those who did not have the money to easily support themselves abroad. The poor felt the greatest burden simply by being a bigger part of the remaining pool, leading to the budding sprouts of class division in America after the long period of unity after 9/11. It would not be until Eminem’s iconic ‘Fuck the Draft’ track that Autumn that resistance to the draft was crystallized and became a potent societal force just as campus was coming back to life. In the song, Eminem would accuse the Bush Administration of attempting world conquest for the benefit of oil companies and the military industrial complex - Eminem even briefly hinted at running for President in 2004 despite not being 35 at the time. It proved a lightning rod to young men in America who were furious at the sputtering economy, possibility of being sent to war and the sense of societal neglect. The draft also was an accelerant to misogynistic groups on the internet angry that they could be drafted to war while women were safe despite women soldiers already existing, as well as an accelerant to 9/11 Conspiracy Theories that the Bush Administration or Israel had actually been behind the attack. America also naturally suffered from the loss of so many young men in the economy to dodge the draft itself, many now showing up across Western Europe and Canada to supplement these economies instead. A surprising amount of American Jews performed aliyah to Israel despite Israel’s own conflict at the time (which it was trying to dress up as an extension of the War on Terror while Arafat and did everything to disassociate himself from Iran.

In addition to the draft, war bonds started to be sold, often simply reusing the old Warner Brothers and Disney war bond cartoons from World War Two for nostalgic reasons. The arms industry went all out, and the Administration now planned expenditure in 2003 on defence of some 5% of US GDP, at roughly $600 billion. A War Production Board similar to what FDR had in WW2 was created and became a bidding war factory between Raytheon, Dyncorp and the other members of the defence industry. Despite this, the Bush Administration refused to countenance rationing, believing the free market would be sufficient and that it would badly impact morale. The factory shifts in the defence industry went from morning to night and then to morning again. This was nearly twice what the budget was before 9/11. To the anger of many Democrats, Bush refused to countenance removing his prior tax cuts from 2001. Instead, he forged ahead with entitlement reform - in a time of economic stagnation, this meant the most vulnerable would be targeted. However, in the run-up to the midterms, the Democrats (in what many of the party faithful will remember with bemused embarrassment at both the incident and the party’s tendency to repeat these incidents itself) fell into a period of infighting.

On one hand moderates like Joe Biden and Joe Lieberman had tried to put forward as much of a united front with the President as they could, having voted and approved of both the Iran and Iraq operations while supporting reinforcing South Korea - they had both approved of the draft “with conditions”. On the other hand the party’s left flank that had been dormant since 9/11 roared back to life with the return of the draft, with two of the major leaders of this movement being Howard Dean and Denis Kuccinich, who both became heroes to the left in this time period. Dean would stir massive controversy by saying that “If we can’t convince enough young Americans to fight this war and have to rely on sending them off to be killed, then this isn’t a war we deserve to win”. While Dean supported ‘finishing what’s been started’ he did not want the draft to do it, though his words were taken sometimes honestly, sometimes maliciously to say that he wanted America to lose. The war of words inside the Democrat Party would become increasingly bitter and increasingly public, while the infighting in the Administration between the ‘Neocons’ and ‘Realists’ (or as they saw themselves, ‘Reaganites’) would likewise be bitter, albeit with the tact of keeping it in private. Infamously after John Bolton teased the possibility of American military action in Venezuela and Cuba once the current conflagration was done, Powell would tell an aide, “John Bolton is about as welcome in my office as Yasser Arafat at a goddamned Bar Mitzvah.”


Extract from ‘The Last Days of Saddam’ by Briar Forger


Qasay’s ascension from de facto to now de jure successor following Uday’s death brought him no happiness. Saddam’s mental state had noticeably deteriorated and put everyone in his immediate circle at notable risk. The arrival of North Korean into the war only strengthened Saddam’s conviction that the War on Terror was destined to be the Third World War that overthrew American hegemony and would result in Iraq’s resurrection as a great power. Saddam had often invoked Sunni Islamic symbols in his propaganda for sectarian political purposes, but now his advisors saw something much more disturbing. Saddam began referring to himself in private settings as ‘Marduk’, the Protector God of Babylon, and that he had come to “Sweep the American tanks into the Arabian Gulf with nothing but a brush of my hand.” Saddam’s megalomania, his constant movement from place to place within what was left of his Iraq with the US troops practically in walking distance from Baghdad, coupled with the brutal death of his son and the apocalyptic world stage made Saddam convinced that there was a divine purpose to his mission on Earth. And naturally, he had to be the good guy.

Qasay didn’t think so, and in early July began to put the final stages of an assassination plan into effect. Sympathetic members of the Revolutionary Guard agreed to plant a car bomb beneath the dictator’s car just as he moved to his next redoubt in the desert. On July 5th, Saddam entered his car, car bomb placed and primed to detonate the moment the door closed, closed the door … and nothing happened. The device was spotted after Saddam had arrived at the site, with Saddam’s delusions only growing as he considered it divine intervention to spare him. Saddam’s actions in the coming days were less than divine, of course, with the entirety of staff at the previous location tortured until, after losing four fingers, one of the conspirators finally confessed to both his role and Qasay’s. Qasay himself was already on the run, but had nowhere to go since he was a wanted man to the Americans, Kurds, Syrians, even Jordanians. Pretending to be a Christian refugee, he almost made it over the Jordanian border until he was pulled back practically one step before stepping over the border. Qasay was now a prisoner of his father, as had so many thousands before.

On July 14th, Republic Day in Iraq, the people of Baghdad got a sight they would remember for the rest of their lives. In April, a new statue of Saddam was erected in Firdos Square to mark Saddam’s birthday. It would now prove the execution site of Saddam’s own son. Saddam, eager to prove his readiness to sacrifice in the name of preserving his rule, came up with a monstrously public way of dealing with his surviving son. From the extended arm of the statue, a tied and bounded Qasay from a lift would see one end of a rope tied around it and the other end around his neck. As the lift lowered, Qasay would soon endure a brutal death by strangulation in broad daylight with hundreds of thousands of Baghdad citizens watching on who had been ordered to attend, thousands screaming, “Glory to Saddam!” to avoid joining in his son’s fate, though many were happy to see a member of the hated Saddam clan getting what he deserved anyway. Qasay’s body was ordered to be left hanging in public under guard day and night, where it would be eaten by flies in the Summer heat. Parts of the dictator’s son’s flesh would occasionally peel loose and fall to the ground where wild cats would eat it. It would hang until finally taken down by Coalition forces many months later. Saddam was now devoid of an heir to his throne, but was fine with the situation, telling President Putin in a phone call that, “There is no need for a successor - the world will end in my lifetime.”


Extract from ‘The Rise, Fall, and Rise of Iran’ by Zoreh Rahimi


On June 25th 2002, a press release would be given on Iranian state television. In it, a video package celebrating and heralding a twelve year old boy’s suicide bombing of an American checkpoint in just outside of Tabriz. In said package, the boy’s ‘martyrdom’ had been praised by the regime’s most notoriously weasley spokesmen, Mahmoud Amadinejad, a politician turned teacher who returned to the fold to become a regime spokesman who was somehow the most sane among the likes of Baghdad Bob (who said, “The Americans are bombing the Iranian people, and while the Iranian people have done much to deserve it, it is unacceptable that this action should be taken by the Cowboy Bush regime”) and Pyongyang Penelope (named after the Wacky Races character of Penelope Pitstop, and declared that when the North Korean invasion of the South began, “The birds and rabbits stop before our troops and sing to them in the blessed Korean tongue in thanks of the Great Marshall Kim Jong-Il and how he liberates the world!”). [2]

It would later turn out that the boy’s father had been arrested by the IRGC for drunkenly (his first offense) telling an IRGC member to his face that if God had foreseen Iran’s victory, “If he could fucking hurry up just a little bit and maybe send that shithead Khamenei to Hell while he’s at it.” Now knowing the scrutiny falling upon the family and the near certain death of his father, the son of the family with two younger sisters, himself not particularly religious, decided that a suicide bombing could help save his father, mother and younger sisters from the eyes of the IRGC. The boy with a maturity beyond his years negotiated the attack with his father’s captors, ensuring his father’s release with ‘a stern warning’. As if perfectly illustrating the entirely separate existence that the Iranian people had to the regime, the regime actually considered the story (minus the details about the father) to be an inspiring tale of self-sacrifice and patriotism. Indeed, many didn’t see what the difference was between what was going on now and what they’d always done in the Iran-Iraq War. Many on the Counter-Jihad movement in America would initially use the story to rally for civilisational conflict with the Islamic world. Until something happened.

By June 25th, Tabriz had been the site of a vicious battle with the Americans and Turks being the primary footsoldiers. Inside the city were elements of both the Iranian army and the IRGC, determined to slow down the attackers as much as possible. The casualty-sensitive Americans had already suffered greatly, with 160 troops dead with 320 dead Turks with no signs of the battle being close to finishing. Then on the morning of June 26th, a strange thing happened. The Americans and Turks could hear pitched battles all around the city, but miraculously none of the shots appeared to be coming towards them. As they walked into areas that had just yesterday been the sites of some of the most ferocious battles ever experienced by the US army, they saw members of the Revolutionary Guard either riddled with bullets or hanging from lampposts - getting the Farsi translators, the Americans quickly realised the placards read: ‘Child murderer’. A few hours later, a member of the Iranian army approached Major General Matthis to declare that while the Iranian government sanctioned child suicide bombing, that it was “Currently a greater threat to our children than you,” and that the Iranian army had launched a nationwide mutiny. By sheer, albeit tragic luck, the Americans and Turks would help clear out the city of the remaining IRGC and take its most major city in Iran to date with horrific but still unexpectedly low casualties on June 26th. Matthis would attend a funeral service for the boy on June 28th in which almost the whole remaining population of Tabriz came out in solidarity.

All across the country, elements of the Iranian army and IRGC began pitched battles, from Tehran to Bushher. The Iranian army was not ready to go through the same monstrosities that their leaders inflicted upon them during the Iran-Iraq war, and the rapidly secularising Iran wanted nothing to do with child sacrifice. Many expected the regime to quickly collapse, and that the Iranian army would side with the Americans. Instead, a letter was delivered to Khamenei, reading the following: “We fight for Iran. Iran is our children. As long as we have children, there is an Iran. If our children die, there is no Iran. If there is no Iran to fight for, we will not fight. We die so our children may live, but we will never die so that our children may die.” Understanding the situation, on June 28th the Ayatollah would give a press release implying he had never heard about the child suicide bombing incident and that it would be expressly forbidden in future. Commander Safavi would be dumped from command of the IRGC and the head of the Quds Force, Soleimani, would become the new leader of the IRGC, the second most powerful man behind the Ayatollah himself. Soleimani had supported the child suicide bombing just as much as anyone else in the leadership but was strategic enough to know implementing it had been a colossal mistake. At the local level, the Ayatollah’s wrath was more severe. Amadinejad was forced to make a grovelling apology on television before being deliberately run over by a taxi in Tehran on July 10th. Of the near two hundred witnesses, all swore to the police that Amadinejad had flung himself in front of the car. The police wrote it off as a suicide, though everyone knew what actually happened.

The Iranian Army Mutiny would ironically hurt the war effort for America, as the level of respect that the Americans had for the Iranian troops was reaching the point where they felt genuinely bad even fighting them. Bush would even comment in Iran that “We are at once fighting an evil enemy, and a noble one, whom we look forward to working with in future.” The Iranians still refused to generally accept surrender and submit to foreign occupation - they considered it a ‘people’s war’ with the Iranian government simply being a silly distraction they only tangentially paid interest to. Many suggested that if the Americans just left, the Iranians would use their guns to turn on their leaders. This argument became especially prominent after North Korea entered the war. But that was far from guaranteed, and the loss of face to the Americans would be too great for even the moderates like Rice or Powell to contemplate. Instead, the Americans now began to work their way down the road to Tehran, to the most anticipated but dreaded moment of the whole war. The Iranian army resumed fighting dutifully once the child suicide bombing policy was reversed.


Extract from ‘Date with Destiny: The War that brought Korea and Japan Together’ by Kaori Makimura

If you had been posted at the DMZ on the night of June 29th 2002, you would be forgiven for thinking the world was coming to an end. Citing ‘the dastardly attack on our patrol boats earlier in the morning’, an army of 750,000 threw themselves into the most heavily militarised zone on Earth. From land, sea, air, and even underground, North Korean forces threw all they could for the greatest gamble the Kim Jong-Il had ever initiated - to take Seoul before the Americans could send reinforcements. He remembered how easy the first war had been before intervention, and thought that taking Seoul itself remained achievable. The only mercy was that the much feared flattening of Seoul by artillery or its gassing didn’t happen, even though a bevy of SCUD missiles would occasionally fall for no other reason than to spread terror and kill indiscriminately. By dint of the significant Chinese presence in Seoul, North Korea did not do something Kim worried would force China’s hand.

Needless to say, the World Cup’s final game between Germany and Brazil was cancelled. There was much debate about what to do for the final game and how to crown the ultimate winners. A suggestion came from South Korean representatives in FIFA for Brazil and Germany to simultaneously withdraw from the tournament to make South Korea the asterisked winner of the World Cup, a suggestion that even with the apocalyptic war on the peninsula raised ire from Italian and Spanish representatives. With both Korea and Japan both considered too dangerous, the final was hastily rearranged to be played in nearby Taiwan on July 30th at the National Stadium. South American and Europe were considered biassed towards either team and America was seen as having had it too recently to deserve it coupled with residual anti-Americanism in FIFA, while the organisers wanted to keep the Asian theme and minimise logistical issues. This was naturally quite a controversial decision given Taiwan’s contested status, but was enthusiastically agreed to by China under the condition that the ‘Chinese Taipei’ naming convention be upheld. Taiwan enthusiastically greeted it too, though were quite annoyed with the final product given the large swathes of tourists from China who wanted to celebrate ‘China’s moment’ amidst a stadium with very few Brazilians and Germans, some of whom had been killed in the North Korean attacks. A one minute silence before the match (dutifully observed) and a dull 1-0 Brazilian victory brought the most controversial World Cup of all time to an end, along with years of anger over footage from the event being used by Chinese tourism boards.

A mostly successful evacuation of civilians down south would occur over the coming days as millions of South Korean women and children drove, ran and swam as far south as they could go, many fumbling to put their gas masks on in case Kim decided to cross the final rubicon. A hundred nationalities, most of whom were only in Korea to enjoy the coming together of the world in the name of friendly contest, now found themselves running for south for their lives while hundreds of thousands of Korean men found themselves running north to save lives. Even with a limited number of civilian casualties, however, the Korean health service that had expected to deal with a few drunks was utterly overwhelmed by the first day and quickly fell under the control of the military to do as it saw fit. Every country that had nationals in South Korea scrambled to send planes to get their people out, though for many it would be too late.

The war declarations poured in on North Korea in the coming days. From America, Japan, Australia and New Zealand, Canada, the United Kingdom, France, Italy, and most of Eastern Europe (with Germany conspicuously absent). A surprising declaration came from the Philippines. Brazil considered declaring war on North Korea after three figures worth of Brazilians civilians were killed in the coming days from the invasion, but never went ahead with it. Both Iraq and (with no concession to perhaps the greatest gulf in ruling ideologies in alliance history) Iran claimed North Korea to be an ally in the war in a way they never referred to each other. One surprising declaration of war on North Korea was Israel, technically irrelevant since the two had never established relations in the first place - Israel wanted to tie themselves to the Coalition in the War on Terror to undermine international support for the Palestinians, and correctly anticipated the Arabs shrugging at anything involving a war beyond their region, certainly initiated by Communists. Russia would condemn the invasion, but would only ‘cut’ supplies to North Korea, continuing to sell fuel to the North Koreans at inflated prices. Similarly China would condemn the invasion but would, with the pretext of negotiations ongoing with the Kim regime, would continue sending fuel to the Kim war machine, something which the average Korean to this day refuses to forgive Beijing for. While America was too stretched to afford publicly criticising Moscow or Beijing, phone calls began taking a noticeably harsher tone.

As a result of the War on Terror in Iran and Iraq, there were only 15,000 US military personnel in South Korea at the time, less than what the Americans claimed to South Korean officials (20,000). The undermanned, underequipped American units fought the toughest fight of their lives and would play a pivotal role in the Battle of Seoul. Needless to say, no Japanese troops would be allowed, meaning the initial stages of the battle were overwhelmingly of the same Korean blood. But while the South Koreans were of the same stock as the North Koreans, they both soon saw each other as different species altogether. One of the first things that shocked South Koreans was seeing North Korean troops simply run across minefields and continue without stopping, sometimes until entire formations had ceased to exist, until commanders would finally send in a mine clearance vehicle. On the other hand, the first thing that shocked younger North Koreans troops was simply the height of the South Koreans and Americans, given that North Koreans had gone through a devastating famine that stunted their growth.

By means of subterfuge, a North Korean detachment in South Korean uniform was able to successfully capture a bridge over the Han River, and break into the city of Paju. Apart from tearing down the monument to the Korean Axe Murder Incident, it was Paju where the dehumanised nature of the North Korean troops would rear its horrifying reality. The troops were eager to execute and humiliate ‘Capitalists’ to liberate the ‘proletariat’, often to get official favour since a lot of them were from the countryside due to their ancestors being considered disloyal and banished from Pyongyang in the Songbun caste system. Proving their revolutionary fervour was considered the only way to ascend the North Korean social hierarchy. As a result, they would ransack through suburban homes, into children’s rooms and the bomb shelters to get at the families within. The problem was that the North Koreans could not fathom that in all these houses with plentiful food, magazines, cars, televisions, radios and computers were not the exclusive domain of the elite like in North Korea, but simply the standard reality of even poorer Koreans, a lifetime of indoctrination’s worth. There were several accounts of North Korean soldiers, broken by a lifetime of famine, leaping into the garbage cans of South Korean homes to devour the contents.

Maddened on revolutionary zeal and thinking this standard town was an abode of the bourgeoise arrogant enough to take house at the border, houses were burned with sheltering families still inside them, rape on the institutionalised level of Nanking was employed against ‘exploiters of the workers’ (assuming their victims were anything but the lower-middle class innocents they were), and everything not nailed down getting stolen - the realisation that this was generally standard for South Koreans had yet to come. Many of the victims were still wearing their World Cup shirts, or even custom made Korean-unity shirts in celebration of what was supposed to be South Korea’s proudest day. Others cursed their victims for 'betraying the Korean race' - a very un-Marxist but very Jucheist understanding of trying to keep Korea pure from foreign influence, once posters of Western singers were found on the walls of the victims' rooms. Many civilians were simply gang-pressed north to concentration camps for ‘re-education’, often simply with the children stolen from their parents arms before the parents were put against the wall and shot. One survivor recalled, ‘It was as if Genghis Khan had rode out into the 21st Century, marching his army through peaceful suburbs and leaving only ashes and bodies behind him’. Of course, North Korean commanders knew better but believed that the South, based on army presentations showing footage of South Korean boy bands, had grown degenerate and soft, so that therefore a show of terror would simply have the South Koreans grovelling in fear. The two or so thousand that had already been slaughtered in the suburbs of Paju (with the hundreds taken over the DMZ of which 80% were under the age of 13), were seen as the tools that would be used to force the surrender of what they imagined to be cowardly degenerates.

Photos and videos of the assault were recorded and uploaded to the South Korean internet before reaching the wider world in mere hours, the vast majority of the citizens recording this footage found from their hiding places and killed by the North Koreans. Home video footage was also eventually recovered from the rubble, of families recording their last moments alive. To say South Korea was galvanised as a result of the conflict was an understatement. The ‘Rape of Paju’ on July 1st would lead to a sea change in North and South Korean relations forever. It would instantly annihilate any lingering affinity among Southerners towards the North. Now, in the dehumanising context of war, the North Korean was seen as not simply a separate nation but separate species, one they saw no brotherhood nor even humanity in. The men of South Korea felt the time had come to prove they had all the manhood of their grandfathers. Through gunsmoke and artillery fire, many vowed they would do one better than grandpa - that they would not simply save Seoul, but eradicate the Kims from existence. To hell with the Americans, they didn’t need them to defend their capital, but maybe Kim was going to need the Americans to save him from the holy rain of fire that was going to work its way up north. They weren’t just ready, they were angry.

The Battle of Seoul was on.


[1] A name that became popular among Americans.
[2] That animals began singing is a part of the official narrative of Kim Jong-Il's birth in North Korea so this is only an extension.
 
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The Battle of Seoul
The Battle of Seoul

Extract from ‘Kim’s Footprint: How the War on Terror Changed Asia’ by Saeba Ryou


Hearing the call from across the waters, Koreans in their thousands took the first planes they could towards home - towards the greatest conflagration of the 21st Century. While charters escorted thousands of foreigners away from the danger, these men were heading into it. Among their number were some of the Roof Koreans of the 1991 LA Riots, ready for a far tougher assignment. Also coming over were a whole lot more than just the Korean diaspora. The United Nations Command in Korea, dormant since the 1950s revived itself like a Sleeping Giant. Much to the anger of China, it turned out that this resolution was still in force and ergo could not be thwarted by veto. Snapped back into action were some familiar characters: the Americans, British, ANZACS, Canadians, but also an international cast. The French, Dutch, Filipinos, Turks, Thais, South Africans, Greeks, Belgians and Colombians were all part of the ensemble. The French proved surprisingly rigorous in their pledge to defend Korea - this was because they had burned bridges with the White House over their anger about the Iraq invasion after spending so much political capital on convincing their population to enter Iran - sharing the load over Korea was an agreeable fix. Most of the remaining powers pledged to troops of their own (Mandela especially with extreme reluctance given his condemnation of the Iraq invasion) with the exception of Turkey on the grounds of immediate security threats in Iran, something the White House more than understood. Thus appropriating the name of the UN, the Americans once more would lead the 'UN Army' against North Korea's aggression, in what Vice President Cheney called 'The Second - and last - Korean War'.

Landing in Korea in the coming days were detachments of ANZACs, a handful of American troops from Japan and even an SAS task force from Brunei. More Australian and New Zealand troops were initially sent over than American, with the Australian government even considering implementing the draft just like America had done, though ultimately never going ahead with it. Israel also leapt at the opportunity to join the UN army and sent a token force for no other reason than to gain diplomatic leverage - an elite Mossad unit also went to Japan to help the Japanese in their own plans. The IDF would provide crucial effort in arranging civilian evacuation for all foreign citizens trapped in the mayhem, earning a very begrudging letter of thanks from Turkey in the process. The Visegrad countries likewise stretched their armies to breaking point to try and defend South Korea by joining in the UN Army, with Czech President Václav Havel harkening back to Reagan's speech on Communism's last pages being written by saying, "We have reached the final page, and it is time to close the book." Brazil's President Fernando Henrique Cardoso would also join the alliance with Brazil's joining UN Command, leading to more than a few jokes about Brazil finally finding something to start a war over: football. The British Navy would also find themselves in much needed demand. Every country on the way did all they could to help send them on their way, with Singapore, Indonesia, even Vietnam helping fuel and transport the transports north. At the same time, everyone knew that this was overwhelmingly a Korean vs Korean war. The problem was that the South Koreans were no longer thinking that at all - they increasingly thought it to be a war between Koreans and monsters.

The Rape of Paju was simply the single largest instance of the mass atrocities inflicted by North Korean troops. They had massacred much of the men, raped much of the women and kidnapped much of the children to be sent to ‘re-education camps’ all the way across the peninsula. By the end of the first week it has been estimated that not counting indiscriminate bombardment and SCUD missiles, North Koreans troops had already massacred 20,000 South Koreans civilians in person (not counting South Korean soldiers massacred when attempting surrender while Americans were generally treated better as diplomatic leverage) and kidnapped 3,000 children. The numbers were simply unfathomable, and the war had only begun.

As if finding new ways to enrage the outside world, North Korean troops would storm into Christian churches and, instead of burning them down (or obviously better yet ignoring it), would typically massacre the nuns/priests/believers inside, remove or shoot down the crosses and simply place a framed picture of Kim Il-Sung instead. Sometimes it was his son’s portrait, sometimes the Bible was thrown down with Kim Il-Sung’s essays put in their place. It was a desecration more offensive to Christians than simply blasting the churches to rubble. A handful of Televangelists in America even suggested that Kim was the Antichrist. The Unification Church readied themselves for the apocalypse and found literally millions of newly anxious believers which would pay dividends in the coming years, rallying the soldiers with the slogan, “Jesus Christ will defeat Kim Jong Il!” Sun Myung Moon, the leader of the Unification Church, said that he had been visited by Jesus in a dream and told him that the time to bring the Gospel to North Korea was at hand - an event that’s significance is still being felt. President KDJ [Kim Dae-Jung] himself came into his own during the crisis.

Many foreigners expected KDJ to be pilloried for his failure to prevent the invasion. Instead, South Koreans rallied around his renewed leadership, one which was as furious with the North Koreans as anyone else. In a press release on July 3rd, he would say, “The things we have witnessed this army do are worse than anything that even the Japanese have ever done in Korea.” KDJ had called the North Koreans ‘them’ or ‘this army’ because no one in Korea wanted to even share a name with the northerners, let alone a peninsula. KDJ abandoned his rhetoric about togetherness with the North, even on a long time horizon. He knew the people were angry and wanted nothing to do with the North anymore, something he was more than ready to accept. KDJ would call Bush at the White House, with the latter recalling in his autobiography, “Kim said something I’ll never forget, he said, ‘Look George, we’re both Christians - you know as well as I do that there’s a time for the New Testament, and a time for the Old’.” While Koizumi in Japan watched his words for risk of offending the South Koreans in defence of their ethnic brethren, South Korean media, once the initial shock of the atrocities wore off, was demanding vengeance on the highest scale.

Everywhere the North Korean army went, looting, murder and kidnapping were the rule. While the advance on Seoul was the priority, minor advances occurred all across the line. The brutalised population enacted the brutality they had gotten so used to at home. Like the Imperial Japanese Army before them, they sowed the seeds of a type of hatred that endures for generations. In Cheorwon, Pocheon, Goseong, and many other towns close to the border, the North Koreans would enter a city with buildings, people, pets, cars, and possessions. They would then leave with almost none of those things left. Many a North Korean commander in the subsequent trials would claim to have personally opposed the pillaging, but that it would have been too dangerous to voice disapproval of such ‘rigorous’ actions to Kim (regardless of the truth of these statements, South Korea didn’t care). Often North Korean soldiers were terrified they would be labelled as ‘disloyal’ if they objected to the pillaging and joined to avoid suspicion and potential imprisonment (or even worse, imprisonment of their family). The child kidnapping had been directly ordered by Kim as a way to gain hostages and leverage it against the West to stop a full regime change. Kim’s goals seemed mainly to take Seoul (the whole of Korea if they got lucky) and leverage it for nuclear weapons and a nuclear program. If the South Koreans wanted to get rid of him, they were putting their kids at risk, and he still had chemical weapons.

Those were on everyone’s mind as the North Koreans continued their horrifying march down the peninsula to Seoul. With Palu a sea of flames, Goyang was the next major city in their way. The mass of almost a million men and two thousand tanks crashed upon the now much better prepared ROK army and its contingent of American allies. Down they poured from the border, down the Chorwon, Kumhwa, and Kaesong-Munsan corridors, primarily the latter. Despite the relative speed of the advance, it was not due to a lack of casualties down the mountainous terrain. As one surviving ROK soldier recalled, ‘It seemed possible to be able to walk from the battlefield to the former DMZ just by stepping just on KPA soldiers’ cadavers’. By one astonishing estimate produced by the Pentagon, 100,000 North Korean casualties would occur in the first week of fighting, along with nearly 25,000 ROK and allied military casualties (nearly 800 American) and 35,000 South Korean civilian casualties with roughly 1,500 foreign citizen fatalities. Deaths in the first few days of the Korean conflict had already outstripped those in Iran, Iraq and Lebanon combined for the War on Terror. The North Koreans were taking losses that by all metrics should have broken its army right there and then. The problem was that the North Korean leadership didn’t care, and soon prepared their remaining male population (alongside elements of the female population) for a war as cataclysmic as what World War Two was for Germany.

On July 3rd, North Korean troops were behind schedule, but there would be no mass purges as Kim would be quite happy. It was the day that the first KPA troops entered the suburbs of Seoul. So began one of the most vicious battles of the 21st century.


Extract from 'The Summoned Generation' by Edajima Heihachi (Minmei Publishing)


On the early morning of June 30th in Tokyo, an army of consorted Right-wing nationalists and Yakuza spontaneously descended on the Chongryon Headquarters in Chiyoda. The organisation was the de facto representative of North Korea in Japan. Unlike the Mindan organisation that existed for South Korean-oriented Koreans in Japan, this was an organisation devoted to the Kim regime exclusively. With the police and emergency services standing by, the group smashed inside to the sound of gunshots and broken glass. Mercifully and miraculously, no one was killed, though the entirety of the staff were roughly bundled into police cars to be beaten as badly at the station as they would by the Yakuza. All North-Korean affiliated schools and businesses were shut down on the same day. The scene of the Chongryon Headquarters in flames opened a new era in Japan, a rejection of pacifism and an embrace of the martial spirit that had lain dormant in the sedation of our youth.

Among those most alert to the political groundswell was the leader of negotiations to try and steer a rescue of the kidnapped Japanese in North Korea, Shinzo Abe. Abe had been a hardliner on the issue of revoking Article 9 and returning Japan to the list of military civilisations. While he had failed in his attempts to ensure the peaceful transfer of Japanese citizens, the chance to liberate our brethren in captivity had presented itself with the chance to undo the taboo of assertiveness. Unfortunately, the South Koreans were not interested in sending our troops to the Peninsula for matters of historical grievance and pride. The Maritime Self-Defence Force could fire away in the Japan sea, the JASDF could fly over the skies of Seoul, the Ground Defence forces were even allowed to operate on the Peninsula if it was entirely for medical and relief purposes. Japan would even set up a refugee program that would take in over one million South Korean women, children and elderly to protect them from Kim’s hordes.

The question of who fired the first lethal shots fired in anger from the Japanese military since World War Two remains disputed: if you ask the Navy, it came from the JS-Kongo. North Korea sent their submarines into the open waters to begin harassing all ships in the Japan Sea, while Japan wanted to provide an open pathway for troops coming in and civilians coming out of Korea. The Kongo would identify a North Korean submarine and send it to the bottom of the ocean with little fanfare. However, ask the Air Force and they will tell you that the first shots came from a Mitsubishi F-2 shooting down a MIG-29 jet over the very same sea. Due to discrepancies in recording, the question of who shot first has more than once developed into a drunken bar brawl in Kabukichou, likewise more than once soothed by simultaneous agreement that it wasn’t the army. The Japanese could rest easy in knowing their navy and air force had performed at or above expectations, and could be said to have played an even more important role in the initial days of the invasion than the United States.

While it was important to join in the annihilation of the North Korean navy and air force, by the time the Battle of Seoul had begun in force, both entities had been almost entirely annihilated and total air and naval dominance had been achieved. American F-16 pilots would react in astonishment at seeing rickety MIG-15s on their scopes that had seen fighting in the First Korean War - then South Korean pilots, and then Japanese pilots. In total, it was estimated that 350 MIG-15s were deployed by North Korea in the conflict, despite being made at the same time as many of the pilots’ grandfathers. The few survivors have become staples of Korean War museums. The MIG-29, developed before the Dragon Ball manga had just begun publication, was the most recent fighter among their ageing relics. The North Korean navy suffered a similar fate, with virtually the entirety of its surface and submersive fleet reduced to twisted metal by early July, leaving only North Korea’s missiles as a long-range threat.

The problem was that given Kim’s holding back on blanketing South Korea with chemical weapons, it was feared that an attack on the nuclear facility, his chemical weapons or even a straight attack on Pyongyang would trigger retribution in the form of indiscriminate WMD warfare, or the mass killing of kidnapped South Korean children. North Korean diplomats had hinted to China that the process of the latter would even be filmed to maximise emotional terrorism. Slowly, as South Koreans came to feel they were not so much fighting ‘fellow Koreans’ as they were fighting monsters, the comfort the South Korean government would feel with expanding Japan’s role would increase. It was agreed by mid-July to expand the remit of the Japanese military to allow naval bombardments and army medical teams to help with first aid. Both of these would prove useful in the Battle of Seoul.


Extract from Larry King Live, July 9th, 2002

Larry King: Hello and welcome back to Larry King live, earlier this week British Prime Minister Tony Blair said that no matter what ‘some countries’ in the Coalition did, that Britain would stand firmly behind the United States. This has caused some diplomatic kerfuffle among European leaders but it has also raised important questions in this country about how the War on Terror is being seen in our allies and whether the alliance can hold together. Joining me in the studio today is British author and journalist featured in Vanity Fair, Christopher Hitchens, and joining us from London is former Labour Member of Parliament and leader in the Anti-War movement George Galloway. Gentleman, thank you for agreeing to come on this program. I’ll start with you, Mr. Galloway, you’ve recently made something of a name for yourself in the UK and beyond for being expelled from the Labour Party and your war of words with Prime Minister Blair, can you explain to our viewers why you were expelled?

George Galloway: Yes, I was expelled from the Labour Party for upholding the values of the Labour Party. I had told the Guardian newspaper that the greatest threat to world peace was not Iranian children blown to pieces by American bombs, but American bombs themselves, and the warmongering Texan lunatic ordering them to be dropped. Mr. Blair and his surrounding sycophants, not content to simply betray millions of Labour voters on economic policy by his full-throated embrace of Thatcherism, is now embarking on the most imperialistic foreign policy ever pursued by a British Prime Minister since the days of Anthony Eden! Anthony Eden thought he could treat the Arab people, the people of the developing world who have been victimised for centuries by western exploitation like they did in years gone by. But actually, the developing world has had enough! They won’t go back to being Western colonies! The era of Western hegemony is over and the era of resistance has begun! It’s for saying this that I am banished from the tea parties in Parliament - I say it's no great loss. [1]

King: Mister Hitchens, what say you?

Christopher Hitchens: Well, I would begin by disputing your premise that Mr. Galloway is part of the ‘Anti-War camp’. As I think he has just made abundantly clear, he is not ‘Anti-war’ he is simply on the other side. Not content to merely question the wisdom of the Iraq intervention or our confused strategy in Iran, he has consistently argued in favour of the Ayatollah, of Saddam Hussein and now perhaps most despicably but perhaps tellingly of all, of Kim Jong Il. I note that he called it a betrayal of the principles of the British Labour Party to embark for instance on a campaign to remove Saddam Hussein. In fact, unlike Mr. Galloway I’ve been to all three of the Axis of Evil and one can find in Iraqi Kurdistan, a bastion of the form of Socialism Orwell found when he arrived in Barcelona in 1936, a society that was created by the survivors of the Anfal Genocide which in itself is enough justification under international law to place Saddam Hussein in a rather shabby dungeon for life. Yet despite being presented with this open, pluralistic and democratic form of socialism, Mr. Galloway has decided to come racing to the defence of the Stalinism of the Kim Dynasty, the theocratic madness of the Ayatollah and the racist nationalism of Baathism, with all the gusto he used to salute Saddam Hussein upon his visit to Iraq after Saddam's attempted annexation of the sovereign country of Kuwait.

King: Mr. Galloway, you -

Galloway: No, no, wait just a minute . Mr. Hitchens has accused me of supporting Saddam Hussein. Is that right?

Hitchens: Well I wouldn’t much call it ‘support’, I would call it verbal fellation so pornographic that the VHS needs to come in a brown bag.

Galloway: What Mr Hitchens will neglect to tell the viewers that I was the one, the only one, of MPs in the House of Commons making speeches on human right violations in Iraq while the American and British establishments were funding and supporting Saddam Hussein! I oppose human rights violations in Iraq be they from Saddam or from George Bush’s cowboy army! Meanwhile, Mr Hitchens, who correctly opposed the Gulf War like me, has now become perhaps the most prolific propagandist on the left, or pretending to be on the left, in an attempt to ingratiate himself with the establishment, like the public schoolboy he always was! And in the name of what may I ask? Of bombing thousands of children back to the stone age?

King: Mr Hitchens I’ll give you a moment to respond, first I just wanted to ask you, Mr. Galloway there’s been a split on the Anti-War movement it seems on the subject of North Korea. Some say that we shouldn’t have gone into Iran or Iraq, that there were other ways, but that defending South Korea was still justified. Just so I’m understanding you right, you believe that North Korea is in the right in their invasion?

Galloway: It’s up for God to decide what’s right and what’s wrong. What we know for sure is that North Korea, under the diabolical sanctions regime implemented by the US has seen millions of its citizens die an agonising death of starvation. You ask why North Korea doesn’t like the West, maybe it's because we’re killing them! Maybe it's because of the gross hypocrisy of labelling North Korea as a ‘terrorist state’ while we allow the Israeli terror state to slaughter Palestinian civilians in the thousands! Maybe it’s because two North Korean ships were blown up by South Korean ships in North Korean waters! All this is, this War on Terror, is a wet dream of the Neocons inside the American establishment to take out all the countries of the world that dare stand up to American hegemony. I don’t know how this will end, but I know with certainty that people like Mr. Hitchens, the posh public school boys in America and Britain will be sending working class boys, like me, to die miserable deaths in trenches on the far side of the world to support an imperialist agenda. And I call on all soldiers, America, Britain or wherever, your enemies aren’t in Bagdad or Tehran, they are in the White House and Downing Street!

King: (Visibly exhausted) Um, Mr Hitchens, as someone who is perhaps more in favour of the War, minus the draft as you’ve made clear in your articles, do you think that the pressure exerted by Anti-War groups could lead to a breakdown in the Coalition?

Hitchens: Well, no, in part to Mr. Galloway in fact. Indeed I very much encourage him to continue as he is far more an asset for my camp than his own. People like Mr. Galloway give me great confidence that we will ultimately go through with full regime change of all three Axis of Evil countries, which I fully support. This is because, something I’m very familiar with having spent my whole life in the revolutionary left, the anti-war left will inevitably fracture before accomplishing anything of note. Look, when Mr. Galloway likes to beat his chest about protesting for human rights in Iraq - which is quite disputed but anyway - it was simply as a blow against what Ayatollah Khomenei called the ‘Great Satan’. To people like Galloway, it is not democracy, freedom or even socialism that is the guiding principle, but simply the yearning to destroy the most successful society in human history, our own. One built on the values of the Enlightenment. Mr Galloway lived to see the end of the dictatorial form of Ossified Communism known as the Soviet Union and called it the worst day of his life, well I take joy in knowing he’s about to have many more terrible days in his life when Kim, Khameini and Saddam all meet their ends in rather undignified ways. If it takes the most economically right-wing Prime Minister in Britain since before World War Two, if it takes a cartoonish coalition of televangelists and oil contractors in America, then power to them. You’ll notice on my lapel the flag of my favourite country in the world that isn't a country, the flag of Kurdistan, flag of the largest stateless nation, the Kurds. They have achieved the society that many said couldn’t be done, of a secular, democratic, indeed socialist state amidst the most inhospitable conditions that would be conceivable. After World War One we betrayed the Kurdish desire for a state, I hope this time around we give it to them.

Galloway: The only thing that will be given away, Mister Hitchens, are Iraq and Iran’s vast oil reserves, sold at bargain bin prices to American oil tycoons! If George Bush cares so much about democracy, why does he not condemn the vicious, sectarian dictator Bashar al-Assad? Why does he not condemn the barbaric Saudi Royal Family? Now we even read in the Guardian this week that the Bush Administration is talking about formally recognising the Taliban in return for helping to overthrow the Iranian government! We have a country where women can drive -

Hitchens: How awfully nice of them.

Galloway: - being considered worse than the most barbaric regime on the face of the Earth, as distant from the teachings of Islam as Ariel Sharon is from Judaism! No, Mr. Hitchens, there will be no ‘democracy’ brought to these countries, only death, destruction and disgrace!

King: Mr. Hitchens, that has indeed been a point of some controversy, about what will emerge from these societies in the aftermath of what has already been the most significant war for the United States since Vietnam. Are you not worried about what will ultimately replace these regimes which, while certainly repugnant, many argue can at least hold down order in these regions? You take out these regimes, then what?

Hitchens: Well in North Korea’s case you become part of one of the most advanced, richest nations in the world. One doesn’t need to think too far back to the bad old days to remember when it was ‘common sense’ to think that the ‘Orientals didn’t do democracy’ until South Koreans started dying for it and fighting for it, leaving one of the most laudably loud democracies in the developed world. When it comes to Iran, the regime itself is already finished in Iran, it’s the people fighting, not the regime which has been relegated to an embarrassing sideshow. And in Iraq, I would certainly like to know how Saddam’s Iraq could be any worse than it is at the moment, and now that Saddam’s regime is in its final implosion already with the - I must admit - quite-justified killing of his own son, I think that argument is at its end. Iraq is going to keel over at any moment with no clear successor, would we rather have a say in that or no say? Do we want a power vacuum at the heart of the Middle East or to help the other two major groups in Iraq accomplish what the third has already done and bring freedom to a much abused, much neglected corner of the world?

Galloway: Bringing freedom on a bayonet! I remember the last time that America claimed to save the Iranian people from themselves, it was the overthrow of the democratically elected Prime Minister Mossadegh and the institution of the tyrannical Shahist regime! And here we are, ready as foreigners to tell Iranians, to tell Iraqis, to tell Koreans how they are to run their countries! Even from an entire Atlantic Ocean away, the whiff of racism fails to escape me.
Hitchens: Now listen here, you dictator-fellating tankie …

King: Mister Hitchens, please …

Hitchens: I’ve never stood on a stage alongside a genocidal dictator, I’ve never justified terrorist attacks against the same civilians I purport to represent, and I certainly do not subscribe to this racist notion that all the Arabs or the Persians or the Asians want is a whip to their back and to live as slaves, that they just aren’t bright enough to have democracy, and that they are best represented by murderous imps who grind them to dust. No man alive today has killed more Iraqis than Saddam Hussein, no one man has killed more Koreans than Kim Jong Il. And yet in the free world today, there are people who think the leaders of Iraqis, Iranians and Koreans should be the one who has terrorised them the most. Mr. Galloway accuses me of a whiff of racism? There isn’t so much a whiff of racism about Mr. Galloway as there is a poisonous cloud.

Galloway: I suspect the poisonous cloud came from your backside, Christopher.

Hitchens: At least what comes out of my mouth is significantly better constructed than what comes out my backside, George.


Extract from ‘Date with Destiny: The War that brought Korea and Japan Together’ by Kaori Makimura


For decades, writers had to envisage what utter destruction would look like in a place like New York or London. What would befall all those giant skyscrapers, what life would look like on the ground, what would it feel like? The Battle of Seoul was in many ways an answer to these questions. Streets impassable from burning cars, high-rises in flames with no firing department to put them out, once famous streets reduced to unrecognisable moonscapes as people walked through where buildings used to be, suburban homes turned to command centres with the dead families chucked outside. While most civilians had evacuated Seoul, and Seoul had until then been spared the brutal artillery bombardment that many had feared, as the war now entered the South Korean capital, all those horrors began to assert themselves. The North Korean invasion had single-handedly wiped 2% of Global GDP off the page.

The N Seoul Tower since 1971 had towered over the skyline of Seoul. It had seen the street demonstrations, the rise of Korea to a global economic leviathan and now saw its horrifying destruction. As the North Koreans grew closer, the artillery started to increase, many hitting the tower to take out the observation point. On July 4th 2002, after one too many shells to the foundation, the great structure tilted and plummeted to the Earth. Its lights that shone through the nights of Seoul would shine no more. At the same time the 63 Building, standing on the other side of the Han River continued to shine every morning in its luminous gold glow, even as the artillery shells and mortars sent tens of thousands of shards of glass down on the street below, sometimes slicing the people below to pieces. From the building’s same side of the Han River, South Korean artillery produced a concentrated fire unprecedented in living memory, which had already seen six figures worth of casualties before Seoul was even initially invaded. South Korean soldiers would nickname the ostentatious and overwhelming artillery firepower ‘Gangnam Style’ after the wealthy, showy southern portion of Seoul, a phrase brought to global awareness by the K-Rock scene in subsequent years. North Korean troops attempted to raise hell by advancing through the sewer systems, only to find themselves pulverised by the rapidly deployed British SAS in what has become Britain’s greatest military boast since the Falklands. The SAS, with their night vision equipment, were certainly of high quality, but the fact that many North Koreans were sent down the sewers with nothing but torches robbed from local grocery stores ensured annihilation. One SAS veteran recalled that, “After what we did to ‘em, it’s probably ‘bombs away’ just looking at a shitter.”

Other stories of inspiration rallied the South Koreans. A group of First Korean War veterans and their engineer friends, while the whole city appeared to be fleeing, casually walked into the abandoned Korean War museum. There they found an M4 Sherman Tank that had been used by UN forces during the Korean War. The engineers made sure it was working and the veteran soon took command of the tank again. The tank sputtered to life, broke through the doors of the War Museum and charged down the abandoned streets of Seoul. South Korean troops looked on in astonishment, some thinking it was an avenging ghost. They reported to a local barracks and requested to join the battle, to which the local commanders surprisingly agreed given it provided a much needed morale boost. After a relatively troublesome time in finding appropriate shells, the Sherman rolled over the Han River and fired multiple rounds at the North Korean lines from afar. After a hard day’s work, the veteran’s initial unit’s commander was located and made to order the venture to ensure the amusing saga did not have a depressing ending. [2]

At the same time, many North Korean troops had started to realise the nature of South Korea. They had initially assumed that the unfathomably wealthy lifestyles they saw could only be those of the mega-rich, but as they advanced south and kept asking their commanders ‘Where are the workers’, or simply in seeing women protest their being called ‘the Capitalist Class’ due to wearing trainers before they were shot through the head, many began to see Juche for the abomination it was. Broken by the mental upheaval, many North Koreans would simply kill themselves, including one famous picture of a North Korean soldier dead on the ground at the intact electronics aisle of an abandoned supermarket, having shot himself with his rifle at the casual existence of such an unfathomable bounty breaking everything he ever believed. Another was found dead in a supermarket bathroom having written, ‘Forgive us,’ in his own blood on the mirror. Some survivors of the Battle of Seoul would attempt to tell North Koreans when they returned there what life was like, only for people to assume they were delusional and common people could not live such comfortable lives, better than many party officials had. Surprisingly, actual surrenders remained rare, since North Korea had warned the soldiers that surrender would result in retribution on their families at home. Unfortunately, there was another reason for that too - many South Koreans were simply refusing to accept surrenders.

After the Rape of Paju (a term that earns scorn from Korean netizens since to them the events of Paju happened all over every territory North Korea occupied and it is therefore an underestimation of Kim’s evil) had likewise shaken the South Koreans on a fundamental level. That such an event had come after years of ‘Sunshine’, Korean unification talks and at the moment Korea (not just South Korea) was about to have its happiest moment in history at the World Cup, made all the atrocities of such an event that much more visceral. Many of the troops had lost families on what was supposed to not simply be a day like any other, much like September 11th for America, but a day of national rejoicing. They found no kinship with the North Koreans on a mental, emotional, ethnic or even human level. This was made even worse by reports of fake surrenders by North Korean forces, suicide attacks and sudden grenade pulls at the pat-downs. These experiences directly correlated with the experiences of American soldiers in World War Two against the Japanese Imperial Army. In that environment, many South Korean soldiers simply pretended not to see white flags and to get the personal revenge that many sought. The ROK soon developed a fearsome reputation amongst North Korean soldiers, with the handful of Non-ROK soldiers often seeing significantly higher surrender rates. American troops were much sought for since North Koreans expected better treatment, but they were a rarity, especially in the early days of the conflict.

The North Koreans swarmed in from the north of the city and into the suburbs. American and South Korean military planners remained astonished that after almost a fifth of the North Korean forces had been killed, captured or seriously wounded, that they had made it all the way to the suburbs. The time had now come to see how far they would get into Seoul. Needless to say, the North Koreans did not anticipate such biblical losses, but by sheer brute force and inertia they had made it to the same capital they had successfully seized in 1950. But it was not the same capital as before, it was a high-tech metropolis that left even the upscale areas of Pyongyang thoroughly in the dust. It was huge, and the rubble and ruin of what had been prime real estate brought the fighting to close-quarter brawls. In actual close-quarters combat, the South Koreans almost always won due to height and weight advantage as the starving North Koreans were overpowered with surprising ease. It also produced nightmarish scenes, as some buildings would keel over from damage and fire onto the streets below, crushing both North and South Korean troops mid-combat. There is also at least one recorded instance of a North Korean squad going through the metro tunnels and getting crushed by an oncoming train by an opportunistic and quick thinking South Korean. Once the white heat of controversy died down and video games of the War on Terror began to be popularised, the sheer environmental wideness of Seoul made it by far the most popular option for battlefield experience.

On July 7th, North Korean forces successfully captured the Blue House, the Presidential residence and site of an attempted North Korean assassination of President Chung Hee and successful assassination of President Park by the KCIA. Its seizure was a political lightning bolt for Kim, even as his invasion was falling apart under sickeningly high casualty rates. In terms of actual military use, anything that mattered had long since been transferred away, leaving only an empty It highlighted the importance of symbolism for both Kim and KDJ. This was highlighted further on July 14th when the World Cup stadium was captured by North Korea, giving them a foothold on the Han River. The increased anger from the South Koreans firmed their resolve for what would be the most iconic showdown in the capital.

However, amidst all the chaos, there was one rather peculiar mission. On the north side of the Han River were the ‘Five Palaces’ made by the Joseon Dynasty. For propaganda purposes North Korea wanted the Palaces seized, while South Korea needed to keep them. Thus even within the Battle of Seoul, the Battle of Gyeongbokgung Palace captivated the world’s attention. Gyeongbokgung was the biggest and most prestigious temple with only a few unreconstructed buildings surviving the brutal Japanese occupation. Though errant shells had fallen inside the Palace grounds, the palace was certainly in much better condition than many of the surrounding buildings. As the North Koreans poured down the moonscape that the streets of North Seoul had become, they completely surrounded Gyeongbokgung Palace by July 12th. On July 10th, Changdeokgung & Changgyeonggung Palaces had both fallen to the North Koreans, their loathed banner raised high above the South Koreans’s beloved monuments of their ancestors. President KDJ would announce that come hell or high water that Gyeongbokgung Palace would never fall to Kim. The IDF detachment in Seoul of 100, located around the Israeli Embassy just across the street, was able to sneak in alongside 1,000 Koreans and 50 American Marines prepared to fight to the death for Seoul’s most beloved landmark.

Kim had announced he would dedicate the palace to his ancestor, Dangun, of whom he claimed direct ancestry. Dangun was the mythical founder of the first Korean empire some 5,000 years ago. Much like King Arthur in England or Emperor Jinnou in Japan, he almost certainly didn’t literally exist though may have been based on certain historical figures. In many ways, the God-King archetype of Dangun was precisely what Kim and his father had been trying to replicate. Despite most South Koreans acknowledging Dangun as essentially fictional, Dangun was considered an historical certainty in North Korean propaganda. Meddling in internal decisions again, Kim ordered the Palace seized with as little possible damage to the main structure as possible.

North Korean snipers set up shop in the main surrounding buildings, firing down on any soldier who tried to dart from pavillion to pavillion, while the North Koreans initially attempted to charge in through the front gate until, as one American recalled, ‘Ever see the episode of the Simpsons where the doctor tries to explain to Mr. Burns how he doesn’t get sick by showing a bunch of germs stuck trying to get through a door? That’s what it was like. People were literally trying to get in by climbing a mound of corpses almost as high as they were.’ As a result, the North Koreans began attempting to scale the walls at various points along the complex, leading to some of the fiercest siege-fighting witnessed in modern history. The American and Israeli soldiers gave regular media interviews to CNN, Fox and others from inside the complex, sometimes mid-battle, with the Marines on-site jokingly referring to the situation as ‘The Second Battle of Peking’ in reference to similarities with the Boxer Rebellion siege of the International Legations in 1900. The main problem was ammo, and by July 20th, bandages and bullets from the nearby dead were being collected and reused, sometimes even from the North Koreans. Eventually, the South Koreans began using drones to drop supplies into the complex, something North Korean gunfire was very bad at successfully targeting, becoming a key innovation in the future of drone warfare. This relieved the immediate situation, but by now Kim was getting angered. He finally gave permission on July 22nd to blast through the complex walls and simply overwhelm the defenders.

On the evening July 23rd, the western and eastern gates of Gyeongbokgung Palace exploded, and in through the holes came the horrifying visage of T-54 tanks and hundreds of North Korean soldiers. At this point, many of the defenders simply prepared to die a warrior’s death. Then, just as it looked as if all was lost, a fire began to rage in one of the compounds, which grew larger and larger. It slowly grew until it enveloped the attackers and almost seemed to grow a wall between them and the defenders. The T-54s were blinded and taken out by quick-thinking South Korean troops while the forest areas that many of the North Koreans were using for cover simply burned to the ground and enveloped the occupants that didn’t flee. According to at least two South Koreans and one American soldier, in the flames advancing towards the North Koreans, they could see the figure of Dangun sweeping his robe at the North Koreans and enveloping them in flame. Barely avoiding the flames, the ROK had continued to defend Gyeongbokgung Palace. The following morning, a counterattack by local ROK forces was at risk of finally overcoming the encirclement. Kim ordered artillery to saturate the Palace now that there was no hope of seizing it, only to find to his outrage that the North Korean artillery had been effectively annihilated by placing themselves above the parapet during the invasion of Seoul. While a few scattered batteries tried to hit the Palace grounds, they generally hit the surrounding area. Finally, on July 26th, the siege of Gyeongbokgung Palace was lifted. The counterattack to expel North Korea from Seoul had now truly begun.


Extract from ‘The Second Korean War: The Key to Understanding the War on Terror’ by Bosun Choi

As the ROK reclaimed ground, Kim quickly showed his level of respect for his supposed ancestors by blowing up both Changdeokgung & Changgyeonggung Palaces with high explosives on July 28th. While 80% of Gyeongbokgung Palace had been destroyed or damaged in the fighting, 99% of both complexes had simply ceased to exist. The World Cup Stadium was likewise blasted with holes when ROK forces returned on July 30th while the Blue House was razed on August 1st. Further reinforcements in the form of both South Korean and American troops now snaked up the pulverised remains of North Seoul while the Japanese Navy and Air Force provided further protection. At the same time, the North Koreans had established themselves in a highly urban, complex area and removing them proved a dreadful task. From the husks of skyscrapers, from the sewers, under the rubble and above, it seemed the North Koreans could be anywhere. With full permission and support of the South Korean government, the US Air Force pulverised anything that resembled a ghost of a North Korean supply column. Thus the North Koreans trapped in North Seoul were effectively an island, but a well-entrenched one that survived off the scraps they scavenged from the local area.

By early August, as the thought of invading the suburban homes of North Seoul seemed a depressing and bewildering task, the South Korean government finally agreed to simply bombard the captured suburbs of Seoul into oblivion, since there were few civilians left alive there that hadn’t been evacuated, killed or kidnapped. By artillery shell and aeroplane, one house after another was simply removed from existence. Many North Korean troops died not knowing that the houses had bomb shelters since their leadership had never had the material resources to provide it and didn’t want to embarrass themselves by drawing attention to it. Thus, the North Koreans seemed to be stamped upon by the Gods when the South Korean artillery fire let down a vengeance unseen in modern warfare. South Koreans and UN forces cleared the Seoul metropole street by street, building by building, room by room, incurring awful losses that could only be rationalised when looking at the unfathomable death rates the North Koreans suffered. Finally, on September 3rd 2002, the battered 63 Building let out its golden glow that sunny morning upon a city whose battle was finally at an end.

By the end of the Battle of Seoul, roughly two months into the North Korean invasion, 180,000 North Korean soldiers were dead and a further 240,000 were seriously wounded. The lopsided ratio was largely as a result of non-existent North Korean medical care. By contrast, roughly 30,000 South Korean soldiers were dead with 70,000 wounded, with 1,400 American soldiers dead and 3,000 wounded alongside another 800 dead of all the other nationalities in the UN Army. Roughly 45,000 South Korean citizens had perished in the attack. Almost the entirety of the North Korean airforce and navy no longer existed. North Korea’s most elite soldiers were now all dead. American F-16 pilots dropped their jaws when reading that the tank they had been targeting on the ground was actually a revived T-34 tank which had been pushed back into service by a desperate regime. But while the North Koreans had certainly taken a brutal blow, they were far from done. Kim declared ‘Full Mobilisation’ and declared that if the South Koreans would attempt to go any further, he would ‘Open the door to Hell’. It was well understood that he was referring to his chemical weapon and missile program, something that had deterred the ROK, Japan and America from air attacks north of the DMZ. [3]

Now the real question began: would they really go all the way to Pyongyang?

[1] Based on Galloway's real life statements and beliefs, up to and including believing the Tiananmen Square Massacre never happened, and that the Soviet Union's fall was the worst day of his life.
[2] Based on a real life incident at an anti-government protest in Hungary
[3] The casualties seem high but they are based on a scenario I had read in The Diplomat with minor scaled-down figures due to less American presence in the region ITTL.
 
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They Dream of Home
They Dream of Home

Excerpt from ‘They’ll Hear From All of Us Soon’ by John Horowitz


While the world held its breath in Korea, the Coalition was finally starting to score some major victories in Iran. The taking of Tabriz had proven mercifully easy due to the Iranian regime’s underestimation of the morality of its own people, and the following August 3rd saw a watershed day in the war. This was the day Bushehr surrendered to the Coalition after another exhausting fight, on the condition that no Arab troops would occupy the city. This was big because it meant that the Iranian side of the Persian Gulf was finally secure up to 50km from the coast. It meant that the Persian Gulf was fully back in business, albeit still with heavy US Naval presence. The economic outlook improved but it only helped undo the fresh damage inflicted by South Korea suddenly vanishing from global indexes. It also meant that the troops coming from Iraq met the troops coming up from Bandar Abbas, thus simplifying US operations on a logistical level.

The beginning of the Korean conflict sucked the resources heading to US troops in the Middle East dry, slowing operations down yet again. Enthusiastic predictions of US troops in Tehran by July 4th that were suggested by Rumsfeld were now seen as insane in retrospect. The Iranians gave a frosty reception wherever they went, even though most wanted the Ayatollah gone. The US was now losing the Iranian Diaspora as well, who suggested leaving and letting the Iranian army turn their guns on the Ayatollah on the assumption they’d do just that. This was even being floated by Crown Prince Pahlavi, son of the exiled Shah, who called for the US to leave and for Iranians to take out the IRGC themselves. Unfortunately, Bush knew he could not take that risk and had to pursue the conflict to the bitter end. However, there were certainly things he was doing that were angering locals.

First was engaging with ethnic paramilitary groups within Iran with separatist ambitions. These were often not overwhelmingly popular even within their own national group given the pride that came with calling oneself an Iranian. This was especially true for the Kurds and Balochis. In the former’s case, even the Iraqi Kurdish forces that came over the border were treated with some suspicion, leading to a harder than expected fight to take Sanandaj, the provincial capital. By August’s end, even the Kurds were exhausted, although they had managed to capture all ethnically Kurdish territory in Iran below the West Azerbaijan province (any higher would invoke Turkish vengeance). The case of the Balochis proved even more infuriating to local Iranians. In early July, the capital of the Sistan and Baluchestan province saw an armed insurrection in the provincial capital by the ‘Balochistan Liberation Army’, a militant group advocating the creation of an independent Balochistan, who announced themself in alliance with the United States. The problem was that Bush could not afford to create another enemy and so was forced by Powell to adopt a joint-occupation with the BLA, with American troop presence heaviest in non-Balochi areas. The resulting problem was that Iranians feared their country would be partitioned, something Bush would then have to spend time making speeches denying would ever happen, which undermined support from the ethnic militias he was using to prop up his undermanned army.

The next thing he did was likewise controversial - he began to open ties with the Taliban. The Taliban had completed their victory in the Afghan Civil War in early 2002 against the Northern Alliance following the successful assassination of Ahmed Massoud the prior year. The Taliban had subsequently created one of the most repressive states on Earth, one in which even the religious conservatives of Saudi Arabia or Iran would find excessive. The burka was mandatory, lashings and beheading were the norm, and women’s education was seen as an affront to God. The problem was that the Taliban had extinguished the last traces of the Northern Alliance or sent them into exile after the fall of Fayzabad on March 22nd 2002. However, due to their repulsiveness, no one wanted to approve of the Taliban - that was, until the pressing need on the American side became too obvious to ignore, while the Taliban was more than interested in reducing the amount of sanctions applied to them. In June of 2002, talks began covertly between the Taliban and US in which the US would agree to recognise the Taliban and lift sanctions related to food and medicine while the Taliban would openly agree to cosmetic domestic reforms, and privately agree to putting its army on the border with Iran to draw up resources, plus for the establishment of CIA spy stations along the Iranian border that would be mostly for surveillance but also for raids into Iranian territory that the Iranians could not run into. Bush’s decision was the right one militarily, but it badly hurt America’s image as caring about democracy when they casually accepted the rule of Islamists far more brutal than the Iranian Mullahs just on the other side of the border.

The manpower issues were also starting to impact the occupation of Shia Iraq. The Coalition Provisional Authority (CPA) in Iraq abandoned idealistic plans for the most practical. Paul Brenner had originally been suggested for the job, but in the new world of ‘Less Bullshit’ that Powell was starting to create in the White House, he was not seen favourably. Powell encouraged Bush to appoint General Wesley Clark, an initial critic of the Iraqi intervention, as head of the CPA. Clark abandoned Brenner’s idea of banning members of the Baath Party from serving in government and of abolishing all structure of the Iraqi army. This was good in that it kept a bunch of men on the government payroll instead of giving them guns and nothing to do. Clark’s time in the Yugoslav wars had also made him hostile to the idea of ethnic partitioning states, given it was the basis of the Republika Srpska’s goal of an ethnically pure Greater Serbia. To him, the Sunnis, Shias and Kurds would have to get along together, whether they liked it or not. Later in 2002, Clark began to quickly move to civilian governance, while the overwhelmingly Shia region that America occupied proved relatively sedate considering that while the locals did not like the American presence, Saddam’s Iraq just north appeared to be a madhouse in its last moments. At the same time, unfortunately for the Americans, the occupying force was greatly resented for the role it was playing in Iran. Shia Iraqi political parties made no secret of their disdain for the American invasion, saying it threatened them since Iran was their ‘natural ally’. The hunt for finding Iraqi Shias who were at least not friendly to the Islamic Republic began. In the meantime, Clark began to discuss using the remnants of the Iraqi army that had not been dissolved to form a ‘Free Iraq Army’ that would relieve the Americans of occupational duty and perhaps even take care of Saddam for the Americans.

As the year continued and the Coalition was forced to move at a slower pace in Iran due to less than expected supplies, the Coalition got much better at anti-terrorism and insurgency warfare, with the British Army leading the way due to their experience in Northern Ireland. The major victories the Coalition had in Iran that Autumn would be Chalus on the Caspian Sea in August and Zanjan in September from Tabriz on the road to Tehran. The former was only a short way to Tehran, but the only road was flanked by mountains that were perfect for ambushes, with Norwegian troops in particular (alongside Romania who were desperate to prove their worthiness for NATO) proving useful in knowing how to fight in mountainous conditions. The latter was another brutal conflict, with three hundred Americans dying alongside a roughly equal number of Turks and another two hundred deaths from the other nations of the Coalition. Iranian deaths were many times higher, but of course the Iranians were more motivated to be there since it was their home and country. By October, the Coalition had captured Qazvin, now finally replenished by the first draftees who were coming in. This led to a massive culture shock and ‘cliquesmanship’ between the veterans and the draftees, both in terms of rivalry and in terms of pity since the veterans in many cases felt the draftees shouldn’t have been there at all. Unfortunately though, the veterans knew the draftees were needed, because they were about to embark on the most challenging part of the entire Invasion of Iran.

The aim was to reach Tehran for Christmas, the city whose name would carry all the weight that ‘Okinawa’ or ‘Iwo Jima’ would for American soldiers of the 21st Century. The soils of Persia were about to be coated by the blood of American boys sent to their deaths from across the ocean - a grim Christmas awaited.


Transcript of a Letter from US Draftee Francis Williams, sent December 1st 2002

Dear Rachel,

Don’t think of this as a letter - think of this as my arms wrapped around you, from across the world. I have been in Iran three weeks now, but every week, every day, every moment, my thoughts are not here, but over there. There, where we met on the first day of high school. There, in the forest where we kissed under the New Year moonlight. There, at the airport when we said goodbye, when you told me that you would only ever love me. There, back at home where you and my parents are praying every night for me. While it pains me to know that my absence hurts you, it warms my heart to know that there is someone in this world who cares about me. I was lonely, but you loved me. I was hopeless, but you believed in me. I was finished, but you saved me. I am not afraid to die here, but I am afraid of the pain you would feel if something happened to me. But my country has called me, and it pulls me away from where I yearn to be. But if it wasn’t me, someone else would have to go in my place - maybe someone who never knew what it meant to love or be loved. For that reason, I have to go, in case that poor someone had his life’s love just ahead of him.

I promise you Rachel, I will do everything honour allows that I can survive here. And if God decides that we will next see each other in heaven, if I’m going to die here on the other side of the world while you lie sleeping, I want you to know this, Rachel: my last breath will be the whisper of your name. And if God decides that we’ll meet again in this world, I promise I will never leave you again and it will be a far happier reunion. Because more than the Kingdom of Heaven, I just want to see the smiles you show no one else. In this world or the next, I promise I will come for you. Rachel, whatever you do, believe in me.

-Yours, Franky


*Note: Private Francis Williams was killed in action in Iran on December 4th 2002 [1]


Extract from ‘Date with Destiny: The War that brought Korea and Japan Together’ by Kaori Makimura


By September, the disagreements over how to resolve the Korean situation escalated once Seoul was finally declared secure. The North Koreans had seen their army crushed, their vehicles wrecked, their planes shot from the skies and their boats at the bottom of the ocean. Despite all that, miraculously, due to the fear of North Korea’s WMD program, not a single bomb had been dropped north of the DMZ. This had invited harsh criticism among military planners in the Pentagon, who feared being struck by a pre-emptive chemical weapon strike. In fact, by September, it was still being debated what the next steps for United Nations Command would be. Some didn’t want to go into North Korea period, being fully aware of the Pandora’s Box that lay ahead and content just to blockade it until Kim crumbled. Given that Kim had allowed 10% of his population to starve in the 1990s, this was not considered a credible idea. If Kim stayed, the Korean Peninsula would not be a safe place to invest or live, meaning South Korea had both practical (as well as obvious moral reasons) to pursue the Kim regime to the ends of the Earth. Furthermore, as Korean forces moved north and retook captured ground, as they re-entered the areas their families had been killed with their corpses left fermenting on their front yards, as they found letters left behind from the children who had been kidnapped and sent to re-education camps in the north, as they saw the remains of their homes that had been burned to the ground, the flame of vengeance within the hearts of South Koreans burned so hard that even the Americans were growing scared of what was happening. Likewise, the Korean diaspora favoured overwhelming force on the North, many having family killed by the North. This would ultimately begin peeling off Korean-Americans from the Democrat coalition and turning them into stalwart Republican voters like the Cubans, though this process would not fully complete itself until later Democrat Administrations. While it seemed impossible to talk the South Koreans down, everyone knew that sending such an emotionally charged army up north risked a diplomatic car crash. Unfortunately, there wasn’t much time left to come up with something as United Nations Command began to see the former DMZ in the distance ahead.

China continued to play both sides of the conflict, though most scholars now believe that China was attempting to exhaust the West and force them to be more dependent on China for their economic future. They had run a number of plans on what the best resolution was, generally agreeing an exhausted West and changed regime in North Korea were optimal. They were relieved at the sudden and perhaps irrevocable schism between North and South Koreans, hoping it spelt an end to fears of a united, Pro-West Korea on the Yalu. Russia, similarly increasingly suspicious of the United States and fears of Western hegemony, began covertly sending oil to the North Koreans through Chinese shell companies for eye-wateringly high payments.

North Korea maintained their ultimatum that Kim thought gave him insurance - he said that any move into North Korea would trigger the use of WMDs. Bush replied that any use of WMDs would ‘Be considered by the United States as a green light to use our own Weapons of Mass Destruction - the only type we have’. Bush was greatly disquieted by his own announcement, telling his wife, ‘I don’t want to go down in history as the man who wanted to nuke anyone’. However, he kept a strong figure in public, pretending he was a stoic rock in the midst of chaos, amidst a bickering and divided White House, military and nation. He would need that figure in his White House Meeting with KDJ on September 15th. Supposedly there to celebrate the victory in Seoul, KDJ waited until he sat with Bush to personally tell him - that with or without America’s help, South Korea was going north of the DMZ, and that it was Bush’s choice where America would stand on the matter. KDJ explained to Bush that if he did not move north he would be impeached and replaced with someone who would. The time had come to initiate Operation Korean Freedom.

This operation called for overwhelming bombing and firepower all across North Korea, with the Koreans, Americans, Japanese and every other air force available taking out every possible WMD location, the suspected North Korean nuclear reactor, and quite simply every conceivable military target in North Korea. Unfortunately for optics, this would effectively have to be a surprise attack since elsewise the North Koreans could just launch their WMDs in advance. KDJ offered to take full responsibility for the attack in case Bush was criticised for it - Bush refused, saying it was his duty as both the President of the United States and as a man to take responsibility for his actions. To Bush, Kim had to go after what he did, and if that meant he pissed off Beijing, Moscow or whoever else, that was all a necessary price to pay. In his autobiography, Bush would recall, “I thought back to my time as a kid, playing baseball with my friends. And I just thought to myself, if that kid could come forward in time and look at me now, not even knowing who I was, what would that kid think of me now?”

In the early morning of September 24th, after phone calls with the leaders of all nations of United Nations Command, and while a handful of North Korean stragglers still held on below the DMZ, Operation Korean Freedom began. It did not begin with explosions, but a warning was sent across all South Korean and Japanese media to go to the shelters immediately. Ten minutes later, with overwhelming artillery and aerial firepower upon artillery positions just over the DMZ, the military portion of the operation began. The Yongbyon Nuclear Reactor complex was bombed off the face of the Earth and every suspected missile site in the country was struck by overwhelming US, Korean and Japanese conventional weapons. Railroads near the Chinese and Russian borders were churned to tangled, metal balls and every air field in the country was peppered with craters. Many North Korean planes had been left in the open due to the arrogant belief the US was deterred by the chemical weapons threat, leading to 70% of the remaining North Korean air force being destroyed on the first day of the bombing run. Also churned to pieces was the DMZ itself, with every visible guard post along the DMZ getting shredded by heavy fire.

There were also very symbolic strikes in Pyongyang - notably the Juche Tower getting struck at its base just enough to send the tower toppling forwards, crushing the statue to the Workers' Party of Korea below and sending the ‘Flame’ of Juche to be swallowed by the Taedong River. The Mansu Hill Grand Monument of Kim Il-Sung where everyday cyclists were expected to stop and bow to if they passed in front of was given a purposefully humiliating fate, with the bomb primed to explode just above the statue. Instead of simply blowing the statue to pieces, only the legs of Kim Il-Sung’s statue remained. Kim Il Sung’s body itself narrowly escaped destruction after a South Korean bomb landed on the Mausoleum and blew the Hall to ruins - Kim the elder’s body was moved to the underground tunnels of Pyongyang. In perhaps the only instance of South Koreans still feeling kinship with their northern neighbours, the Arch of Triumph which commemorated the Korean Independence Struggle from Japan was purposefully preserved from targeting at South Korean insistence. However, one especially hated monument was targeted - the Arch of Reunification, featuring two women holding a sphere bearing a Unified Korea which was made in August 2001. It was seen as perhaps the seed of peace, but now seemed a taunt of war. The monument was blasted to dust by South Korean bombs.

With the war now brought home to North Korea, Kim first ordered his missiles to launch their chemical weapons everywhere in Japan and South Korea that he could. The problem was the first strike by the US and South Korea had proven an overwhelming success and greatly diminished the scale of existing missiles in the North Korean arsenal. Furthermore, much of the artillery that was supposed to deliver the killing blow to Seoul had been destroyed in Seoul’s battle itself, with much of the surviving artillery worn away and much of the remaining shells simply getting blown up by HIMAR Rockets from a distance. The scale of the annihilation of his missiles and artillery had been so overwhelming that Kim quickly changed tact and order his chemical weapons to be used as part of a guerrilla campaign within North Korea to bleed the Americans into negotiations, and to offer giving back South Korea’s children as a ‘win’ for the US to hang their hat on. A handful of missiles managed to slip through with about twenty landing in various cities in South Korea and eight landing in Japan. Casualties were mercifully low given prompt evacuation notices, appropriate chemical weapon preparations from Korean and Japanese citizens, and bad North Korean targeting - only fifty people cumulatively died from the WMD strikes, many of whom being first responders. Ultimately the figures were so low compared to the madness of the conventional invasion that Bush felt comfortable in letting the conventional weapons do the talking while saying that ‘The United States believes it now has free range, with the consent of the South Korean government, to deploy nuclear weapons on the Korean Peninsula’. South Korea then played the bizarre good cop in this scenario, insisting that the situation did not call for nuclear weapons, only the annihilation of the Kim regime.

The other thing that Kim did was to unleash his final and most horrifying phase in his dictatorship. The forced enlistment of all of North Korean society, in what he unsettlingly called ‘The Final March’. In his nationwide speech by radio, Kim declared, “A world without the light of the People’s Democratic Republic of Korea is a life without meaning - there is nothing in death that can be as terrible as a world without Juche. Mothers of Korea, if you cannot take on the Imperialist aggressors yourselves, if you are overrun by them, think of your children, and make sure they don’t grow up in a world devoid of the light of Juche.” As Colin Powell said in reference to the speech, “Jesus Christ, we thought we were dealing with Hitler - turns out we’re dealing with Jim Goddamned Jones!” Old men were pushed into Volkssturm-style units, many veterans of the First Korean War. Elementary school children were enlisted to carry out chores for the army such as carrying shells. Twelve-year old boys were called to frontline duty. Furthermore, like the Germans did in World War Two, the order came to clear the concentration camps. Over the end of September into October, the guards of the intricate North Korean prison network system were tasked with selecting what percentage of their prisoners (many of whom had lived all their life in prison from birth) to starve to death and the other percentage who were sent out under armed guard to work as slaves building impromptu fortifications - again, the camps with South Koreans were preserved, although they were subject to every form of abuse short of casual murder imaginable. Overwhelmingly, it was the elderly and youngest children in the North Korean camps who were simply chosen to die - they were locked in cells in the concentration camps while their desperate families were shoved away at riflepoint. The camps were either left to rot with the damned inside them to die of lack of water or sometimes burned down to prevent the Allies from finding out about how horrific they were.

For an entire month, the already exhausted North Koreans would endure the combined bombing runs of three First World countries. Food, transport and all other forms of communication that were not run directly by the military were left on the wayside.With the exception of the few thousand in the inner circle of the regime, what few cars remained disappeared from the roads. Survivors recount how the situation had deteriorated to be as bad as it was in the days of the Arduous March, often even worse. For those not in Pyongyang and thus privileged by the social support system, even the soldiers could not guarantee food. This was made worse by a collapse in sanitation and health care, with diseases spreading due to the weakened state of the population in hunger. In the meantime, UN Command Troops prepared themselves for chemical warfare with the appropriate protective gear. This was not going to be easy - in fact, this was perhaps going to be the worst war ever fought.

At the same time as North Korea sank into madness, many felt the United States had been pulling the strings on South Korea to push the invasion of the North to take out a regional foe. South Africa pulled out of the United Nations Command in protest at the decision, saying its goal was to stop the war in Korea, not to start it anew. China and Russia both sent out uncharacteristically harsh letters warning of ‘American overreach’. While North Korea had occupied a grey zone in the Anti-War Left since North Korea had unquestionably started the thing, the decision to go north had now thrown a new sheen on the situation that made the US less sympathetic. Anti-War groups in the US now grew in number and confidence, but at the same time, it wasn’t up to them. Bush knew that rightly or wrongly, whether he wanted to or not, the War on Terror against the Axis of Evil would define his term as President. He had already come this far - there was no going back now.


Excerpt from ‘Broken Dreams: How the War on Terror Changed America’ by Linda Reins


The 2002 Midterms were a disappointment to both parties. The Senate stayed in its 51-49 split in the Democrats’ favour, but the Republicans held the House by a single seat, leaving a 217-216 split in favour of the Republicans, a result that would be contested for weeks but ultimately affirmed. For an incumbent party, it wasn’t bad, although a lot of Republicans had been hoping for a boost due to the unfathomably high approval ratings Bush got in the aftermath of 9/11 - it is believed that shock over the Draft and failures in the War on Terror had hurt this impression, but Bush still had enough credibility to hold the House. By contrast, while the Democrats had effectively reduced the House majority to nonexistence, it led to another round of infighting in the party, as the Left of the party accused the centrists of being insufficiently bold in criticising the President and not taking advantage of widespread anger in young Americans over the draft while the centrists condemned the Democrat Left for insufficient zeal in supporting the troops and fears it was making the Democrat brand look ‘Un-American’.

While the media focussed on the open fissures of the Democrat Party, the Republicans fought a private but equally brutal war inside the halls of power. Bush had increasingly lost patience with the Neocons over their handling of the war - their predictions of flowers all the way to Tehran had proven a disaster which in turn led to another disaster in North Korea thinking they could score a fast one over Washington, plunging the US into another Korean War now with WMDs. Colin Powell was increasingly seen by Bush as his closest ally, seen as the no-bullshit voice of reason Bush felt he needed in those trying days. Rumours swirled of Cheney getting swapped out on the Presidential ticket for Powell. At the same time, Bush’s idealism did not escape him. He didn’t regret the entry to Iraq, or the decision to go north of the DMZ. Bush was in many ways an extreme, naive idealist in that he was convinced the values America stood for were so true and righteous that no one would refuse to live under them. He dreamed of a world free of dictatorship, which he considered the best way to end wars. To that end, Saddam and Kim simply had to pay. But with this lodestar of winning the War on Terror in mind, he was ready to do things that no Republican would do before.

One of the salient points between Democrats and Republicans at the time was how to pay for the war. The Democrats insisted on rescinding and raising income tax cuts that Bush had implemented beforehand while Bush and other Republicans wanted entitlement reform. In the aftermath of the election, when both parties felt they had more to prove on the issue and after each respective leadership had been at war with their own side and many congresspeople had nothing to lose in their lame duck session, the time to strike a deal had effectively arrived. The Financial Responsibility Act of 2003 would undo the 2001 EGTRRA tax cuts and raise the top rate on tax to 50% for five years before falling back down to 45%. Bush was aware of how the Draft had polarised class sentiments and didn’t want to look too preferential to the rich when tensions were starting to boil over. Payroll tax was also increased to try and make social security more solvent. At the same time, medicare and medicaid were reformed in order to minimise future costs. The bill was unpopular with the left of the Democrat Party and the right of the Republicans, alternatively calling it further punishment on the poor who had to fight the wars and a draconian tax-grab respectively. The bill was narrowly approved in early January 2003, further poisoning the political mood in the United States, but it was in the Democrat Party where tensions were starting to flare the hardest. The anger of disenfranchised young men in America to both political parties was palpable, leading to a surge in suicides and crime in the winter of 2002/2003. It was in this environment that a challenger from the left emerged in the Democrat Party to take on its establishment and would give voice to the hopeless young men of America.

His name was Paul Wellstone.


Extract from ‘The Rise, Fall, and Rise of Iran’ by Zoreh Rahimi


By December 2002, a tired lull had come over the front line in Iran. Coalition troops were still trying to manage culture clashes between the veterans and the incoming draftees, as well as quiet the grief of family members back home. The student protests in the US and beyond were worsening, with Berkely under what effectively amounted to a two day siege when students took over major administrative buildings demanding an end to the draft. Protests in the thousands were almost weekly in the major cities, although half the violence at these events were different wings of the anti-war movement fighting each other. After the disaster of Woodstock ‘99, no one thought another Woodstock would happen again, but Woodstock ‘03 had been announced with Eminem, Limp Bizkit, Willie Nelson, and a host of other famous acts already signed to headline. But more than anything else, Americans were anxious about the young soldiers who had been sent to Iran. Neither the soldiers, their families, nor anyone ever thought it would happen, and that they would be called to war on the far side of the world. That winter, it seemed that Boomer parents regarded every boy that had been sent as their own. Guilty for the situation, many looking back foolishly on the urge after 9/11 to send troops to the far ends of Earth, those whose youth was defined by the pain caused by Vietnam and the Draft did all they could to help the troops. Even though the economy was in recession and sputtering, few people thought of themselves that Christmas, and instead thought of the boys who may never live to become men.

Churches, synagogues and mosques went into overdrive gathering everything they could, with planes and ships bustling from one continent to the next to ensure Christmas gifts, letters from loved ones and everything else arrived in time for Christmas. After a long absence, every porch once more seemed to have an American flag again. With perhaps suitable ostentatiousness, the WWE would change their 2002 December PPV to be put in Kuwait with 90% of the audience being service members getting in free, changing the name to ‘Tribute to the Troops’, with owner Vince McMahon explaining that ‘We’re not going to give these boys a damned house show’. The main event with Kurt Angle’s winning the WWE title from Brock Lesner with Hulk Hogan as guest referee ignited perhaps the most visceral, guttural and sincere ‘USA’ chant that had ever left human mouths.

Iranians too were at their low point. Their country had been bombed furiously, tens of thousands of their number lay dead and deep down they knew their enemy was simply too powerful to fully stop. They also knew their government was evil, but at least it was Iranian and therefore a second-tier concern behind foreign occupation. All they wanted was for the Americans to go so they could turn their guns on the Ayatollah and finish the job. As the snow set in for Winter, the mountainous country gritted its teeth for the miserable few months ahead. Months of bombing, shelling and shooting. What made the Iranians all the more astonishing, however, is how little they succumbed to hatred. How they treated American prisoners well, how they threatened IRGC units if they mistreated POWs, how the Iranian army came from behind, a second order force behind the IRGC who by sheer force of will and decency left its regime in the dust behind it. The Iranian army seemed to operate more like a social organism, one that displayed all the chivalry and respect that were the best traits of the Persian people. They had cooperated with the Coalition to reduce civilian casualties at every turn - they fought in uniforms, they fought away from civilians, and they fought with honour. Bodies of the dead were either allowed to be collected or transferred to their respective teams at day’s end. British Historian Niall Ferguson called it ‘The sort of war we last fought in North Africa in World War Two - a war, more or less, devoid of hate with a strange mutual respect.’ It should be noted that the totalitarianism of Saddam and Kim would never have allowed this to happen in their respective countries, and it was the weakness of the Ayatollah that allowed the people of his country to shine.

On December 10th, an Iranian unit under a white flag drove out from Karaj just outside of Tehran to American lines. What they proposed was quite astonishing. The letter they gave the Americans, signed by the ‘Iranian Soldiers’ Union’ offered a truce over Christmas to Coalition troops across the entirety of Iran in return for a truce on Eid al-Adha (February 12th 2003). The letter went on to state that ‘Any attempts by the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corp to defile a holy day to one of the Peoples of the Book will be met with a forceful assertion of Persian tolerance’. The letter sparked a firestorm in the Western press about whether it was a cunning trap to launch a Tet-style offensive, but Bush, ever the idealist, publicly approved of the call for peace, even going so far as to offer the Iranians to meet American troops on the other side of the line, earning him much private rebuke from Powell. Bush, convinced more than ever of the goodness of the average Iranian, had hoped to finally convince them to accept the US mission and was willing to take a risk to do it. With Bush’s approval, the remaining parties (especially ones where the war was unpopular) accepted the terms.

In Iran, the deal was initially condemned in state media as insubordination, but by now both the Ayatollah and Soleimani were smart enough to keep their nose out of it. They quickly got their answer when virtually every detachment of Iranian soldiers around the country told the nearby IRGC units (who were now weaker compared to the army due to their receiving the bulk of American bombs) that if they were going to fight on Christmas and internationally disgrace Iran, in the words of one unit, ‘then we will shoot you before the Americans even know they’ve been shot at’. Recognising the scale of feeling in the country and hoping to swell the Anti-War movement in America, the Ayatollah strategically endorsed the truce, with Soleimani publicly ordering the IRGC to stand down at risk of execution. Needless to say, the levels of boiling hatred in Korea refused to allow such an event to happen, and Iraq effectively remained in truce while elections were prepared with Saddam leering just over the ceasefire line. A tense week waited ahead, as both sides wondered whether a trap had been set.

Just after midnight, as Christmas Eve turned to Christmas morning, no one slept in their beds in Iran - not Iranians, not Americans, not anyone. They were all on edge to see if everything would work out. Meanwhile, due to the time zone difference, Americans, Brits and others were glued to their television sets to see if everything was going to work out. Outside Karaj, Khorramabad, Shiraz and elsewhere, minutes passed, then tens tens of minutes, every moment perhaps just the last before the whistles of bullets began yet again. Instead, at the front lines in the suburbs of Keraj, the American soldiers could hear something being sung: ‘Shebi Aram’. By the time they had remembered their elementary Farsi, they had already recognised the chorus and by extension its meaning: ‘Silent Night’. The Iranian soldiers sang the song knowing that it was what was sung across the trenches in World War One. Sung by millions of young men not for the love of their ruling classes who had sent them there to shoot each other, but for the love of all mankind. It was the most honest and sincere plea for peace that they could have delivered. And then, just like that day nearly one hundred years ago, the Allied troops joined in. Once the news that the truce had worked in Karaj came through, so did these scenes repeat themselves everywhere across Iran.

That December 25th would be an unforgettable one. The Iranian Army and the US (particularly the draftees) would walk through the no man’s lands towards each other. American troops would be surprised at the Iranians’ interest in drink and their ability to drink them under the table. Iranians would be surprised how easy it was to beat the Americans in hastily arranged football matches and how insistent the local British were not to translate the term for ‘football’ as ‘soccer’ - many of the Americans insisted on basketball and got a much better result. Iranian families visited the front to see their fathers, husbands and sons, perhaps for one last time, while the Coalition did nothing to stop the reunions. The IRGC sat and huffed in their bunkers in contempt at their ‘degenerate’ comrades in arms, while the Iranian Army found their hatred to be a compliment. Much like the First Christmas Truce, it was loathed by the military planners in both Tehran and Washington for threatening troop cohesion, and much like the First Christmas Truce, the soldiers’ concerns for their planners didn’t amount to a wet fart. The Coalition troops tried to teach the Iranians some Christmas Carols, but had been discouraged from using religious ones - thus surreal images of American and Iranian troops singing ‘All I want for Christmas is You’ would rapidly circulate around the globe. Across all of Iran that day, there was not one confirmed bombing or fatality.

Then, as the day came to a close, as the two sides gave their thanks, the Americans insisting they would honour the ceasefire next Eid, they gave well-wishes, even presents, they went back to their posts. On the morning of December 26th, all those soldiers who had embraced each other as brothers began shooting at each other again. Many wondered what it all meant, if it meant the war was nearly over, if war was just too strong for mere individuals to intervene in and stop. But there was one group of people who were very sure of what it all meant. The ‘Second Christmas Truce’ had occurred while the last few survivors of the First were dying. On their deathbeds, the survivors would recall how it comforted them in their final moments. To know that the new generation was not too different from the old, that the old values of decency, chivalry and honour were not simply alive but existed even in the far corners of the world. Even as the ‘War to End All Wars’ had failed to live up to its promise, those old men saw that they had inspired millions of people almost a hundred years later to throw down their guns, if only for a day, just like they did. Their lives had not been in vain.


[1] Partly based on Sullivan Ballou's Civil War letter.
 
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Megumi
Megumi

Extract from 'The Summoned Generation' by Heihachi Edajima (Minmei Publishing)


Megumi Yokota [1] was born on October 5th 1964 in Nagoya, Japan to her mother Sakie and father Shigeru. She lived a life as a child many Japanese felt nostalgic for - the era of Sakamoto Kyu, Ashita no Joe and Sazae-san. A part of the world that felt far removed from the crime waves of America, the upheavals in Europe and the wars on the Asian mainland. She was a happy, well-adjusted thirteen year old girl with friends, dreams and a future. In particular, she had an aptitude for both writing and sports, particularly badminton. At the same time, she loved her family deeply. They were close-knit, even for a Japanese family, with Megumi taking care of her younger siblings with a mother’s attention. That’s why, on November 15th 1977, when 13 year old Megumi didn’t come back home in time for dinner from badminton practice, her parents immediately began to worry. They ran up and down the street, called up the school, called up friends, but they couldn’t find her anywhere in Nagoya. That was because she wasn’t in Nagoya - she was in a boat on the Sea of Japan, taken further and further away from her family, towards North Korea.

Throughout the seventies and eighties, North Korea had kidnapped a number of Japanese citizens, with roughly twenty confirmed beyond doubt and many more suspected. Some women were kidnapped and compelled to be the wives of the Japan AirLines Flight 351 hijackers. Others were used to teach Japanese language and culture in spy schools so said spies would launch further attacks upon the nation the kidnapped victim had been stolen from. In the case of Megumi, she had the appalling misfortune of accidentally stumbling upon a group of North Korean spies, who panicked and kidnapped her, not realising how young she was in the dark. Megumi wept on the boat, wept on arrival, and wept in captivity. Separated from the family she loved so much, she would barely eat for the first month of her captivity. Eventually, she was told that she would return home to see her parents if she aided in training North Korean spies in Japanese language and customs - a deal she hurriedly and desperately agreed to, only to eventually realise as the years went on that the North Koreans had no intention of honouring that promise. Later, she was forced to marry a kidnapped South Korean, Kim Young-nam. In 1987, they had a daughter, Kim Eun-gyong. They were completely cut off from knowledge of the outside world - Megumi could scarcely have believed how hard her family were desperately trying to save their daughter.

While Megumi lived in hell, captive in North Korea, her parents lived in their own hell. Her father walked the town every night hoping to see her, someone was stationed at the house every moment in case a phone call came in. They talked to the newspapers, radio and television. They gave up their jobs, sold their home, and did everything In their power to find something or someone who could help find their girl. In twenty years since the kidnapping, no one had suspected a North Korean angle to the case, though her parents were always certain Megumi would never run away from her parents or siblings. It wasn’t until the late 1990s that a phone call came from a stranger called Tatsukichi Hayamoto that Megumi was indeed alive, and was married in North Korea after having been kidnapped. There was some controversy over this theory. For a long time the idea of North Korea kidnapping Japanese citizens was accused by elements of the Japanese Left (including the Japanese Socialist Party, the main opposition to the LDP) as a groundless fantasy concocted by the Japanese Right to justify rearmament. However, one increasingly important member of the Koizumi government was certain. He had become the most prominent politician in Japan in the late 1990s and early 2000s regarding the case of the supposedly kidnapped Japanese citizens held by North Korea, representing victims’ families in media and parliament and tying it in with his more assertive vision for Japanese foreign policy. His name was Shinzo Abe.

In the aftermath of both the initial North Korean attack south and their defeat at Seoul, Japanese public opinion had monumentally swung away from pacifism. Doubts that North Koreans would be so insane or evil as to kidnap Japanese children rapidly vanished in the face of taking thousands of child hostages from murdered South Korean families. But more worryingly for the Japanese government, they knew that the imminent invasion north threatened the lives of the kidnapped Japanese that remained in North Korea. Since they weren’t ‘officially’ taken by North Korea, they were simply potential fifth columnists that couldn’t be traded. Thus the lives of the hostages were in danger, particularly Megumi, who was by far the most famous and the only one who had been abducted as a child. This made Abe come out to support something unfathomably risky - an operation to rescue Megumi before the North Koreans killed her.

This was easier said than done to say the least, especially given the black hole of information that was North Korea. They didn’t know where she was, how to get to her, and how the hell to get her out. Japan’s special forces were hardly world-beaters, its intelligence service was little better, and they were faced with a potentially futile mission anyway. Maybe she was already dead, maybe she had bought the propaganda and turned her back on Japan, maybe this was just an insane waste of resources when what was important was focussing on continuing to break the back of North Korea’s resistance. When Abe brought up the idea to a member of the Self-Defence forces, one unidentified member repeated those criticisms to him, to which the politician responded: “Sir, I understand your concerns, but this is what’s going to happen whether you like it or not: we’re going to rescue Megumi, she will come home and she will see her parents again.”

Grumpily, Japanese intelligence services (with limited help from the Koreans and Americans given their own litany of priorities) did their best to try and find some lead to where Megumi was. Then one agent noticed something - a copy of the Pyongyang directory listed a woman with the same birthdate as Megumi (Kim Eun-gong, the name of the daughter), with the same spousal name too (Kim Young-nam). This was hardly conclusive, but it was compelling. In response, the Cabinet decided this was sufficient proof to justify an operation. The problem was that the Japanese were not exactly known for their black op services. Consequently two parties were called up to plan what to do: the Korean National Intelligence Service, and the Israeli Mossad. The former owing to the necessity of getting the South Koreans on board for the mission to succeed, and Mossad because, if anyone knew anything about stunts out of a James Bond film, it was them.

The bombing runs on North Korea were not as indiscriminate as the ones that flattened the country in 1950-1953, but they were absolutely overwhelming and effectively shut down the ability of North Korea to see what was coming into their airspace. In the midst of the chaos, Mossad advisors argued, the South Koreans could infiltrate into Pyongyang, check if Megumi and her family were there, and get them out. Despite fears South Korea would not cooperate, the Japanese were surprised by the willingness of the South Koreans to go along with the plan - although given that the husband was a South Korean it was not an entirely altruistic move. Reportedly, in what has been much criticised since, one South Korean diplomat assured his Japanese counterparts that, “While we [South Korea and Japan] may be different, unlike them [the North Koreans], we’re both human.” Naturally, given that White people or Japanese speakers would be rather conspicuous attempting to infiltrate North Korea, only South Koreans would do the footwork - indeed the United Nations Command were not even told of the operation, although the Americans were individually contacted in case they eventually needed some heavy firepower. The South Koreans chosen would be three anonymous NIS members, all unusually short, deliberately starved to look more realistically North Korean and downpat on the most subtle of accentual differences. Their uniforms would be taken from North Korean prisoners, they would be given multiple packets of cigarettes for bribes and were given cyanide pills in case of capture.

Operation Guardian Angel had been meticulously planned by the South Koreans, Japanese with Mossad advisors in what little time they had - all for a girl (now a woman) whom they didn’t even fully know was alive. But the thought never entered their heads. They were going to save Megumi, and they were going to bring her home.


Extract from ‘Kim’s Footprint: How the War on Terror Changed Asia’ by Saeba Ryou


On October 30th 2002, the first South Korean boots crossed the ruins of the Joint Security Area on the former DMZ. They were surprised to find little armed resistance on the site, but found resistance in another way. The roads leading to the DMZ on the North Korean side had been thoroughly closed off, bombed and made impassable. Similar scenes repeated themselves across the former DMZ, a sparse collection of abandoned guideposts and impassable roads. Many wondered if the Allied bombing campaign had accomplished the intended effect and had simply dissolved the North Korean army. This especially inspired hope in the South Koreans because Kaesong, the city they were targeting, had formerly been part of South Korea before the First Korean War, and taking it back was considered a point of national pride and undoing an old humiliation. Unfortunately, the South Koreans simply found out that the impassable roads made ambush from the forests incredibly easy. On the rainy, muddy, cold roads north, the North Koreans fought the same war they fought against the Japanese: ambushes, hit-and-run and no pitched-engagements.

The response of the South Korean government was simple - overwhelming firepower. The forests were simply burned, and areas known to have North Korean guerillas were flattened by artillery. The Americans by contrast knew that the Battle of Tehran was coming up soon and that all troops would be needed for that over Pyongyang where everyone knew the South Koreans would take the lion’s share. As a result, the South Koreans were the primary witnesses of the horrors that lurked north of the former DMZ. Kaesong would be the first demonstration of how far the North Koreans would go to fight back. The South Koreans would find, to their dismay, an army that seemed the spiritual and moral equal of the Imperial Japanese Army - fanatical, suicidal and devoid of compassion.

The entirety of the city’s school-age population had been recruited by the military to either do military chores like dig trenches or to actually fight in the case of those over the age of 12. President Bush would ominously tell Rumsfeld in response to the reports that, ‘Sounds like what would have happened if we didn’t use Little Boy.’ The comparison with Operation Downfall stuck and the invasion of North Korea is now regularly used as an example of what would have awaited the Americans had Truman not dropped the Bomb on Japan in morality debates about Hiroshima. Documents recovered after the war revealed that the use of child soldiers had been encouraged by Kim Jong-il in order to ‘initiate psychological devastation on their murderers’, he said in reference to South Korean and UN troops (not, more appropriately, himself). The idea was that it would horrify Westerners and cause them to either accept that the North Koreans were committed to the cause beyond all reason and thus had to be let go, or to make people blame the US/South Korea for their deaths and undermine support for the war at home. However, subsequent polls showed that the reaction of most South Koreans to the use of child soldiers was simply to underscore the monstrosity of the North Koreans not just as a leadership but as a people entirely, further expanding the divide between the two Koreas.

The Winter of 2002 would be remembered by North Koreans as ‘The Black Winter’. Almost everyone knew someone who died that Winter by starvation, cold or disease, not to mention the war. It would have a profound psychological impact on the survivors, with millions forced to choose between their every moral and survival. The water pipelines in the major cities froze over and burst, hospitals that still had medicine were often simply barged into by soldiers who threw everything into a sack for use on the front and leaving the citizens with nothing, some simply collapsed dead in the breadlines. In one grocery store in Pyongyang, ‘horse-meat’ was the primary food left on the shelves, only for it later to be revealed after the war that they were simply the reprocessed remains of political dissidents. Even the North Korean soldiers were not safe from shortages, with the average North Korean soldier that Winter living off the same calorie-count as the average Gulag-prisoner did in the prior months. Many North Korean soldiers who survived the war remembered seeing comrades tear their muscles simply trying to pick up their guns, so badly had their bodies decayed that even lifting basic equipment was impossible. Others even claimed to have seen soldiers collapse in injury simply from being unable to push against the recoil.

One South Korean soldier would recall in the midst of the Battle of Kaesong that in hand to hand combat with a North Korean soldier, he said, ‘I hit him in his chest, and almost felt his whole body crumple inwards. I could hear his ribs snap, I could feel my hand sink into his chest - I didn’t see any blood. He fell on me, and I realised how light he was. I grabbed his arm and realised that my thumb was over my index finger - in other words, his arm was so withered that he simply had no muscle. My thirteen year old child at home was heavier than him. I wondered how in the name of God he was even alive beforehand, if he even was.’

Unfortunately, this became the excuse to push the use of child soldiers owing to their needing less food due to their smaller size, who became a horrifyingly common sight as the South Koreans poured into the city of Kaesong. Forty percent of South Korean soldiers who fought at Kaesong would develop PTSD from their experiences killing children as young as their own who were shooting at them - sometimes the children would approach them pretending to not be soldiers and explode grenades when they got close to the soldiers. As one South Korean soldier recalled, “I was ready to forgive them for killing my children, but I’ll never forgive them in a thousand generations for making me kill their children.” Adult commanders of the children were shown no mercy by South Korean troops, who were often simply beaten to death once captured, had their corpses shot and their deaths written off as ‘attempting to escape’. Adult North Korean soldiers that were captured were forced to bury the children, but increasingly fewer North Koreans were surrendering. The sight of a UN soldier brought much relief to North Koreans, since they expected to be treated better, but the sight of a South Korean soldier seemed the premonition of death itself. One North Korean soldier wrote in his diary, based on the persistence and perseverance of South Korean troops he had witnessed, “We are not fighting Koreans - we are fighting demons from hell, who run towards bullets without fear.” The sheer hatred the South Koreans had of their northern neighbours by now was enough to give a frightful aura by itself.

To underscore the level of hatred and disgust that had grown inside South Koreans, the much expected reunions between families who had been divided by the border never happened - perhaps the most chilling case was of one elderly North Korean woman who was able to work out that one of the South Korean soldiers stationed at the processing camp she was her sister’s grandson. She dropped to his feet in joy, explaining that she had worked out she was his great aunt and part of the same family. But when she looked up, “He looked down on me as if I was human garbage - insulted to think he shared blood with one of ‘them’.”

The Battle of Kaesong occurred amidst a series of scary developments in the South Korean political space. By the time the city was finally declared secure on December 16th 2002, it had simply been reduced to rubble, with one French reporter observing “The city that is built on top of these ruins at best can only be called ‘Kaesong Two’ because not a brick of the old Kaesong remains’. The moral and ethical considerations of protecting North Korean citizens had effectively disappeared from the public space. In the Presidential elections that December, Lee Hoi-chang of the Right-wing Grand National Party won the election in a landslide - while President KDJ remained respected by South Koreas, even among those who criticised his Sunshine Policy, his party did not have the same graciousness awarded to it. Lee ran on the campaign slogan of ‘Total Victory’ and promised South Koreans away from the frontline (mostly the elderly and women) that ‘your husbands, sons and brothers on the front are my first and only priority - their safety is more important than the safety of any North Korean anywhere up there’. It was considered a dog whistle that South Korea would engage in more indiscriminate, brutal bombing and shelling on the basis that it would reduce the amount of dead South Korean troops having to mop up the cities. The Millenium Democratic Party (KDJ’s party) would accuse Lee of this, only to find that many South Koreans quite liked the idea. They had already lost family, friends, homes, children all while they had done nothing but help and perform apologism for the north - to many, the North Koreans had signed their own death warrants, and that the population was simply brainwashed beyond saving and therefore little more than robots devoid of souls who deaths were no sadder than losing a Playstation.

These opinions hold strong today, even twenty years later. Needless to say, there was no Christmas Truce in Korea.

In the meantime, fellow members of the North Korean elite knew the time was coming to decide whether to stay with Kim or find some way to make an arrangement with the West and the South. Jang Song-Thaek, Kim’s brother in law, was the leader of the plotters and was in the process of planning to place Kim’s son, Kim Jong-nam, on the de facto throne, in hopes of getting the Chinese to lean in their favour. Unfortunately, the elder Kim discovered the plot and ghoulishly judged those who would rise against him, including his own son. Kim wanted to keep the planned coup secret to minimise any impact on his aura and so the retribution was private but merciless so that only the inner circle would know of it. Members of the North Korean government were called to a meeting in the Pyongyang Underground system where Jang was tied to a wooden post in front of them while attached to a blood transfusion machine. There, they would witness the ancient Chinese practice of ‘Lingchi’ being performed on Jang - an agonising form of torturous death where parts of the body were slowly removed. His eyes, genitals, ears, nose and fingers were slowly removed as he begged for death - until his tongue was likewise removed, and then his teeth too. Many of the cuts were performed by his wife Kim Kyong-hui, Kim Jong Il’s sister in order to prove her loyalty, which she demonstrably did. After two hours of the most blood-curdling torture ever inflicted on a human being, a lake of blood had been transfused into him that could have been used on soldiers suffering in battle - members of the inner circle recalled the blood oozing from Jang reaching their feet. The attendees were forbidden from leaving at any stage of the torture and some literally defecated as they sat. By the end, one witness said, “Jang was covered in blood as a man who falls into the ocean is covered in water.” Kim was, however, merciful to his son, simply giving him a cup of cyanide and telling his son that if he drank it he would be buried with military honours, and if not then he would receive a method of death much worse than cyanide. Kim Jong-nam took the former, and died on December 3rd 2002 - his death was declared by ‘Pyongyang Penelope’ to be the result of ‘Personally killing five hundred American soldiers before being attacked by an American aeroplane personally targeting him for his valiancy’. His funeral on December 7th was not attacked by the American Air Force, who didn’t want to look callous.

The reason the South Koreans didn’t attack is because they had plans of their own.


Extract from 'Aye Spy - The Greatest Spy Missions of All Time' by Llyod Forger


In the early morning of December 8th 2002, a plane took flight from the Sea of Japan, and soon made its way over the desolate North Korean skies. As the plane was just east of Pyongyang, the three agents inside leapt from the sky, only deploying their parachutes at the last possible moment to minimise the chance of being caught. Their three names remain classified today, and are simply known in official correspondence as ‘Agents A, B and C’ All three had landed mostly without issue, but quickly had to deal with the brutal cold, pitch darkness and knowledge they were completely on their own inside the worst totalitarian experiment in human history. Discarding their parachutes, they followed the Taedong river towards Pyongyang and reached the city perimeter by dawn. The exhausted sentry was more than happy to let these three North Korean soldiers into the city in return for the surprisingly high quality cigarettes provided, and so the three South Koreans managed to break into Pyongyang.

While their main job was to confirm if Megumi was alive, getting intel on life in Pyongyang was certainly desired. They found a city that was slowly and agonisingly dying - people unable to stand at the bus stops due to hunger, destroyed buildings simply left to rot and most horrifyingly of all the sight of dead people of all ages (all ages) hanging from dead trees. Around their bodies were placards that read everything from, ‘I betrayed the Korean Revolution’ to ‘I hoarded food from our soldiers’ to one that read ‘Classmates, be happy I can subvert you no more!’. The agents did their best not to react to the corpses, seeing as no one else was. Pyongyang zoo was closed ‘until further notice’, with it later being revealed that all animals were killed and served among the North Korean elite. The three were also there to witness another symbolic American bombardment - at midday, the US Air Force bombed the Ryugyong Hotel to ashes, sending the one thousand-foot ‘Hotel of Doom’ hurtling towards the Earth. Its empty interiors never once hosting a guest in its existence, now pancaked towards the concrete below. The dust clouds from the explosion filled the streets of Pyongyang - to the surprise of the agents, most North Koreans just kept on robotically going through their routines like nothing was happening. Many had simply been taken by hopelessness for what was about to happen to them. The agents recalled being in a group patiently waiting at a traffic light to cross the road in a crowd amidst the dust cloud, silently waiting as no one even looked at each other to acknowledge what was going on. Agent B would recall in an interview they gave in 2007, “If I was walking in Kabul in Afghanistan, I couldn’t have had a bigger culture shock - and we had to pretend this was normal for us.”

Then came news that shook the three to their core - the loudspeakers in Pyongyang (another curious feature of a curious country) announced that infiltrators had landed just outside Pyongyang, something confirmed by the discovery of the parachutes that had flown out in the wind near the landing site. Already, the mission was starting to come undone, but the agents knew what they’d signed up to, and weren’t going to disgrace themselves. After all, if they were caught then whatever awaited them was worse than their cyanide pills. Eventually, after hours of walking, they finally reached the location in the Pyongyang registry where Megumi’s supposed husband was supposed to live.

“We had to be so careful,” recalled Agent A. “We knew if Megumi lived there that she could be tapped, there may have been a guard there, hell, for all we knew she’d have full Stockholm Syndrome and hand us in.” Agent A led the trio up to the front desk and asked which room Kim Young-nam lived in. All three had to continue to play stoic when they got the confirmation he was just two floors above them right now. Moving slowly while their hearts raced, the three ascended the stairs and thumped the door with the ferocity and pace that they had been trained for - an authentically North Korean one. The door opened and a middle-aged man with a crumpled looking spirit answered, looking as if he half expected to be dragged outside and immediately shot. “I know it sounds strange,” recalled Agent A, “but just looking at him I knew he was a man who knew that this was not the way things were supposed to be - I knew right then that he was a South Korean. I knew we had our man.”

“Kim Young-nam?” asked Agent A, with all the scorn and contempt a North Korean soldier would have had in any similar situation.

“Y-Yes, sir?” Kim answered with the hesitation that told of a thousand beatings and terrorisations.

“Where is your wife?”

The agents didn’t need an answer - they could see at the back of the apartment the figure of two women (who while thin still looked less thin than the average resident outside), both terrified. One looked about fourteen-fifteen years old, holding onto the older woman beside her, in only the way a daughter would her mother. The older woman looked to be in her late-thirties, holding her child as only a mother would a daughter.

“I-I’m here,” the woman replied in an accent that obviously was not natively Korean.

Agent A walked over to her and, while not exposing a single emotion on their face, passed a letter. While her husband and daughter crowded around her, she opened the letter, almost falling to the ground when she saw that it was written in Japanese. It read:

“Hello Megumi,

Please do not worry or panic. Please keep very quiet. We are South Koreans and our mission is to get you and your family out of North Korea tonight. Please gather your belongings and get ready to leave at 20:00 - we will drive you and your family out of Pyongyang before being airlifted to safety. Until then do not leave your apartment, do not make any noise, and assume all other people you see apart from the three in front of you are enemies. Please do not bring too many possessions so as to minimise complications.

We understand that you may have difficulties believing us. In that case, please allow us to present a form of proof.”


Biting her lip, shaking with emotion, Megumi then had a small box - as she opened it, and saw her childhood doll that her parents had given the agents to prove they were the real thing, she flung herself into her husband’s chest to silence her uncontrollable, joyful weeping. The darkness of a quarter century began to lift before her eyes, the hopes of thousands of sleepless nights now swelling all at once within her - the dream of returning to the free world, the dream of escaping the monsters who had abused her for decades, the dream of seeing her family again.

“I take it,” Agent A said, holding his emotion in check with the stoicism of Aurelius, “that you understand what you have to do?”

Lost in the moment and still crying into her husband’s chest, her spouse nodded in approval.

Without saying a word, the three agents left the complex and set about planning their escape. They contacted mission command in South Korea that Megumi was indeed alive and that they needed to get a plane at night to get them out of there. In order not to return to the area of maximum alert, they decided to drive to the north of Pyongyang since there would be less defensive installations. But of course, they needed a vehicle to achieve that. This was achieved when Agent C stopped a military truck in the road and distracted the driver long enough for the other two agents to kill him and dispose of the body - Agent C is often theorised to be a woman as a result. This was when they discovered there was barely any fuel in the vehicle, leading to Agent A being forced to drive to a nearby black market and end up selling the remainder of his cigarettes.

It was then that the marketeer said, “So, trying to escape?”

For the first time since they arrived, Agent A showed fear. “E-Excuse me?”

“Oh come on,” the black marketeer replied, “you can’t fool me. I can tell who you are a mile away … you’re deserters and you’re hoping to drive to the border with China and flee. You better find more cigarettes - they ain’t letting you over the border elsewise.”

Agent A gave the biggest internal sigh of relief while pretending to be even more scared than before. “S-So what if I was?”

“Nothing to me,” the black marketeer replied, “everyone knows what’s coming, just a lot of people are too afraid to make the first move. Everyone’s waiting for everyone else to start fleeing before they do too. They say Kaesong got totally destroyed - God knows what we’ll end up like. But of course, for the Korean Revolution, any man must forsake his only son.”

Agent A continued their silent glare. “Don’t let me catch you saying this stuff again, alright?”

The black marketeer laughed, “I run the Black Market here - I’m the most powerful guy in Pyongyang from ‘Ol’ Glasses’ himself. The suits need me to find their shit until the day we achieve Communism, and it looks like that’s going to be a long fucking time.”

Agent A couldn’t resist smiling.

“It’s lucky that you’re funny.”

“I’m born in North Korea,” he replied with sudden coldness. “No one here is lucky.”

Coldness and distance between them, it seemed like the best way to end the conversation. Truck filled with all the fuel they could get, they parked just outside the apartment at 20:00, not wanting to wait an extra second longer than they had to to avoid arousing suspicion. Agent C stayed behind the wheel while Agents A and B went to Megumi’s family’s apartment. In order to avoid suspicion, the three were carried out in blankets and told to lay low on the back of the cargo truck. Each member of the family were put in wooden crates originally for ammunition that were barely large enough to fit humans in and told that for the love of God, they had to keep quiet until they opened the crates for them again. At roughly 20:15, the truck drove off towards the north, Agents C and A in the front while Agent B stayed in the back to communicate with mission command to organise a rendezvous.

Ten minutes later, as darkness intensified amidst the blackout in Pyongyang, the truck encountered a checkpoint with at least five guards. Roughly twenty-five metres from the checkpoint, they were ordered to stop in the darkness while a sentry came over to interrogate them, pointing a torch accusingly in their faces.

“The guy at the checkpoint was a lot more questioning than we expected,” remembered Agent A. “Asked us our names, business, regiments. We told him we were transferring ammo, and he was pretty suspicious that we were going north to do that instead of south. That’s when he asked us to show him our ammo crates. That’s when we thought we were done.”

The sentry stormed to the back of the truck, where he would have surely found a third agent that supposedly was not there and a mere three suspiciously large crates on the floor. Instead, he didn’t see any of that, as the moment he darted his head inside, Agent B sent a knife up his chin to his brain, killing him instantly with B catching the torch just in time to stop a suspicious clatter. The other two agents looked in bewilderment from the front of the car, quickly looking back to the checkpoint to see if any had noticed. Fortunately, they seemed to be indifferent or distracted with their own concerns.

Quickly trying to find some way of solving the situation, Agent B let the torch down, grabbed a series of rubber bands from his pocket and with admirable dexterity (while one-handed and in the dark) was able to get the torch tied to the North Korean sentry’s wrist as if he was still holding it. After a terrifying minute, Agent B pulled the sentry over to the side of the truck, almost puppeteering the sentry and shining his light at the checkpoint. Once the light shone at the checkpoint and he got the other soldiers’ attention, he flung the arm into the air as if to say ‘Pass’. Obliquely obeying the command, the four at the checkpoint cleared the way ahead. B tried to drag the body into the truck but the blood over the knife caused his grip to fall, leaving the body to drop outside to the ground, torch still shining.

“C had just got the truck going again,” recalled A, “real slow and careful style, but just as we were going past, I could see one of the sentry’s points behind to where the body was dropped. B saw the torches start shining on the body, so he just yelled out, ‘MOVE!’. C suddenly slammed the pedal and the truck took off. All of a sudden this bullet from behind comes slicing right through the middle of the truck, smashing the windscreen, and we suddenly realise we were in deep shit.”

North Pyongyang went on high alert as Agent C finally saw no use in not using their night vision headset to navigate the blacked out streets while Agent B yelled the route from the back. Skidding round the corners at full speed, there were times the whole truck nearly tipped over. Then, as they were getting closer to the city limits, the street-lights suddenly turned on. While this may have seemed good, it was anything but - it meant they were looking for them and now they could. From here, there and every direction, the squeals of bullets pattered the truck. Agent A did all they could by shooting from the passenger seat with their pistol to keep covering fire. Finally, they saw the checkpoint on the city limits, which they knew they weren’t going to talk their way through. Instead, C threw their foot down on the accelerator while the truck was inundated with rifle fire. With both C and A crouching down, they crashed through the guard-barrier, almost crumpling the front of the truck that still continued to go regardless. Both C and A had received flesh-wounds but knew they had to keep going, since only death awaited them back in Pyongyang.

Flying up the empty roads of the highway for another number of miles, they could see North Korean vehicles behind them giving chase. They could see they were being closed in on and that the lumbering, injured truck would almost certainly eventually be overtaken. A had assumed this was the end and made peace with death, thinking that when he heard the sound of a great explosion that this was their time to leave Earth. Instead, they realised that the explosion came from far behind them - the vehicles that had been sent to chase them down were no longer there, only a fireball. While the vehicles may have been quicker than the truck, they weren’t quicker than a missile fired from an American F-16 - especially when they’d helped turn the lights back on to illuminate their positions.

C turned the car off-road and into the North Korean wilderness. A and C were now both visibly weak from blood loss and beginning to hallucinate. But finally, just as the engine groaned from lack of petrol and the truck could barely continue moving, the sounds of rotor blades filled the air. Shining down from above was the light of the Black Hawk Helicopter. Too weak to continue, A recalled that they passed out not long after, convinced that the knowledge they had reached safety finally gave them permission to rest.

“You never remember just before you sleep,” recalled A, “but I can still remember sweet darkness taking over me in those last moments, the pain in my wounds fading, the knowledge that if I died here that I could be proud of myself.”

Some hours later, A would wake up on the hospital deck of the USS Ronald Reagan [2] in the Yellow Sea. He would first see C lying beside them on a nearby hospital bed, asleep but in stable condition. Then he would see B arrive at the door, with a face as if to say, “I can’t believe we actually pulled it off.” And then, one by one, came the family they had rescued followed after. One by one, they took their turn to smile and thank everyone beyond measure. Megumi was also smiling because they told her that her parents were still alive … and they had waited for her.

They’d made it.


Extract from ‘Date with Destiny: The War that brought Korea and Japan Together’ by Kaori Makimura


Twenty-five years. Twenty-five years torn from the family she loved so much. Twenty-five years of crying into her pillow at night, of total isolation, of hopeless existence. And now, for the first time in a quarter of a century, she stood on ground that was not her prison. She and her family stood on the deck of the USS Ronald Reagan. Kim Jong-Il could never get to her again. He could never hurt her again. He could never hurt the people she loved again. Soon he was going to receive what he deserved for his lifetime of evil - soon there would be no more prisons, no more tyranny in Korea. And soon, most beautifully, most unbelievably of all, Megumi Yokota was about to see her family back home again.

Though there had been a desire to keep the story quiet for a while, people talked. And by the time Megumi landed in Tokyo, already awestruck by the sight of Twenty-First century Japan, both she and her family were more astonished still looking down on the airport below. The airport was surrounded by tens of thousands of people from all over Japan. Some were old enough to remember the first reports in the 1970s, others had only heard about it that morning. The only thing in common was that they wanted to show their love and appreciation for her and her family. Megumi had worried that she had been forgotten in Japan, that they had moved on to more pressing things and maybe didn’t even realise that she had been taken by North Korea. She could not have been farther from the truth - she learned of the debates they had about her in the Diet, the campaigns from Hokkaido to Okinawa to try and find her, and most of all, how every day and every night that she had been gone her parents had done everything they could to get her back.

She bit her lip and held on - she had promised herself to save her tears when she met her parents again. At the same time, even the Television anchors of the notoriously stoic country covering the plane’s landing in Narita failed to contain themselves, with the NHK studio breaking into spontaneous cheering when the plane landed on the runway.
Her parents were waiting nowhere else but the Imperial Palace itself - not exactly a place that the suburban Nagoya family ever expected to end up inside. Emperor Akihito, as familiar and heartbroken by the case as any other Japanese citizen who had read about Megumi, welcomed her and her family to Japan and told Megumi. Megumi’s husband, Kim, said that he wanted Megumi to share the moment with her parents by herself, and thus both he and their daughter stepped back to allow Megumi to move to the room with her parents in it, alone. As she opened the door, as she saw the two elderly figures in front of her, the same but withered faces from old memories that now came roaring back along with all the love she ever felt for them for the love they gave her, as the two elderly parents saw the same dimples in her cheeks, flash in her eyes and felt the connection between parent and child that never fails and never fades, the curse was lifted. Forgetting formality, forgetting age, forgetting that they had ever lived for anything else, the three rushed together in ultimate embrace. Tears that had been held back for decades released themselves as souls released from bondage. They were free - not just Megumi, but her parents too, free from worry and fear for their daughter. In a world of such sadness, they had finally got their happy ending.

“Megumi,” her father said, “I may be too old to lift you over my shoulders now, so please make do with just this hug.”

“Megumi,” said her mother, “I may have gotten weaker, but I never stopped looking. We never stopped trying. We never gave up.”

“I knew,” said Megumi. “I always knew.”

Soon Megumi’s siblings would join, as would Megumi’s family she had in captivity - all part of one extended, multinational family. It would be another day before she would give a press conference - 50% of all televisions in Japan would watch the conference, as would 20% of South Korea. Despite fears that Kim would retaliate against the other Japanese kidnapping victims, it seems the only people who suffered were members of the North Korean intelligence services, who were purged with Stalinist effectiveness. While the kidnapping victims were put under extra surveillance, no one was planning to escape until the South Koreans and UN were on top of them anyway. The popularisation of Megumi’s story in the West also dealt a blow to those who wanted a negotiated settlement in Korea and was considered a PR win by the Bush Administration.

Megumi’s rescue would prove the cause of international reconciliation between Japan and South Korea. Japanese and South Korean agencies had worked together to save a joint Korean-Japanese family in the most talked about rescue operations of all time since Entebbe. Polls subsequent to the operation showed that 90% of Japanese had a positive opinion of South Korea and that 80% of South Koreans thought the same of Japan. The cooperation between Japanese and Korean intelligence agencies would even create the ‘Nikkan’ genre of crime films, revolving around free-wheeling South Korean cops being forced to work with conservative, by-the-book Japanese cops to track international crime syndicates (often Chinese Triads) and making unlikely friendships. It would also catapult the Japanese politician most associated with the North Korean abduction cases, Shinzo Abe, to the top of the Japanese political food-chain. Given Abe’s support for an assertive Japanese foreign policy and his links to the Unification Church, whose hand was already beginning to be felt in the occupied zones of North Korea, his ascension would prove pivotal for the future of East Asia. Abe would contact President Lee and begin to hash out a formal reconciliation between Japan and South Korea which would resolve the Liancourt Rocks and Comfort Women disputes in return for endorsement of Abe’s plans to revoke Article 9 and restore Japan’s military status, all of which would be formalised in 2004. Respecting the wishes of the three South Korean agents who participated in the operation, their names remain anonymous.

Megumi would have to learn a lot about Japan while she was interned. About the walkman, internet, Dragon Ball and a whole host of things that had spread all around the world except the prison that held her. After a thorough intelligence review with South Korean, Japanese and American officials to get any intelligence on the Kim regime they could, Megumi then went to visit her husband’s family in South Korea to a similar reception as in Japan. Megumi would eventually live near her parents in Nagoya with her husband and daughter. Not too long later Megumi would herself become a grandmother. She continues to spend her time promoting Korean-Japanese relations and speaking to universities about her experiences in North Korea to this day. North Korea can never hurt her, her family, or anyone else ever again.

[1] - https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Megumi_Yokota. For the purpose of this story, I am accepting the position of Megumi’s family, the Japanese government and the overwhelming majority of Japanese that North Korea faked her death, which there is substantial albeit not conclusive evidence for.
[2] The Reagan was rushed to completion following the sinking of the Lincoln - this is it’s first combat operation
 
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Crazy for God
Crazy for God

Extract from ‘Kim’s Footprint: How the War on Terror Changed Asia’ by Saeba Ryou


The Korean Unification Church was founded by Sun Myung Moon (hence why its followers are often derisively called ‘Moonies’), a Korean born in what would become North Korea under the Japanese colonial era. At the age of 16, he claimed to have been visited by Jesus who told him to complete the mission he could not due to his crucifixion - that mission being to get married. Initially cooperating with Communists against the Japanese before being persecuted by Communists for his religion, he was rescued from a labour camp by UN troops in the first Korean War and fled South. Moon concluded that the Cold War was a war between God and Satan with God siding with the West while Satan sided with the Soviet Bloc and that Korea had been designated as the dividing point and battle ground. Over the course of decades, his church slowly and slowly began to amass more power, capital and political influence. In 1975, he held a sermon in Seoul that had over a million attendees, and performed sermons in America to 300,000 worshippers. While many considered the Moonies crazy, Moon partially agreed, saying his followers must be ‘Crazy for God’.

Among the eccentricities of his church were mass weddings. The doctrine of the Unification Church was that before Adam and Eve had sex, Eve had been seduced by Satan and fornicated with him instead, thus infecting all subsequent humans. The Unification Church affirmed that the most important thing on Earth was love (not romantic love, which Moon discouraged), hence highly encouraging arranged marriage in mass ceremonies. The bride and groom were usually total strangers to each other, with Moon personally making the matches - the ceremony would supposedly end the sinful lineage and restore the sinless bloodline. Moon proclaimed himself to be the Messiah, albeit not one with Jesus, and that there would be no gigantic Second Coming, merely the creation of the Kingdom of Heaven on Earth through mass conversion to Christianity - humanity would also only be speaking Korean. The church heavily encouraged its members to donate gruelling amounts of money, many told to hand in all their life savings - Moon himself was jailed for tax evasion and had a private jet worth $50 million. Moon also may be to thank for the popularisation of Sushi in America due to his own business ventures in America - including the creation of the Washington Times, a Conservative leaning newspaper based in DC. He is perhaps the one man in history who can boast of friendships with both Israeli politician Benjamin Netanyahu and Nation of Islam leader Louis Farrakhan (of ‘Hey Jews, when God puts you in the oven, it’s forever’ fame), the latter of which earning him severe criticism.

Moon was deeply intertwined with the Global Anti-Communist Right and had personally met and spoken with multiple US Presidents as far back as Eisenhower. Moon predicted in 1972 that starting in 1978 the Communist World would begin to implode - subsequent events seemed to broadly confirm this. North Korea stubbornly would not join in, unless one could say that it metastasized into something beyond Communism, into Juche. In a move more shocking than Nixon’s to China, Moon would meet Kim Il-Sung in 1991, and would go on to be invited to his funeral - leading to criticism from his right-wing compatriots. Moon, like most Koreans, wished for reunification, but was given a wake up call in the Summer of 2002. But while most Koreans only saw horror and tragedy, Moon was ready to prove the adage that every crisis has an opportunity.

By 2002, the Unification Church was not what it once was, with increased scrutiny, a hostile government in Korea and Moon’s own daughter writing an unflattering recollection of her father in a best-selling biography. However, all that was thrown out the window with the North Korean invasion of the South. Moon revived his old Anti-Communist rhetoric, accusing Kim Jong-Il of being the Antichrist whose defeat would lead to the creation of peace and prosperity in Korea and then the world. Moon fired up his old acquaintances in America and became an unofficial reporter of events in Korea to the American Bible Belt, appearing daily on CBN and Fox News in America to relay the evil of Kim and the Christians in South Korea who were resisting. Moon would appear alongside the rock stars of the televangelical world, like John Hagee, even going as far as to officially accept the Dual Covenant theory, saying that Jews were exempt from having to believe in Jesus and that they could follow Judaism alone and still attain eternal salvation - a popular belief of Christian Zionists and certainly one that endeared him to the Israelis. Ads would run on CBN channels encouraging Americans to provide relief for ‘Suffering Koreans’ when the aid money entirely went to the opaque hole that was the finance system of the Unification Church. The Church would somewhat revive in popularity in South Korea, as would less predatory forms of Christianity, which was seen as a way by some to get back at Kim due to the harshness of the Anti-Christian laws in North Korea. It also provided hope of life after death to those who feared it or who had children who already died. In early 2002, it was estimated that somewhere between 25% to 30% of South Koreans were Christian - by the end of the war, that figure had risen to 40-45%, and while that mostly wasn’t to the Unification Church, the favourables of Moon had risen exponentially owing to his eloquent sermons of the triumph of good over evil and of the divine judgement that would fall upon Kim and the North Korean government, something the South Korean public very much wanted to hear.

But it wasn’t what the Church did in South Korea that was most important. What was important was when South Korea began to send troops north into the alien landscape of North Korea. It was a society that had spent half a century under the most hermetically sealed, psychopathically totalitarian state ever devised by humans (declared, no less, the same year that ‘1984’ was published). They found a society that looked almost post apocalyptic, with towns and villages blasted to rubble, civil infrastructure that hadn’t been improved since the days of Japanese colonialism, nowhere to get food or water. As one missionary would recall, “Year Zero was the only thing that came to mind - there was simply nothing. Withered skeletons shuffling along, worse than the ones I saw in Somalia, mothers with thousand yard stares breastfeeding babies that were long dead in their arms, living in hovels unfit for slaves - sleeping on straw. I noticed how many of the people that came to us were women - most of the men were already dead from the suicidal assault on Seoul.”

This was not helped by North Korea’s blowing of the Imnam Dam (a dam near the Korean border), which resulted in few deaths but flooded large sections of the northern part of South Korea. And not just in the sense that it hurt the logistics of aid, but it continued to exacerbate the hatred felt towards North Koreans. South Korean troops would ‘de-program’ many of the North Korean prisoners often by making them step or spit on a picture of Kim Il-Sung, similar to how the Japanese would force Christians into recanting their faith in the days of persecution. Depending on the hesitancy, you were either given extra rations or thrown into a ‘De-Programming Camp’. Some politicians in South Korea started to argue that no aid should be given to North Korea beyond bare necessities until South Korea had completely recovered from its economic hit - others went as far as to argue no money should ever be spent on the North. This would undermine support of South Korea among the diaspora, such as the Koryo-saram, who had not been adversely affected by the initial invasion and thus did not suffer the same levels of anger.

Indeed, the Grand National Party and President Lee was facing its own dilemma: what the post-war would look like. With the opening of the DMZ, Lee realised that there was now potentially nothing stopping tens of millions of North Koreans, without checks, from coming down to Seoul. There were altruistic arguments about whether this was a bad idea, emphasising the likelihood of bloody clashes with angry South Koreans who had lost family members, and the not so altruistic, who worried the North Koreans would become a Kim-nostalgic, criminal underclass fifth-column. The Korean Right also feared that if full citizenship was granted that it could lead to a brainwashed Pro-Kim populace putting Juche in the political apparatus of Seoul. Utilising emergency powers, both KDJ and Lee would close the border, the latter implying a far longer transitionary period than the former. Lee would also suspend programs to allow immediate citizenship to North Korean defectors on the basis of not overwhelming the south and ‘filtering’ the survivors, although it continued to be given seldom on a case by case basis for North Koreans who had shown exceptional determination and self-risk in helping South Korean forces advance.

South Korea had been a world-beating economy, now thrown down to Earth with a shattered capitol, tens of thousands of her citizens dead, and now to inherit what they saw as the lobotomised remains of what had once been part of the Korean nation, a land whose reintegration would make the German reunification look like primary school work. According to myth, one South Korean economist calculated the costs of rebuilding South Korea on top of integrating North Korea and upon reading the result simply opened the window and jumped to his death. No one knew how the aid budget was supposed to work to resolve this issue, and how to prioritise it. Then came the word of the Chaebol, South Korea’s family run Conglomerates that operated more like Corporatist aristocracies than a free-wheeling free-market. They saw great business opportunities in North Korea, which was historically where Korea’s industry was located due to its industrial resources. Putting North Korea under Seoul’s control would grant access to cheap natural resources to fuel the Korean export industry. And the best part? They could pay the North Koreans borderline slave-wages in the full knowledge it was better than what they had under Juche, and keep their costs unnaturally low.

With the unwillingness of the South Koreans to accept the North Koreans in the blindness of their rage, in their unwillingness to provide North Koreans with anything except bare essentials, the North Koreans would be impressed by those that gave them anything more. And the organisation who took most advantage of that made use of their contacts in the Korean Right to slide their way into occupied Korea and relieve the burden of paying for the North Korean survivors. An organisation sitting on a pre-existing war chest, one who offered a redemptive and Korean-centric religion, perhaps the only organisation lead by someone with both Anti-Kim and Pro-Kim credentials owing to his invitations to North Korea, an organisation led by a North Korean no less, one who had structured their gospel not to banish Kim but to surpass him, with Christ sliding into Kim Jong-Il’s place and God the Father into Kim Il-Sung’s. And furthermore, an organisation whose tattered reputation had not yet reached the North. The Unification Church had just struck the gold mine as it was in many ways the natural successor to Juche, appropriating its themes to conform with Christianity (or perhaps reverting it if one subscribes to the theory that Communism and Juche are derived from Christian theology). In their unusual kindness towards the North Koreans, they became well-loved by North Korean survivors, who turned to them to mediate with the South Korean soldiery.

“I lost my father, I lost my brothers, I lost my husband, I lost my son, I lost my house, I lost my town, I lost my will to live,” recalled one North Korean mother. “The Unification Church were the first people who told me how sorry they were that they died. After the fall of the regime, they were the rock that I could hold onto.” Later missionaries would discover an astonishing amount of hostility when trying to warn North Koreans away from Moon, whom the North Koreans considered the voice of mercy within South Korea towards them.

Long before the final downfall of the Kim regime, the Unification Church began establishing not just churches, but schools for both adults and children. While it would be tempting to assume all they did was teach them to glorify Moon, the lessons were generally helpful for both young and old. Adults needed to be taught even the most basic material that Westerners took for granted - how ATMs worked, what a doughnut was, even the concept of a part-time job. Children found it especially easy to replace the figure of Kim with Moon. Most of the fanatics had died in the initial assault on Seoul or remained in the forests or further back north fighting the advancing armies, meaning that true believers in the initial school system were mercifully rare. They had seen the supposedly invincible God-King of the Korean Democratic Republic beaten back by taller, healthier and overwhelmingly stronger South Koreans and foreigners, something that did a fantastic job of rewriting the brainwashing in general. But as a result of the lifetime of propaganda, North Koreans had developed thinking patterns that left them ripe for exploitation by people like Moon. But Moon didn’t want their money, since they had no money to give.

He wanted their support.


Extract from ‘The Rise, Fall, and Rise of Iran’ by Zoreh Rahimi


The preparation for the Battle of Tehran kept the Bush Administration up at night for months before it happened. Every calculation said that it would be the bloodiest battle since WW2 for the US army, all with a significantly angrier home front. The Christmas Truce had re-energised the peace movement, who were slowly gaining converts in the Democrats in Congress. The numbers required to seize Tehran were astronomical for contemporary American operations. Nearly eight million people lived in Tehran, and it was the thriving centre of Iranian political, cultural and economic life. To make matters worse, Coalition forces first had to seize the city of Karaj just outside Tehran, which was the fourth largest city in Iran. Granted, most of the defenders retreated for the final stand in Tehran, and the battle was not as bloody as anticipated, but by January 23rd 2003, as Coalition forces declared Karaj secure, they were not happy as they now knew the single toughest part of the war awaited them.

The Bush Administration also had to contend with a new and vocal opponent, one they hadn’t expected: Crown Prince Reza Pahlavi. Pahlavi, son of the disgraced Shah, argued that further bloodshed was unnecessary and that if the Americans left then the Iranian army would take out the Ayatollah and IRGC and that would be that. At the same time, Pahlavi began cultivating ties with the domestic Iranian opposition to the Ayatollah within the territories run by Coalition forces and airing Iranian grievances towards their new occupiers. Pahlavi was not well liked or even known by many younger Iranian opposition figures, and monarchism was not a very strong force within the country. However, he held out hope that the monarchy would be restored, something the Bush Administration was stridently opposed to given their ‘democracy’ messaging. Cheney would poison relations between the White House and Pahlavi by accusing him (correctly but indiscreetly) of manoeuvring to regain the throne, something that further pushed Pahlavi into the arms of the Anti-War movement, even delivering speeches at the more respectable Anti-Draft rallies (many of which were accompanied by violence and almost seemed a right of passage for a college kid in early 00’s America).

From the north, the brutal mountain warfare finally came to a close with Coalition victory, as the northern road to Iran was now clawed open, with the mountains now being used to bring fire control over the eastern road going into Iran. By early February, the Coalition had effectively encircled Tehran for the dreaded battle. They wouldn’t get the Iranian government, which had moved to Qom, and nor were the defenders of Tehran a few fanatics in the IRGC, but a highly resistive, patriotic army who considered themselves above occupation. Peace rallies intensified worldwide, diplomatic channels were flooded, but ultimately neither party could back down. But at the same time, both parties did not want civilian death, or more accurately, the Iranian army laid down an ultimatum to Khameini and Soleimani that they would not allow civilian death. We know this because post war the transcripts of the conversations between Khamenei and Soleimani were revealed, showing their frustration at the ‘weakness infecting our soldiers’.

On February 12th, Eid in the Muslim calendar, the Bush Administration held up their end of the bargain from the Christmas Truce and announced a ceasefire, but not only that. This would be a significantly longer ceasefire than expected, one that would last until March 12th, and there was a reason why: it was a last chance for civilians to escape. The Coalition told the citizens of Tehran that they were allowed to leave Tehran any way they pleased - the Coalition forces would even set up tents and refugee camps for them if they went in their direction. They told them the most horrible battle of the whole war was about to unfold and that they had to get out of there for their own safety. With gritted teeth, Khameini would set out a press release that women, children, the old and disabled were ordered to leave the city. This order did not include fighting age men, but many left anyway too. In the Iranian army itself, those with young children or who were young themselves were highly encouraged to leave the city before the final battle. One veteran whose wife had just given birth to their baby son was pulled aside by his older commander who told him, “I need to die for Iran - you need to live for it.” Newlyweds were ‘given leave’ and told to just surrender to the Coalition forces outside the city, since they would be needed to raise the next generation of Iranians. There were more than enough older men with nothing to lose, right-or-wrong patriots, true regime believers and more to make up the ranks, in any case. And, as part of the deal for letting so many people out and ergo radically easing concerns of collateral damage, truckloads of Iranian militants and soldiers were allowed into the city with supplies and ammunition to bolster the city’s readiness. This part of the deal was kept secret and only revealed by Wikileaks in 2015, to heated debate as to its ethics.

Tehran’s streets flooded with people attempting to leave, becoming one of the largest mass movements of people in recent human history. The streets were clogged and deafening with the honking of car horns, mothers led their children through the suffocating crowds and the silent preparation of booby traps and ambushes were laid in the emptying back alleys. Most of the civilians fled towards the Coalition forces, who were promptly overwhelmed trying to find temporary tents, food and water for literally millions of people. The largest civilian resupply program since the Berlin Airlift was augmented with surprisingly large help from civilian charity - the Christmas Truce had so thoroughly humanised Iranians to the American population that one poll of Americans revealed that ⅓ of Americans thought (to much of the world’s amusement) that Iran was a majority Christian country. Donations poured in to help find temporary accommodation for Iranian families who knew they would have to wait for months to find out if their fathers, brothers, sons and husbands would make it. Despite their erstwhile alliance with North Korea, many of the Iranian troops were inspired by the Battle of Seoul to defend their cities. Though they wished no ill upon the American soldiers they had spent that Christmas with, they knew that they were likely going to kill them or die by their hands in the coming days. Alcohol became a surprisingly common sight, even among the IRGC, as they drank to their final days on Earth, the final stand of the Iranians against foreign occupation.

Much of the world couldn’t understand it, their steadfast willingness to die for their country despite wishing utter death upon their government. And to those who did understand, it was an inspiration, with the image of the honourable Persian leading to a short but sharp boom in media content with the Persians or Sassanids as protagonists instead of the rotating cycle of Egyptians, Greeks and Romans. In 2005, a biography of Cyrus the Great (the only non-Jewish figure ever recognised in the Bible as a Messianic and Blessed figure) would win Best Picture at the Academy Awards as a result of the Persephilia that had arisen even among states they were just at war with - such was the lasting impression (and guilt) that had transplanted itself to America as a result of the War on Terror.

February 23rd was just another one of those normal days. Tehran was emptying, the city was growing quieter and quieter, and nighttime was falling. Many Coalition soldiers near Tehran psyched themselves up for the mission they were about to undertake, scared for their families and friends back home. Just before midnight, many soldiers heard commotion from their commanders. Many thought that the truce had broken down and the Iranians were fighting them again. But that’s not what it was at all. It was because just moments before, Saddam Hussein decided he wanted to make himself the centre of attention again.


Extract from ‘The Last Days of Saddam’ by Briar Forger


The Iraqi front had vanished from the public consciousness by early 2003, mostly remembered as a bizarre sideshow of questionable moral and strategic purpose. However, a colourful fight was happening on the ground behind the walls of power, as the new Iraqi authority in Basra sought to set itself up as an interim government in the expectation it would replace Saddam in Baghdad. The Americans had long since sacrificed their idealism and forsook the idea of completely banning the Baath Party’s members from all layers of power. This caused significant controversy, including cases where those implicated in human rights violations were purposefully not investigated due to a difficulty in filling spots. General Clarke had bulldozed the Neocons out of the decision making process in Iraq and gained many friends and detractors in Washington as a result. However, one of Clarke’s insistences was that civilian control be established over Iraq as soon as possible, with an interim election planned on December 15th 2002 in the territories controlled by Allied forces.

Needless to say, the territory the US controlled was nearly half of Iraq in both scale and population, but the areas it did control were overwhelmingly Shia. Hoping to prevent a monoculture within the new Parliament, Clarke managed to get the Iraqi Kurds to agree to elections in their own jurisdictions on the same day for the same interim Parliament in Basra. However, the Kurds managed to get an under-the-table concession of establishing a permanent occupation zone (under the guise of ‘self-defence militias) within the Kurdish areas of Iran that would de facto be administered as if it was part of Iraqi Kurdistan, in hopes of one day reuniting in a de jure country. Another reason the Americans wanted the Kurds was to balance out any Anti-American factions within the Shia group who were angry with the invasion of Iran. The Americans wanted Ayad Allawi to be the new Prime Minister, while the streets called for the election of Islamic Dawah Party head Nouri al-Maliki, who was firmly against the US invasion of Iran and while working with the Americans took seemingly every chance he could to denigrate them.

The election results were disappointing to the Americans, but not unexpected. Al-Maliki convincingly won the vote along with a coalition of other parties, most of whom were considered unfriendly to the US while none went far enough as to encourage violence against it. The election was helpful in establishing credibility on the international stage, but it further tore open the divisions in Iraq as the government was considered by even the most sympathetic eyes to be biassed towards the Shia. Arab Sunni activists, even those who opposed Saddam, found themselves investigated by the police to ruin their reputation. The Kurds reiterated that no soldier representing this government would ever be allowed on ‘their soil’, a threat that caused a lot of tension given how wide the territory Iraqi Kurdistan claimed was. At the same time, the Basra Government radically expanded the size of its army in preparation for a future showdown with Saddam. With the lifting of embargos on oil, Iraq began selling its oil, mainly to the Chinese, and once again relieving global oil prices to something similar to the days before 9/11.

However, there was one embarrassing problem. Given the desperation to have elections first only the broad outline of a governmental structure had actually been fleshed out and there was no constitution. While many countries, like Sweden or Israel, don’t have written constitutions it was considered quite necessary for a state as unstable as Iraq. Given numerous delays and infighting between different members of the provisional parliament, the date of the constitutional convention was arranged for February 24th. The Kurds insisted on a pathway being open to eventual statehood, something the Arab contingent (Shia and the few Sunni) were both quite adverse to. But while the various liberated parties of Iraq squabbled with each other, Saddam saw an opportunity to return.

He knew that the Americans were prepping for the final assault on Tehran, just as the South Koreans were requesting help for their final push on Pyongyang. This meant that American troops were thin on the ground, especially given the reluctance of the Bush Administration to punish draft dodgers or even for burning draft cards (perhaps most infamously with Eminem using his to smoke marijuana). Saddam considered this his last opening to put himself back on the agenda. He actually used the Christmas Truce as proof in state propaganda that America and Iran were actually working together and he was the true resistance to the American Empire. Saddam, recognising the opening and offended by Iraqis deciding their country’s future without him, prepared his troops ready for his Battle of the Bulge. As a result of the thinning American lines and growing complacency, the front line where the Americans had stopped was guarded by a very small group of veterans that were augmented primarily by an inexperienced group of conscripts. The plan was to overwhelm and flood the front line and hope the conscripts would break, since Saddam assumed due to the weekly protests and riots in major cities that the draftees would be incredibly unmotivated. His wild plan was to drive to Basra, cut the Coalition forces in two and break the World Order with a level of brash confidence that even his enemies, he assumed, would admire.

Unfortunately for Saddam, reality had betrayed him. The Iraqi army under his control barely existed, with thousands having simply abandoned the service since no one was getting paid. The country’s revenue vanished since it had no oil, the US Air Force had bombed most of its infrastructure to rubble, and millions had already fled over to Southern Iraq. By contrast the Basra Government itself had erected a well-paid army (hereon referred to as the Free Iraq Army) that refused to purge itself of members just because they had formerly served in Saddam’s army. At the same time, Saddam would spearhead his force with the Fedayeen Saddam, his most loyal and devoted regiment who were respected by the Coalition as fighters in a way the unmotivated Iraqi army was not. Thus, while there were few reserves capable of pushing through an advantage, the Fedayeen were still credible fighters who were facing draftees of questionable quality. While draftees had engaged in fighting before the Battle of Alexandria, never had there been such a major group of conscripts all in one place in recent history.

On the night of February 23rd, the Battle of Alexandria, named after the local town and not the more famous Egyptian city, began. The Iraqis had no tanks, vehicles, planes, or anything of the sort. What they did have were only the most fanatical troops, since anyone who was not a fanatic had long since left, and a lot of them. The Fedayeen launched an overwhelming attack on lightly manned American lines, the conscripts expecting to simply get a quiet night of sleep as they had for months. This was a baptism by fire for the inexperienced troops, since many of the more experienced trainers had been moved to Tehran. In the months before they were mechanics, unemployed, warehouse workers, artists, deadbeats and grocery store clerks. Now they had been dragged into an all-out attack in the deserts of Iraq, their lives in the balance. The draftees rallied to the defence, with one draftee [1] colourfully recalling, “I’d rather press my face to a hippopotamus’s asshole after it chugged laxatives than go through that again. They swarmed on top of us like flies on Shit Mountain. As we took that head-on, I realised that life was just a shitty video game - one life, no continues.” Throughout the night, the Fedayeen swarmed the lines with zeal the Americans respected. The ratio of Fedayeen to American troops at the battle was 6:1. The Fedayeen had thought they would crack through the wall of weak American draftees, but instead they met a wall or iron. To their astonishment, what the draftees lacked in experience they made up for in tenacity, holding off assault after assault like they stood at the new Alamo. After the conscripts held the Fedayeen for a whole day, the Free Iraq army had finally gathered enough troops to relieve the beleaguered draftees. In the ensuing chaos, the spearhead of Saddam’s troops had cracked against the first wall.

The Battle of Alexandria would enter the American cultural memory of normal men doing great heroism in the call of duty, and remains the side of the conflict that Americans like to remember. Some in the press called it ‘The Average Joe Alamo’. Many soppy films detailing the soldiers before the draft until after the battle have been made, but none moved the survivors of the battle more than the letters they received from some of the Fedayeen they fought that night. One letter said, “I fought in the war with Iran, I fought in the war in Kuwait, but if I should have lived a thousand lives I would have never fought braver and finer men than you. Finer warriors have not been seen in Arabia since the Days of Saladin. When God judges you, he shall find no cowards among you.”

The failed attack on the American lines quickly exhausted what little juice was left in Saddam’s tank. While the Americans insisted on waiting until the Battle of Tehran was concluded before marching on Baghdad, Al-Maliki would not wait. To him, Saddam blew his last shot and could not be allowed to regroup. Al-Maliki ordered his army to charge into Baghdad, consequences be damned. Saddam had prepared for months for this invasion, and was prepared to leave Baghdad a field of ashes if it meant he could place his throne upon it. Many even suspected Saddam was luring his enemies into a trap and turning Baghdad into a tomb - to this day many still argue that. Regardless, marking out a token group of American forces, Bush told the brass to accompany the Free Iraq army’s assault on Baghdad. It would be bloody, but at least it would not involve an inordinate amount of American troops.

Unfortunately, this would further the sectarian angle that Saddam wanted to play, with Saddam saying that the Basra government’s victory in Baghdad would mean the genocide of the Arab Sunni population. While most Sunnis didn’t believe it, the poison of sectarianism was slowly starting to grow in Iraq, with Al-Maliki supporting Shia militias with disturbing connections to the Iranian regime. The worry of turning the Iraq conflict into a religious one so disturbed the regional powers that Saudi Arabia would both reverse their previous opposition to the Iraqi intervention and announce they were sending a token collection of forces to ‘Restore sanity and balance to the Arab World’. A vindictive Arab, Shia power on their doorstep was disturbing owing to the number of Shia that lived in Saudi Arabia in and around their oil fields. Kuwait and the UAE also agreed to send a handful of troops. The condition that the Sunni powers gave Al-Maliki was to incorporate the Shia militias into the Free Iraq army, something Al-Maliki agreed to by June (after it was expected the Battle of Baghdad would conclude).

The Battles of Tehran, Baghdad and Pyongyang would not start or end at the same time, but they would all simultaneously overlap. Some would be tougher than others, some would bring painful memories, and one would cause an international crisis.

[1] This story was relayed by private James Rolfe - Rolfe would go on to work with charities to help veterans of the War on Terror.
 
Hurt
Hurt

Extract from ‘The Rise, Fall, and Rise of Iran’ by Zoreh Rahimi


In March of 2003, Johnny Cash’s cover of Nine Inch Nail’s ‘Hurt’ was released as a single and quickly topped the charts. It was quite an anomaly, as the song’s emotional and depressing themes would have usually ensured lower sales. However, one likely reason is that it provided catharsis for the Battle of Tehran, the horrifying battle that would kill more Americans than in any one battle since World War Two. The song would become an anthem both of the anti-war movement and of the veterans of the War on Terror. While ‘In Too Deep’ may have been the ‘Long Way to Tipperary’ of the American soldier, ‘Hurt’ was his ‘And the Band Played Waltzing Matilda’. Cash would never comment on his opinion of the war and stayed apolitical, though he did not file a complaint with anyone using the song for anti war sentiments.

On March 12th, the Battle of Tehran officially began, the same day that Bush called for a national day of prayer ‘For our brave soldiers and for the Iranian people’. While over 90% of civilians had been successfully extracted from the city as a result of both Iranian army and American pressure, roughly 500,000 still remained inside either through refusing to leave their loved ones in the army, those who refused to leave their homes, or those who didn’t want to live in a world without the Tehran they loved. The US army had never concentrated so much of its forces in living memory in one spot. The Bush Administration had prioritised Iran over North Korea and Iraq owing to the ease in finding domestic parties to do the heavy lifting, while few in Iran ever dreamed of cooperating with the Americans on anything other than a non-intrusive basis and no ‘Free Iran Army’ was ever created. Thus the Americans needed all the help they could get, with significant British and Turkish help on the side alongside a litany of reluctant partners who mostly wanted to get the conflict over with. The Coalition owned a sky cloaked with F-16s, had roads overflowing with Abrams, but everyone knew that all the kit and men in the world wouldn’t stop the imminent battle from being something straight out of Satan’s nightmares.

House to house fighting, going door to door in a city of a peacetime population of eight million proved an infuriating and mentally overwhelming task. Fighters would burst out of closets and basements in non-descript quiet flats, turning the paranoia of American troops up to eleven. This more than anything else is what the veterans recall: the readying to enter a door that may be filled with men already pointing guns at you, or perhaps the door’s rigged to blow the moment you kick it, all the while you can’t hear yourself think from the sound of constant explosions around the city. As one draftee veteran and purple star winner at the Battle of Tehran, Doug Walker, would later and simply tell college students regarding his experiences that, “I did it so you didn’t have to.” The Coalition played ACDC, Iron Maiden and Metallica music at full blast around the city to try and disorient the Iranians. On one occasion, members of the Iranian army sent a message to the Americans to play certain metal songs that they liked, which the Americans promptly agreed to. However, the IRGC had to poison the well and, to the disgust of the Iranian army, frequently set up their bases in mosques in full knowledge that the Coalition would not target them from the air due to the inevitable outcry. As one Iranian soldier recalled, “All that bullshit about religion, about how they were better than us because they ‘had God’ and we didn’t, only to see them turning mosques into military centres and putting them in danger - what does it tell you when an atheist like me thinks the IRGC was being disrespectful to God?” Reportedly, the Iranian Army began snitching to the Americans on the location of IRGC bases, so bad had the rivalry gotten, with further rumours even alleging the IRGC did the same. The Americans were no angels either, using (despite years of later insisting that they didn’t) white phosphorus against enemy positions in contravention of the laws of war, insisting that the Iranians simply couldn’t have been beaten any other way.

IEDs (Improvised Explosive Devices) had become something of a work of art to the Iranians, who had used them with great effect on the Coalition convoys all throughout Iran. Now they had laced one of the largest cities in the world with enough explosives and booby traps to send the whole thing to rubble. The first few probing attacks by American forces at the beginning of April were repelled with high loss of life. Eventually, with high trial and effort and a lot of handiwork from the British owing to their experience battling the same thing in Northern Ireland, systems began to be created to rectify the situation. One increasingly common tactic the Americans used was that if they suspected a row of houses or an alleyway were booby-trapped then it would be better to simply blast whole streets to ruin and just walk over the rubble.

Several Iranian civilians recorded their experiences in the doomed city on their cam-recorders, showing the smoke and debris slowly moving closer to their house day after day until the recovered camera had no more footage left to show. Civilians continued to perish in the chaos along with Tehran itself, as it began to look more like Berlin in 1945 than the Tehran of 2002. Those who looked upon Tehran late that April would see a vision that looked like it came from a fever dream: a whirl of smoke and rubble stretching to space above and seemingly all the Earth below. It was like something out of the Book of Revelation, and all the Iranians (and indeed any onlooker) sitting on the sidelines could do was watch and weep. As the Johnny Cash song said, all that was left was an empire of dirt.


Excerpt from ‘Broken Dreams: How the War on Terror Changed America’ by Linda Reins


Paul Wellstone had burned much of his bridges with the Democrat Establishment owing to his willingness to criticise American decision-making during the War on Terror. In fairness, he had always been a black sheep among the Democrats for his relatively heavy liberalism, if he could even be called a Democrat owing to his technically being a member of the Democratic-Farmer-Labor Party, the Minnesotan party in affiliation with the Democrats, much like Eugene McCarthy and Walter Mondale. Wellstone was a hero to the American Left for his consistent support of liberal issues, be it on economics or social policy. He was adored by the ACLU, Sierra Club and the AFL. Still he was quietly liked by many (including Republicans) for both his casually wit and implacably Minnesotan pleasantness, hence his designation among many as ‘The Conscience of the Senate’. One wouldn’t have thought that he was a former wrestler.

His support of previous wars had actually been quite partisan, objecting to the Gulf War under Bush Senior while supporting the interventions in Somalia, Haiti and Bosnia under Clinton. Given the unique conditions of each segment of the War on Terror, Wellstone wisely adjusted his rhetoric accordingly, supporting the intervention in Lebanon, cautiously endorsing the Iranian intervention before encouraging a ‘separate peace’ with the Iranian army, full condemnation of the Iraq intervention and full support of South Korea’s ‘Right to defend itself’, while saying they had to provide North Korean citizens with more hope for the future. At first, it proved a dangerous strategy, including physically with at least one serious death threat calling him an ‘America-hating Kike’.

However, when the Draft began, Wellstone made it the central issue of his political commentary, calling it ‘The slaughter of our youth’. Promoted by late-time TV presenters like Jon Stewart, he would have an eager audience of young men in America who felt that there was someone who cared about them. Wellstone’s declaration that, ‘If we can’t convince young people to fight for America and have to shove them into machine gun fire with a gun at their back, we deserve to lose this war’ sparked major controversy, and the undying ire of the Fox News Channel. However, the draft’s unenthusiastic support would do little to push back against the anger many young Americans felt. On top of that, with gas prices soaring, economic indicators worsening and a very bleak future ahead, many were increasingly attracted to an economic program that would help provide them a safety net in the form of higher minimum wage. As the protests and riots escalated in the fall of 2002 and into early 2003, Wellstone did his best to try and walk the tightrope between appearing to oppose lawlessness and being sufficiently radical to members of the Anti-War Left. Ultimately, Wellstone would realise he had to act sooner rather than later to consolidate his support before it dissipated into chaotic collapse as many a protest movement had done in the past. When Wellstone began talking about his 'faith' (Wellstone was a generally irreligious Reform Jew and his kids were raised Christian like his wife) to avoid claims of atheism by the Right-Wing media, everyone could already see what was coming.

On February 1st 2003, exactly one year after the bombing of Iran began, Wellstone announced that he would be running for President in 2004. Anticipating the active war would soon be over, he ran on a platform of making America ‘A Home for the Brave’, with massive investments into veterans’ healthcare and job opportunities, as well as fairly (for the time) revolutionary stuff on mental illness and health. Saying the draft would have to end immediately and that American troops should be brought home ‘yesterday’, Wellstone demanded an end to ‘Us acting like we’re the world policeman’, alleging that the war was imploding America’s public image around the world. Given that in a recent speech the overwhelmingly popular Hugo Chavez in Venezuela took an American flag and used it to wipe his backside mid-speech, on-stage, to the wild cheers of his supporters, this was something that was quite easily believed by many Americans. He quickly earned the endorsement of Jon Stewart, Howard Dean, Bernie Sanders, Al Sharpton, Al Franken and a litany of other liberal figures alongside recent Reform Party Governor of Minnesota Jesse Ventura. He became the official face of the Anti-War movement. At the same time, the face of the Democratic Establishment was his fellow Senator from Massachusetts, John Kerry, who would earn the endorsement of the Clintons, Joe Biden and Joe Libermann. The question wasn’t simply who was going to win, but if the Democrat Party would even be a functioning body by next year owing to the gigantic fight that was about to ensue, and what front was about to get harshest: the Iran, Iraq or Iowan front?


Extract from ‘The Last Days of Saddam’ by Briar Forger


On March 8th 2003, the Free Iraqi Army (FIA), with pronounced but not overwhelming American support, would begin their march towards Baghdad in an attempt to surround the city. American tanks raced through the desert to try and surround the city, running into stiff resistance at Abu-Ghraib. All the same, with the help of the FIA, Baghdad was completely encircled by March 15th, initiating the Siege of Baghdad. While the Americans focussed on making sure Baghdad went smoothly, the FIA went ahead in an attempt to prove their individual mettle and charged upon Fallujah. Here, the Sectarian differences in Iraq began to bubble up, with the overwhelmingly Sunni city scared of what the overwhelmingly Shia army would do. In a staggeringly short-sighted move, or perhaps long-sighted if you consider him to be that Macheavellian, Saddam had invited Sunni Islamist insurgents from Jordan, Afghanistan, even Chechnya. They were freed from Russian jails since Russia didn’t want them and offered them a chance to escape to exile, which caused significant cooling in US-Russia relations. Among the most infamous Jihadists was the Jordanian group ‘JTJ’ (Jama'at al-Tawhid wal-Jihad, or 'Congregation of Monotheism and Jihad'), under the leadership of Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, a man whose name causes shudders across the Middle East to this day. The JTJ were infamous for their sectarianism, hating the Shia far more than the Americans and saying that since the Shia were ‘Apostates’ and ‘Flame Worshippers’ that they were therefore worthy of death - Sunnis who tried to help their Shia neighbours were likewise considered ‘Apostates’ for the same reason. That Zarqawi and Saddam had come to an understanding had been considered unthinkable in prior years, Saddam formerly having gone to war with Iran on the basis of defending secularism. However, the desperateness of the situation and Saddam’s anger at the Basra government forced him to make a deal he never would have before. Some in retrospect believe Saddam was deliberately sowing the seeds to destroy Iraq to ensure the country would not survive much long after he did.

The result of the First Battle of Fallujah on March 25th was a surprising Saddamist win, owing to the well-experienced and fanatical resistance of the Sunni Jihadists. The FIA on the other hand were often only fighting for the pay-check and had little love for the corruption of the Basra government, or their connection to the Americans. This instantly upset the Siege plan, as now the Americans needed to send troops to cover their flank. This led to the Second Battle of Fallujah on April 2nd with the significant augmentation of American troops. The battle would end on April 15th after significant house-to-house fighting and high American casualties that further convinced the Americans against a full charge into the second largest Arab city on Earth after Cairo. Instead, the Americans decided on sending anyone but themselves into Baghdad, telling Al-Maliki that if he wanted to charge into Baghdad, he better find some guys who were willing to do it. Unfortunately, Al-Maliki had just the guys.

Kata’ib Jihad [1] was a union of various Pro-Khomeini militia groups within Iraq, loyal to the 1979 Islamic Revolution and viscerally opposed to American and Israel. However, Saddams’s desecration of Shia shrines had proven an impossible pill to swallow, and so with extreme reluctance, the group agreed to a temporary ceasefire with the Americans and ‘Occupational Government’, with some arrested members even offered amnesty for a chance to get back at the Saddam regime and attempt to take Baghdad. The move proved extremely controversial in America, owing to the group’s connections to Hezbollah, but Bush was conscious of the casualty numbers and wanted any excuse he could get to lower them. It was justified to a war-weary American public that it would further ‘kill two birds with one stone’, something that horrified those who worried about the potential of violent sectarianism in the streets of Baghdad while millions had simply tuned out and stopped caring. The Shia militias were jokingly referred to as ‘The Suicide Squad’ by American troops in Iraq, a reference to the characters in the DC Comics universe, in similar reference to their disposability.

While the residents of Baghdad (Sunni, Shia, and indeed the significant minority of Christians and others) prayed to survive the incoming war, one person had decided he wouldn’t stay until the bitter end: Saddam Hussein himself. Saddam retreated to Tikrit, his birthplace and home of substantial support. At the same time, the Jihadists he had invited to Baghdad now patrolled the terrorised streets in conjunction with the Fedayeen Saddam. In one of the most callous betrayals of Saddam’s career, he had essentially handed the keys of Baghdad to the jackals in order to save his skin. His hope was to inspire a Sectarian conflict that would force the other Sunni Arab states to his side and save his skin. To that end, having the Kata’ib Shia groups march into Baghdad proved a perfect chance, in his warped worldview.

On April 19th, members of the Kata’ib Jihad marched past a group of Saudi soldiers on the way to Baghdad. As one American witness, draftee Joe Vargas recalled, “If looks could kill, all of them would be six foot under. I didn’t really understand at the time, but deep inside, a part of me knew we’d done fucked it up.” The Saudis and the UAE had pointedly told Al-Maliki that they would gladly turn their guns on the Kata’ib the moment they heard of sectarian atrocities committed against Sunni civilians, something that the Kata’ib were made fully aware of, with Al-Maliki assuring King Fahd that the FIA would shoot the Kata’ib themselves if they shot their fellow Iraqi citizens. It was on April 19th that the first altercation on the perimeter of Baghdad would occur between the Kata’ib and the Saddamist defenders, some of whom were indeed Shia and got into altercations with some of the foreign Jihadists that Saddam had invited. While the Battle of Baghdad is often remembered as a cauldron of Sectarianism, the truth is that this was more of a feature of the Iraq of the coming years. The Baghdad of 2003 simply did everything they could to survive, first through Saddam’s increasing insanity, then the bombing, then the arrival of the foreign Jihadists, and now the final battle. Baghdad had never had so much thrown at it since the days of the Mongols, and the residents generally tried to work together to survive, as they tried to avoid becoming the collateral damage of two Jihadist groups whose members were generally ignorant of the religion they purported to uphold. Unfortunately, the aftereffects of the battle would soon reap a bitter harvest.

Meanwhile, to the Americans watching helplessly from the sideline, their mission was simple in that there was only one way to end this war before Baghdad would see the same destruction as Tehran already had. They had to get Saddam Hussein, dead or alive.


Extract from ‘Date with Destiny: The War that brought Korea and Japan Together’ by Kaori Makimura


The Fall/Liberation/Annihilation of Kaesong in December was followed in January 2003 with another major battle - the Battle of Kumchon at the Ryesong River. This was the last major natural obstacle that separated Pyongyang from ROK/UN forces. Every bridge had already been blown, with the North Korean forces on the other side of the river consisting primarily of the regiments that had crossed in the Paju region, the location whose infamous massacre had first enraged the South Koreans so much. Many of the North Koreans, now having realised their mistake and expecting the same treatment that North Korea would have for crimes of even a tenth the severity (all the while state propaganda would display the very real recordings of enraged South Koreans wishing for the annihilation of the North) would be too scared to surrender. While there has been a myth created by film and video game portrayals of the war as one between rightfully enraged Southerners and fanatical Imperial-Japan style believers, the true believers were already mostly dead or wounded after the cataclysmic invasion towards Seoul while the ones in 2003 were mostly terrified that they would be tortured or killed by the South Koreans, something not helped by occasional retribution on North Korean soldiers and civilians by the ROK army.

Of the 800,000 troops that had initially invaded South Korea, it was estimated that by year’s end that 300,000 were dead and 400,000 were seriously wounded while about 50,000 were prisoners of war, casualties far and away larger than what the Iranians or Iraqis were suffering. The appalling medical situation ensured an equally appalling ratio of dead to wounded in a disaster that would recall Napoleon’s Grande Armée’s evisceration in Russia. This figure only included those involved in the initial charge south and not the many conscripts and civilians who died later by shrapnel or sickness which would put the ‘dead’ number into seven figures. Given that of the remaining 50,000, a large portion (30,000) had been ordered to hold the line at Kumchon, Kim knew precisely what he was doing; getting the soldiers he knew were the most desperate and putting their backs to a bridgeless river. Kim would place blocking squads on the other side of the river tasked with shooting anyone in South or North Korean uniform who tried to swim across.

The South Koreans had been made aware that many of the perpetrators of the Paju Massacre were located in Kumchon. After dropping leaflets and ordering civilians to flee (many of whom couldn’t leave because North Korea shot them if they tried to leave) and launched an artillery barrage so monumental that as one soldier recalled ‘I wondered if they were going to simply dam the river with rubble’. Ultimately the 30,000 soldiers in the town generally didn’t have to worry about how the South Koreans would treat them, as the South Koreans simply wiped the town to its foundations with the help of their own, the American and Japanese Air Forces. The approach was increasingly criticised in other countries for its generally indiscriminate nature, especially after one South Korean official simply replied, “This is a Communist country where everything is collectivised, including the civilians. The civilians are as much a part of the North Korean infrastructure as the soldiers. Too many South Koreans have died already and we need to prioritise them. This approach is no different to that which the Russians have taken in Grozny.” The official was fired but Bush began speaking to President Lee to rein in the South Korean army before there was a rupture in American-ROK relations. On January 27th, the South Koreans crossed the Ryesong River and placed their flag over the ashes of Kumchon. Surviving civilians were processed, with the members of the units associated with the Paju Massacre being arrested. In at least one case, one South Korean sergeant who had lived in Paju found his dead wife’s missing wedding ring in the pocket of one of the North Korean soldiers. The sergeant repaid the act by breaking the soldier’s four limbs in multiple places and drowning him in the bloodied water of the Ryesong River among the other North Korean corpses. The sergeant was declared innocent on subsequent investigation.

The Americans would quickly understand the same urge. On the outskirts of Sariwon in February, South Korean soldiers would be surprised to see an American officer approach them at camp. He was an old man with a bad cough and accompanied by two younger soldiers. Assuming that they must have been on their side because they were all White, on at least two instances winning over the trust of the South Koreans with their fantastic Korean and getting them to spill information on their forces, the Americans suddenly raised their guns and massacred their new friends. Around the same time, a different old man came running through the forests, eyes wide with fear as he ran in terror for his life. The South Koreans saw him staggering towards them and raised their weapons to fire, only for their jaws to drop when they saw that he was White. While it was possible that he was a recent POW making a run for it, his age definitely ruled that out. “Can you please keep this quiet and not tell anyone but your superiors?” was the first thing the strange man said, in perfect Korean. Agreeing, the strange American gave his best attempt at a salute while covered in cuts and bruises.

“This is Sergeant Charles Robert Jenkins, I defected to North Korea back in 1965,” he said. “And I have to inform you that James Dresnok, another defector, is currently on the front lines somewhere in American uniform along with his sons, working for the North Koreans. I accept whatever punishment you want to give me, but I want you to know that my wife and daughters will be in danger if it turns out I’ve gone back, so please, don’t tell anyone you don’t have to tell.”

Barely wrapping their minds around what was happening, Jenkins was quickly detained on site, the information making it to Seoul and the Oval Office within the hour. The NIS were called in and quickly tried to save the situation, faking Jenkins’ death and photographing the supposedly dead body while giving an international announcement. At the same time, the warning call was sent out all along the Sariwon area that a trio of White people working for the North Koreans were pretending to be friendly. Unfortunately, one South Korean duo of soldiers met the trio before the news reached them. Initiating the same small talk, the South Koreans started to laugh along with the American trio. The elder Dresnok, in love with himself for his own disguise, called the South Koreans his ‘Dong-mu’ or ‘friends’ (동무), at which point the eyes of the South Korean soldiers flashed in realisation - while Dong-mu casually meant ‘friend’ in North Korea, it also had been used to mean ‘comrade’ and it was thus purged from the South Korean vocabulary in favour of 'chin-gu' (친구). The South Koreans raised their rifles while the Dresnoks open fired back, resulting in both the Dresnok sons and one of the South Koreans dying. Dresnok crumpled to the floor in agony after getting shot in the shoulder, after which he was gangpiled by incoming South Korean backup.

Dresnok would fall into depression in detainment while being forbidden alcohol and cigarettes owing to his unhealthy lifestyle - he didn’t seem to care much about the death of his sons, his wife even less so who had died in 1997. His wife was a Romanian citizen kidnapped in Italy who had been forced to marry Dresnok - while unconfirmed, Dresnok’s documented brutality would almost certainly have meant it was an abusive relationship. Charles Jenkins and Dresnok went far back, including starring together in a North Korean television drama. Dresnok was known for being a true believer in the North Korean project, regularly betraying and punishing fellow American defectors and prisoners for not obeying the edicts of their captors. Dresnok took particular delight in bullying Jenkins, whom he saw as weak and submissive.

Jenkins had also been forced to marry another kidnapping victim, Japanese citizen Hitomi Soga, taken at age 19, and had two daughters with her. However, unlike Dresnok, Jenkins knew he had made a mistake in his defection, and furthermore treated his imposed wife Hitomi with genuine affection. Despite the forced conditions, the two would genuinely fall in love with each other and pull each other through the brutal hard times of the 1990s. After the Megumi case, surveillance of abducted citizens and hostages would increase, with Hitomi and her daughters ordered in early January to a prison camp in the far north to ensure North Korea would still have leverage. Jenkins was ordered under Dresnok’s command to sabotage and kill South Korean and American troops behind the front lines. At their farewell, Hitomi whispered into Jenkins’ ears, “We all decided that we want you to escape”. Wrestling with his desires and fears of how his family would be punished, he finally decided to honour his wife’s wish to escape. Jenkins managed to convince Dresnok to let him do his work independently, leading to Jenkins surrendering to the South Koreans and ultimately being transferred to the Americans.

Dresnok was defiant to his new captors, refusing to cooperate at any stretch along the way. Nursed back to presentable health in March, he was given a court-martial for his desertion, as well as his killings of American-aligned troops for a country at war with America. Dresnok was hated at home and by the court itself for his rudeness and arrogance on top of his alignment with one of the great evils of human history. In an act of extreme pettiness, he refused to speak English while in captivity, only using Korean. To that end, the court decided to go all out, and sentenced Dresnok to death for treason. This would be the first American soldier executed by court martial since World War Two. Dresnok’s age resulted in many wanting to push the verdict back to life imprisonment, leading to heated death penalty debates that the Bush Administration would enter in favour of the execution. Dresnok was executed by firing squad on May 5th 2003. One of the shooters, a young draftee by the name of Noah Antwiler, would recall, “You wouldn’t think you had it in you to shoot an old man - but to see forty years of betrayal in front of you, you realise you can do anything.” Dresnok’s final words while tied to the wooden post were, “Long live the Workers’ Party of Korea! Long live the great Marshall Kim Il-Sung!” Dresnok’s remains were cremated and scattered into the Sea of Japan.

In November 2003, Jenkins was revealed as alive, in a plot twist that shocked most of the world. However, he still needed to take his court-martial in Camp Zama, Japan. He approached the lieutenant and said, “Sir, I’m Sergeant Jenkins, reporting in, sir”, the longest resolved desertion in US history. Given his help and cooperation with US and South Korean officials, he was ultimately given no more than twenty days confinement and let off due to good conduct after two weeks. His autobiography became a best-seller, which he began writing while undercover. But that wasn’t what was most important to him. The most important thing to him was that he was told his wife and daughters had survived the war. Taken on a jet to Sado Niigata, his reunion with his wife and daughters at his wife’s childhood home proved a similar media sensation to the Megumi Yokota case. He would eventually decide to live in Japan in Sado’s childhood house, becoming a local celebrity after opening a local bar, who would be asked for pictures sometimes at a rate of 300 people an hour. But one fact that isn’t known is that before he met his wife in person, he actually talked with her over the phone just before he went into detainment for his court martial sentence. His wife now safe and well as much as he was, he told her that since they were now both safe, and that their marriage had been forced, he entirely understood why she might consider the marriage null and void and that it would be dissolved without complaint on his end. She returned just two words that answered the question, however indirectly:

‘Ai-shiteiru’/‘I love you’. [2]

[1] - https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kata'ib_Hezbollah. The group was known OTL as the Iraqi branch of Hezbollah but that would be too on the nose here.
[2] - The story of Jenkins is mostly true with some dramatic flourishes - he and his wife both escaped to Japan and decided to continue living as husband and wife.
 
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All Done in Vain
All Done in Vain

Extract from ‘Kim’s Footprint: How the War on Terror Changed Asia’ by Saeba Ryou


The Battle of Sariwon was the final battle the ROK and UN forces had to face before reaching the outskirts of Pyongyang. The North Koreans should, by logic, have simply retreated into their capital city like the Iranians did and bleed the Allies that way. Instead, in Hiterlian fashion, Kim would demand his soldiers (little more than Volkssturm units in many places with weapons probably as old as the Battle of Berlin itself) stand their ground and fight until the last. Of those who surrendered, it was generally the very old who could remember a time before the Kims, while the younger had gone their whole lives with nothing but fear beaten into them about what would happen if they disobeyed authority. If they could, the North Koreans generally tried to surrender to UN forces, owing to immense hurt among ROK soldiers over the loss of life that South Korea had faced. The North Korean soldiers found were often in appalling states when they were captured, with starvation a given, and often wearing clothes laced with maggots, black eyes from beatings by superior officers, stomachs full of parasites and tapeworms and more. Infamously, the regime used photos and videos of captured North Koreans in their own propaganda to imply that this was a result of the ‘American-run concentration camps’ they would be subjected to in case of defeat. As the regime got closer to its deathbed, it struck an increasingly racist tone as well, leaving out leaflets to South Korean soldiers that White and Black UN soldiers were creating ‘Half-breeds’ by raping the local women and that this was the future of a North Korea under ‘US-Rule’, in a desperate attempt to strike racial solidarity that had long since vanished.

This further annoyed China, who had played the middle-man in the torturous negotiations over the captured South Korean children that had been taken in the initial days of the invasion. This had provided China with an excuse to not entirely cut off the North Koreans, arguing that it would put the childrens’ lives in danger. Roughly 9,000 South Korean children, used to a life of Playstation, talking about the World Cup and Diet Pepsis, now found themselves imprisoned along the northern border of North Korea, subject to beatings, torture, and unfortunately sometimes worse. Though only 20 or so would die as a result of disease, neglect or violence, this was because the regime wanted to keep them alive as a bargaining chip with South Korea. Therefore, in a sad way, the children actually had more food security than the regular North Korean citizen, even in the army. After three meetings in China between North and South Korean officials that ended up with physical altercations, the Chinese finally decided to do business entirely by sending their own men back and forth in Beijing from the two Korean embassies.

At the same time, China made one thing very clear to the ROK and to the United States - they were told in no uncertain terms that thousands of Chinese soldiers did not die in the Korean War in vain, and that South Korean and American troops on the Yalu would be seen as an unacceptable security risk that would receive ‘An identical response’. The rhetoric of some American and South Korean politicians implying the full annexation of North Korea was met by the repeated and direct reminders from Beijing that this would be considered grounds for a war. Bush, exhausted enough already, agreed behind the backdoor while being ambiguous in public, but the South Korean Cabinet was staunchly divided between those who thought China was bluffing and the hope that China would help with reconstruction.

The plight of the kidnapped children was one of the first things on the mind of millions of South Koreans. Pope John Paul II released an uncharacteristically harsh announcement that ‘It is written in Scripture that those who trespassed against children represented the worst of sinners. To hurt a child is an act of the most visceral rebellion against God, against his word, against the idea of ‘good’ itself.’ Debates raged in South Korea about how to retrieve their kids, and if it was possible at all, with many arguing that they were probably dead anyway, or in a place where death was a preferable option, leading to many fist fights south of the DMZ. In November, after the deaths of several children due to bad conditions, China struck a deal that handed over children with medical issues or serious illnesses through China, though they were only allowed to stay in China itself to meet their parents there. An act of extreme pettiness that at least ensured some relatives (their parents often tragically had not survived to see these reunions) got to see their loved ones again.

At the same time, especially after the Megumi Yokota case, the plight of the countless captured Korean, Japanese and other citizens had come to the attention of the world’s media. This would also have some ramifications in the pop culture sphere. Both the South Korean and Japanese governments especially encouraged their citizens to focus on the kidnapped victims as a way to motivate them in the war, with a now hilariously dated edition of Shonen Jump featuring the major protagonists of the magazine taking turns battering Kim Jong-Il like the 1940s Looney Tunes cartoons mocking Hitler to encourage their younger readers to feel solidarity with both the South Korean child hostages in North Korea and to demand the return of Japanese citizens whom Kim had kidnapped. By early 2003, their back against a wall, especially after the Megumi Yokota affair which North Korea insisted was entirely made up and had nothing to do with them, the North Koreans finally accepted in their backroom negotiations to include all their kidnapping victims that they had taken. Among these were Reverend Kim Dong-shik, a pastor kidnapped in China for his religious efforts among North Korean escapees. As a result of his now being considered tied with the children, he was imprisoned alongside them in the same labour camp and became something of their protector against camp abuses, often volunteering to take punishments so that the children could be spared. The survivors of the hijacked airline Korean Airlines YS-11, Japanese women kidnapped on vacation in Denmark and many more were likewise thrown into the camps and gathered in one place so that another Megumi Yokota-style incident could not happen again.

With all this information in the background, it’s little wonder why so many South Korean soldiers treated the North Koreans with such utter contempt. However, after stern words between the Americans and South Korean leadership, the South Koreans reaffirmed their attempts to capture prisoners and more harshly cracked down on violence by troops against captured North Koreans as well as applying more civilian-considerate targeting protocol. This was resented by the soldiers but it didn’t prove too destructive, simply because so many North Korean soldiers (not to many mention often the only ones who were considered professional) had already died, though that didn’t even begin to tell the full story of the devastation that had been wrought behind the lines as a result of the war.

According to recent studies, the effects of the Black Winter alone killed roughly 1.5 million people in North Korea. In three months, about half of those who died in the thirty-six month Arduous March had perished. This did not include the deaths from the Second Korean War or the executions behind the front lines, this was just death as a result of starvation, disease or exposure - coupled with violent deaths as a result of the war it could be said that somewhere between 2 and 2.5 million had been killed in North Korea as a result of the war by the time the Battle of Sariwon began. South Korea and America have seen increasing criticism for their part in the famine owing to their bombing many of the trade routes into North Korea by rail. The Chinese, not wanting a refugee crisis on their border, vastly increased their anti-immigration measures and ordered anyone attempting to cross into China to be handed over to North Korea immediately, while North Korea simply decreed that anyone caught trying to escape would be executed. Many more died than successfully made their way into China.

The Fall of Sariwon on March 1st led the way open to Pyongyang, something that South Korean troops had fantasised about in some cases for decades. By now the UN armies were being significantly augmented by scores of American draftees and volunteers. Like in Tehran, the build-up period now slowly began to gather the forces necessary for the final push on what everyone knew would be the most difficult campaign of the entire Second Korean War: the Battle of Pyongyang. Recognising the symbolic value, Kim would announce he would die in Pyongyang with the city if need be and ordered every man, woman and child in the city to ‘defend Socialism until and with your final breath’. In perhaps the sickest moment of the entire Second Korean War, a conflict with many of them, North Korean soldiers would instruct mothers as to the most harmless way to kill their young children to ensure they would not have to live ‘the fate worse than death’ that would be a world without Kim Jong-Il - asphyxiation via pillow was generally the most recommended ‘solution’. Thankfully, it appears that few actually took up the idea in practice, though many would die in other circumstances.

And then, as if things could not get any worse, Kim Jong-Il would announce, “If the Imperialists are foolish enough to march upon our capitol, we will use every weapon we have such that if Pyongyang ceases to exist then the world shall cease to exist”. Concurrently, realising that there was no sense in holding back for a second longer, Kim ordered his commanders to finally release the full gambit of WMDs in the North Korean arsenal. On April 18th 2003 ROK and UN forces began to advance towards the Pyongyang area. Slowly but surely, as they got closer, some of the troops began to come down with bad fevers. At the same time, they increasingly seemed to be running into dead North Koreans with seemingly no trauma wounds anywhere that also didn’t look famished. On further examination, they noticed that these bodies were laced with black ulcers. Meanwhile, some of the sicker soldiers were starting to have sores develop over their bodies. Then, the horrifying revelation became all too obvious. After a quick investigation, it was confirmed on April 24th to the mortified world: North Korea had deployed anthrax.

On April 23rd, the advance on Pyongyang had halted to reconfirm PPE and vehicle resistance to WMDs (an extreme task given the number of soldiers South Korea and the UN had on hand), while bombing runs stepped up again.There were multiple voices in the Bush Administration demanding the ‘ultimate response’. Bush pushed back against it, trying to find another way. Luckily, he found a way to resolve the situation within international norms in a thoroughly abnormal situation. On April 26th both China and Russia would finally terminate all trade with North Korea, a result of negotiations between the two countries and America that America would not feel the need to open their own matchbox and would let the cancellation of all trade suffice as a suitable deterrent to North Korea and future rogue states in general. China and Russia were incensed at Kim for his opening of such a dangerous Pandora’s Box onto the wider world, but Kim was not deterred. He demanded the Allies pull back right away or he would unleash ‘The End of Existence’.

Immediately, fears exploded that Kim would unleash weaponized smallpox, the disease thought eradicated by modern medicine, and potentially kill millions, not only in the Korean Peninsula, as part of his insane plans. China very directly told Kim that if he did that then Beijing would not allow America the pleasure, and would gladly drop a nuke on Pyongyang first. Getting the hint, Kim would explicitly promise the Chinese leadership not to use Smallpox though he insisted he never planned it in the first place, which recovered minutes in Pyongyang prove were a lie and that he was planning on using it if the ROK/UN broke into central Pyongyang. In the West, the fear dominated cable news, with Fox especially hyping the threat of a smallpox bio-weapon that could leave, in host Bill O’Reilly’s words, “Tens of millions of Americans dead, whole states laid waste, mountains of bodies in the streets wherever you look.” The Bush Administration orchestrated an emergency vaccination production program to encourage Americans to take the smallpox vaccination, with the limited vaccinations quickly getting booked out. A large-scale production campaign began in South Korea, Japan and America especially to get people vaccinated for smallpox. Unfortunately, it became the genesis of a new Anti-Vaxxer movement led by now thoroughly disgraced professor Andrew Wakefield, who argued that ‘It would be safer to get smallpox than whatever they’ll give you in those needles.’ Wakefield and many conspiracy theorists alleged that the 'New Vaccine' was not the traditional Smallpox vaccine, but a new 'mystery goop' that was made to give the Republican-supporting pharmaceutical industry a payday - given that there were no substantial differences between the 'original vaccine' and the 'new vaccine', this was never taken seriously by any major institution. Owing to Bush’s association with the vaccine, the Anti-Vaxxer movement was generally stereotyped as a movement of the left, though it was more of a union of the conspiratorial right and left than anything else.

Anthrax and biological weapons in general had been forbidden with little complaint by most world powers owing to their utterly indiscriminate nature. While even a nuke had fallout and a wide range, the anthrax weapons case of North Korea resulted in inadvertent casualties among Japanese and South Korean citizens as a result of infected parties returning to those locations. Tellingly, it was not primarily these countries that suffered for the most part, but North Korea itself. Shattered by poor nutrition, starvation, godawful conditions and hopelessness, anthrax began to rip through the North Korean population, with the town of Songnim reporting civil collapse as a result of death and terror from the anthrax. The bombing of Pyongyang now picked up again, now without any form of trade coming through the north. Every car in Pyongyang was a target, since it was assumed only the elite still drove them, thus the streets were littered with craters to make the city impassable.

On May 4th, the Battle of Pyongyang resumed, with the South Koreans fighting amidst an increasingly toxic wasteland dangerous to the touch. The fight proved as viscous as everyone expected, with Pyongyang now mostly a mass of poisoned rubble. By now, with nerve agents, anthrax and mustard gas on the field, the city was increasingly being regarded as a no-go zone, but much to the anger of many in the Pentagon, the US was not using its nuclear deterrent. Bush insisted that Kim’s defeat in itself would be the appropriate deterrent, but little did he know, Kim was about to pull his final trump card. The final gasp of Juche as its wretched life was about to come to an end, ensuring it would go down as the most evil party of the Axis of Evil.


Extract from ‘Saddam’s Shadow: The Legacy of Baathism in Iraq’ by Michel Farooq


As the Battle of Baghdad heated up with Shia militias battling the Fedayeen Saddam and Sunni Jihadist groups within the city, the Americans redoubled their efforts to find and destroy the remnants of the Baathist Party in hopes of an early collapse of Saddam's forces. Naturally, this included Saddam himself, with every far off lead having to be followed up on, from pretending to be a shepherd in Tikrit to being a DJ in Istanbul. However, there were some genuine successes. The ‘Dirty Dozen’ an identified list of the worst offenders in Saddam’s regime was one by one picked off, with ‘Chemical Ali’ and Mohammed Hamza Zubeidi (a Prime Minister who made a habit of filming himself kicking already captured and rebels on the propaganda reels to make himself look tough) were both blown to bits in airstrikes in Ramadi. Taha Ramadan, Saddam’s highest ranking Kurdish member who proposed Bush and Saddam decide the fate of Iraq with a one-on-one duel, was captured by American forces and handed over (to the annoyance of the Basra government) to the Kurds to be trialled in Erbil.

But like a ghost, Saddam didn’t seem to be anywhere. He vanished from the airwaves, radio, any form of proof that he was still alive. He had last been seen on April 22nd 2003 in Tikrit but there was no evidence as to what had happened to him. In early May, American troops finally reached Tikrit. They had expected a bloodbath and came prepared, but to their astonishment, there was nothing. No Fedayeen, standard Iraqi Army, not even Jihadists. The people seemed quietly resigned to their new American occupiers and kept their heads down in fear. In this war, people had grown too pessimistic to be taken in by the fool’s gold of a bloodless victory, and so the soldiers started to ask the locals what had happened. The vast majority were too scared to say a word and avoided the US troops as much as they could. Someone who was also seemingly avoiding them was Saddam, as there was no trace of him, until a suspicious find was made on May 15th. In an abandoned farmhouse just outside Tikrit, the Americans found multiple dead Fedayeen Saddam soldiers, and one dead JTJ jihadist in positions that seemed to imply the two parties were fighting each other. This was surprising enough, but why would the two be here at an abandoned farmhouse? Little over a week later, they would get the confirmation they sought.

On May 23rd 2003, Privates Mike Stoklasa and Rich Evans were searching a house on the outskirts of Tikrit, before noticing a strange, blood-soaked VHS tape left on a table, with a note attached to it saying, “For the American Invaders and their Basra dogs.” Checking that it wasn’t a trap, the two retrieved the tape and brought it back to base. Sticking it in the VHS player, the crowd that had gathered around the TV were thunderstruck by the sight that flickered onto the television: It was a knife-wielding al-Zarqawi and three members of the JTJ behind black masks, along with a bloodied, beaten and still alive Saddam Hussein on his knees. Addressing the camera as if he was right there in the room, al-Zarqawi pointed his knife to the camera and went on a rant (in Arabic) about how the Americans had been their fools and that they had allowed the ‘Mujahadeen’ to revive in Iraq. He went on to say, ‘First we will end the last shreds of the atheism of Ba’athism from our territory, then we shall continue with our true mission, which is to rid the land of Iraq of the apostate Government of Maliki and his apostate followers’. Intermittently, Saddam would interrupt and tell al-Zarqawi to shove the knife up his ass. Finally turning to Saddam, al-Zarqawi would use Saddam’s persecution of Sunni Islamist group’s as proof of his ‘atheism’, before finally declaring, ‘The era of Ba’athism in Iraq is over.’ Saddam’s last decipherable words were a recitation of the Shahada. The camera made sure to show Saddam’s beheading in explicit and brutal detail. After quick DNA testing from Qasay’s corpse, the blood on the VHS was confirmed to be that of Saddam.

On May 24th, after verification of the video’s authenticity, President Bush would announce that Saddam Hussein had been killed, ‘By the very monsters he had unleashed upon the Iraqi People. The liberation of the Iraqi People from Saddam Hussein is complete - now we will work with the new Iraqi government to create a stable, better Iraq.’ The sentence was unfairly taken out of context in many early internet memes to just imply Bush thought that Iraq was doing fine and that they had achieved their essential mission. The confirmation soon later from JTJ that they had beheaded Saddam shocked and enraged the Fedayeen Saddam who were engaged alongside the Jihadists, leading to a total breakdown among the Saddamist wing. The highest ranking surviving member of the Ba’athist government, Ibrahim Ahmad Abd al-Sattar, would officially surrender on May 29th 2003. Baghdad was officially declared secure on May 30th 2003, which would be considered the end of the ‘Iraq stage’ of the War on Terror (and the beginning of something new).

The video of Saddam’s execution was kept under wraps owing to its brutal content and would become a Holy Grail to early internet sleuths and investigators. Apparently, Syrian dictator Bashar al-Assad successfully requested a copy of it, and would become almost hypnotised by it, with family alleging it notably changed his psyche. The video would somehow find its way to the internet, of all places, on the 4chan /b/ board on December 3rd 2009, with the accompanying message, ‘I’m going to jail for this, so you’d better watch it.’ It was quickly downloaded before being taken down and now immediately disseminated around the internet. The leaker was never identified, much to the embarrassment of the US military. Needless to say, the video is a hard watch and most people are only aware of its existence without feeling the need to watch it. However, it is considered a necessary watch by many students of history, who see it as the official beginning of the Iraqi Civil War. Saddam’s body has never been found, leading to much speculation as to what happened to it. Rumours swirled that al-Zarqawi turned Saddam’s skull into a goblet but this is generally dismissed as a fantasy by serious researchers, who think it’s likely Saddam was just anonymously buried somewhere in the vast deserts of Iraq, rotting in anonymity. It was perhaps a fitting fate for a man who thought himself equal to a God, who commanded such exaltation of himself in life, that in his death he should be alone and forgotten, forever, after having been devoured by the very monsters he loosed on his citizens.

The Bush Administration’s salvo into Iraq had been perhaps its most short-sighted blunder, and of the four countries that American soldiers occupied during the War on Terror, Iraq was almost certainly the one who had the least to be grateful of in terms of results. While conflict had basically vanished from Lebanon, in Iraq it seemed guaranteed only to escalate. Even as al-Maliki walked the streets of Baghdad to joyful reception by the residents who were happier the fighting was ‘over’ than anything to do with the politician, the Salafists prepared in the shadows. They had taken out their long-term enemy in Saddam and had walked in through the giant hole he had left behind, opening the door to Wahhabism in Babylon. With Iran now out of the picture, at least the Shia-extremist brand of it, al-Zarqawi eagerly prepared for the final battle in the shadows. To him, the real war was only beginning.


Extract from ‘The Rise, Fall, and Rise of Iran’ by Zoreh Rahimi


The Battle of Tehran had proven even worse than American planners expected, with the death toll of the battle rising into four figures within the first two weeks. Roughly 25% of the casualties were draftees. The Azadi Tower had crumbled to the Earth, flat on its back like a beached whale riddled with artillery fire. The Golestan Palace was an open-air ruin. Laleh Park was a moonscape of barbed wire and shredded Earth. Perhaps there was only one sight that warmed American hearts - a collection of Muslim, Iranian-American troops whose parents had fled Khomeini had given his mausoleum a visit, where they placed a tiny office American flag stand above him as if to tell even his corpse that those whom he had exiled and impoverished had their vengeance. Khomeini’s body would eventually, by a decree of local Shia clergy, be ‘banished’ and while its ultimate fate remains unknown, the general consensus is that it was cremated and thrown into the Persian Gulf. Needless to say, Iran’s international airport, or anything else, is no longer named after Khomeini.

President Bush had, in his own admission, fallen into depression as a result of the conflict and cursed himself, regardless of the reassurances of friends or family, that he could have done something to stop 9/11 and stop this whole catastrophe from unfolding. He could look out of the White House and see riots almost every weekend, every once in a while a student would accidentally be killed by the police and a new outrage would unfold. Week after week he would have to look into the eyes of family members who had lost their sons, brothers, and indeed sometimes even their daughters and sisters, needing to reassure them every time that there was no other way, when he wasn’t even sure of it anymore. His approval ratings were not good for a President in war, only 40%, but while his own supporters (and most of the war’s supporters) were generally shy in their support and thought that even though the war was necessary that it wasn’t something to be happy about, the still divided but highly motivated anti-war group was drowning out the airwaves, and had the overwhelming support of young Americans who felt infuriated and personally betrayed by their elders for ‘sending them to die’ on top of a ruined economy to look forward to after the war. While there were similar anti-war protests in Britain, France and more, none were as intense as in America due to the added incendiary of the draft. Other leaders pleaded for America to do more of the heavy lifting owing to their own constituents' anger over the war, leading to Bush on more than one occasion snapping that, actually, America was doing by far most of the work in this conflict and that it was them that should be doing more. Personal relations Bush had developed began to sour, even with Tony Blair, who had to deal with a left-wing challenge in the Lib-Dems for their opposition to much of the wars being fought.

Onward and onward the Coalition army went into Tehran, with the Iranian army fighting to the last bullet before surrendering, and the IRGC not surrendering even after running out of their last bullets. Finally, after wrecking Tehran from one side to the other, on June 2nd, Tehran was officially declared secure. The Battle of Tehran alone had cost the Americans 8,000 dead (with 4,000 dead from the remaining members of the Coalition), making it the single deadliest battle the US Army had undertaken since Okinawa. A further 40,000 were seriously wounded. The Iranians had lost 50,000 men killed in the battle, with another 150,000 wounded. Roughly twenty-thousand Iranian civilians died.

The battle mind-broke both the Americans and Iranians alike. While much has been made of the American response to the battle in contemporary pop culture, it was likely the Iranian experience that was much more profound. As one Iranian army member recalled, ‘It was like we had woken from a beautiful dream, only to find that we had simply fallen asleep at the wheel of a now shattered car, with us burning inside’. The Fall of Tehran was a serious wake up call to the Iranians, to see their beloved capitol city in flames and now under foreign occupation in a war they knew they could not win conventionally. With vanishing support for the war in the United States too, the thought of a prolonged occupation seemed a fantasy anyway. Following the capture of Tehran, the trickle of Iranian Army surrenders became a torrent. One reporter recalled, "I remember seeing an image of this Iranian soldier, looking like he was late teens or early twenties, coming up to this slightly older looking American soldier, unarmed and saying in his best English ‘I surrender’. Then, as if the shame of the statement overtook him, he collapsed to his knees and began to cry. Then, to my shock, the American soldier dropped to his knees, holding back his own tears and saying in his best Farsi, ‘You have nothing to be ashamed of - none of you do’. I never thought that a war could bring two peoples together, but I guess I was wrong.”

At the same time, the war was a national trauma in the United States. The deaths of so many draftees shattered not just the families and friends of the deceased, but thousands who felt that Americans had lost an innocence that the Pre-9/11 world had which they could no longer reach. There was no triumphalism - the New York Times front cover reporting on the victory was simply a black page. The anger of the anti-war movement had grown tenfold, with many cities’ downtowns now seemingly shut down nightly due to the riots and protests. Some cities like Seattle and Portland fell into recession simply because the city centre became the site of nightly battles between protestors and the police, neither of whom acted with all the responsibility they should have. Bush’s approval ratings cratered into the 30s, with some members of the Anti-War side of Congress like Dennis Kucinich demanding Bush’s impeachment mid-war. Forty percent recorded ‘strong disapproval’ of Bush, while Bush’s own support was soft.

Then came the news no one expected. In a speech from the Oval Office on June 4th officially commemorating the capture of Tehran, Bush gave the update no one expected: he would not stand for re-election.


Excerpt from President Bush's 'New Greatest Generation' Speech

“Since that terrible September day nearly two years ago, this nation has been pulled into a bloody and costly fight against the forces of evil. Against those who massacred our citizens right here at home, against those who have committed genocide against their own citizens and against those who have threatened the peace of the world. And in that time, the United States has defended the values for which it has always stood - of democracy, justice and the God-given freedom which we have been blessed with. It was a war that no one wanted, but one we cannot back away from now until absolute victory.

“However, the post-war situation, as we all know, will present its own challenges, its own dangers. We cannot liberate people from dictatorship, only to have their freedom sift through their fingers like grains of sand when we leave, only to return to where we are today. This will require tremendous focus, tremendous effort, and tremendous patience, all the while American families face challenges and struggle at home. Of family members serving their country in far off lands, bills to be paid, children whose questions need answers. And faced with those incredible tasks, both at home and abroad, I have made the decision that there is no time for the President of the United States to focus on anything but the unprecedented challenges that this country finds itself in. And as a result, I am announcing that I will not be seeking, nor accept, my party’s nomination for President of the United States for a second term.

“This has been both a simple decision, and a hard one, but it was the only choice that I could make. As the War on Terror comes to a close, and a world free of Hezbollah, Saddam Hussein, Kim Jong-Il and Ayatollah Khamenei comes into being, a new world order needs to be created. A world based on the values of liberty, self-determination, and co-existence between faiths and nations. I ask for your help in helping finish this war, so we can bring our boys and girls home. And my successor, whoever he or she may be, will likewise deserve your support and understanding for the challenges they will face in creating this new world. But regardless of the challenges, we will still have the most reliable resource in the world - not our weapons, nor our resources, but the American people themselves.

“Earlier this week, I was talking with my father. He was part of the Greatest Generation, the generation that served in World War Two. After Pearl Harbour, he joined the Navy and fought in the Pacific. He was brave, and surrounded by men he considered even braver. I was talking to my father, and I asked him what he thought of our boys nowadays. How they compared to the guys he knew back in the 1940s. And he told me, ‘You know, they called us ‘The Greatest Generation’, but I think these boys are giving us a run for our money.’ He talked not just about the bravery, the strength and courage of the American boys and girls fighting overseas right now, but their compassion, humanity and sense of justice. This will be their legacy, as a New Greatest Generation. As it was written some two thousand years ago, and ever truer today, “Blessed are the pure in heart, for they shall see God”.

“Goodnight, and God Bless America.”


Excerpt from ‘Broken Dreams: How the War on Terror Changed America’ by Linda Reins

Bush’s announcement shocked many political commentators and threw the 2004 Presidential race into yet further turmoil. With Dick Cheney forswearing the nomination battle, a brand new fault-line opened up in American politics. The main contenders were Bush’s main rival in 2000, Arizona Senator John McCain, Arkansas Governor Mike Huckabee, and Massachusetts Governor Mitt Romney. Their policies for the War on Terror was little different, though Huckabee seemed more willing to play the Christian card and imply that the wars in Iran and North Korea represented ‘a need to fight Jihad and atheism abroad as well as at home’. McCain had the most credibility on the subject of war owing to his internment and torture by North Vietnam while his gung ho rhetoric was met with increasing scepticism by the broader public. Romney played for the most moderate contingent of the party, raising the spectre of a Wellstone victory being ‘Too high a risk to pick any but the most tolerable candidate’. But unfortunately, the one who made the most rash decision owing to Bush’s announcement wasn’t anyone in America at all, but a deranged murderer in the Korean Peninsula.

Kim Jong-Il, despot of a society where any sign of weakness was seen as an opportunity for others to take advantage of, was reportedly ecstatic when he saw Bush’s announcement, now more certain than ever that just one push was all that it would take for the Americans to surrender entirely. Warped not only from living in North Korea, but in being at the very top of North Korea, Kim was certain that the loss of life that America had experienced was finally getting to them. Kim had finally gathered the inner-strength to pull his final trump card. While he had failed in developing a nuclear weapon on time, he had succeeded in gathering a large stash of radioactive material. With Pyongyang already poisoned, he felt no hesitation in resorting to his final gambit - detonating a dirty bomb inside Pyongyang. With the final remnants of his most loyal Juche foot soldiers to enact his final act of Black magic, his plan was to get the 'weak-willed Cowboy' to relent and call for terms, again supposedly with the ROK meekly falling in line behind them. Though the nuclear reactors had long since been destroyed, nuclear waste did not vanish, and there was more than enough cobalt and caesium to consecrate the demonic brew.

On June 12th 2003, a series of explosions lit up the rubble of Pyongyang. Initially taking no interest, it wasn’t until June 13th when reports of radiation burns started reaching ROK and UN officials. It was that night in Washington when the news no one wanted was confirmed. Secretary Powell had to look President Bush in the eye and confirm, yes, that a dirty bomb or series of dirty bombs had indeed been activated in Pyongyang. Powell recalled, “The President sank back into his chair, before putting one hand over his face and whispering gently to himself saying, ‘Goddamn it’. At that moment, I wouldn’t have wished my worst enemy was sitting in that chair, let alone my friend.” To Bush, he had no choice. He had pushed off escalation as far back as he could, but this pushed him over the edge. He was now about to do something that would put an asterisk by his name in all Presidential texts for eternity.

On June 14th, President Bush would announce North Korea’s latest action to the nation, and to the world. He said that there was only one appropriate form of retaliation, and that it was coming soon. He called upon North Korea to get their citizens out of a number of cities, as one or more of them was going to be hit by a nuclear weapon. If there was anyone still left, the blame for the casualties would be on North Korea, not them. Global shock greeted the announcement, with stocks plummeting and many preachers saying it was the beginning of the Apocalypse. The Anti-War protests reached their loudest crescendo yet, all over the world, demanding Bush stand down on his threat. China and Russia publicly called and privately begged the administration not to open the nuclear Pandora’s Box. Bush, however, was dead-set. To Bush, his whole Presidency would come down to this, to prove that America meant what it said. If that meant he had to go down in infamy, that was enough. To him, hearing the first reports of radiation-exposure deaths in Korea, this was the only way. The straight and narrow where few trod and many strayed. This was ‘The Week the World held its Breath’, and the only time the Doomsday Clock was ever officially measured in seconds.

And for every night of that week, Bush said a prayer. “Please God, don’t make me do it.”

 
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Without You
Without You

Extract from ‘The Second Korean War: The Key to Understanding the War on Terror’ by Bosun Choi


On June 8th, Bush had made his final warning while ordering the Joint Chiefs of Staff to come up with a list of appropriate targets. Bush’s primary concern was minimising civilian casualties in such an event, something the Joint Chiefs had met with increasing frustration, arguing they were still being deterred instead of Kim. Anything within eyesight of the Russian or Chinese border was ruled out, so the idea was to place it not too far from the effective frontlines. Finally, after much convincing, it was agreed to have a gravity bomb detonate (choosing such because it was feared the Chinese or Russians would freak out that a missile was heading for them) over the bridges and stations that connected North and South Pyongan. The ratio of civilian casualties to military advantage (this was the chief route through which Pyongyang was reinforced) was considered the most advantageous. Bush reluctantly agreed, pencilling in the morning of June 10th as the day the strike would be unleashed. Like every night of that week, he prayed, but on the night of June 9th, he prayed harder than he ever had in his life.

Though the Chinese did not know for sure when the Americans would drop a nuclear device, the urgency with which they did everything in their power to prevent it happening was so intense that one would almost swear they were the ones about to be nuked. President Hu personally spoke with Kim Jong-Il over the phone in what one Chinese witness recalled as “A very masculine conversation”. The South Koreans had been completely cut out of the negotiations for now, as Beijing and Kim’s base (everyone knew he was lying about being in Pyongyang) screamed back and forth with each other. Then, finally, Kim said something that left Hu stunned. As the same staffer recalled, “It was like he had a stopwatch, counting how long he could play around with us until he got to the point.” It took another hour of confirming Kim was serious, and that if it was possible that Kim could ‘leave’ Pyongyang in time, before Hu responded with overwhelming relief. The moment the call ended, Beijing urgently contacted Washington.

As Bush recalled, “I had literally just finished my final prayer to God, begging him not to make me do this before Ari [Fletcher] came in the room and said, ‘We did it! We did it!’ I ask what in Sam Hill he’s yelling about and he tells me the Chinese got Kim to stand down as leader.’ I was taken away. I ran into the Oval Office in my pyjamas trying to work out what the heck just happened, and then about five minutes after he said that, I realised that, or at least I chose to believe that it was those prayers to God that saved me from having to do that.” With mere hours to spare, the bombing run was called off just as the pilots were preparing in Inchon - Japan was considered too sensitive a place to launch a nuclear device from. Thus, to this day, the last nuclear detonation in hate remains in Nagasaki in 1945, despite the world’s best efforts since then.

At the same time, a Chinese plane had flown into an undisclosed location in North Korea, gathering its passengers and promptly flying off again. Within hours, the plane had landed in China, and out stepped Kim Jong Il, his surviving three children Kim Jong Un, Kim Yo-jonh and Kim Sol-song, along with his lover Ko Yong-hui. To the shocked eyes of the world, Kim stepped off the plane, surrounded by Chinese soldiers and began to read from a piece of paper as casually as if he was reading a newspaper to someone across the room. He announced that he had ‘Taken asylum’ in China, and that North Korea had served its purpose in ‘Breaking the American world order’. To that end, he called upon China to ‘prevent further bloodshed’, announcing that he gave permission for China to send troops into North Korea and that all North Korean troops should surrender to ‘comradely Chinese forces’. Pointedly, and much to the anger of the West, Kim never technically called upon North Korean forces to surrender against UN or ROK forces, meaning that isolated attacks continued for weeks, though long term it made no difference as by now most North Koreans had lost their fear of the Kim regime. Crucially, the South Korean hostages would be ‘transferred to Chinese authorities’, giving a happy ending to at least one side of the monstrous conflict. Kim declared that he had paved the way for future generations to ‘overthrow the American world order’, and that he could ‘retire in satisfaction’. With that, unable to conceal a smirk, Kim walked off into a shabby car surrounded by Chinese soldiers. It would be the last time Kim Jong Il was seen in public for half a decade.

Ultimately, the reason for Kim’s action was simply that he knew he had reached the end of the line, and China was willing to do anything to prevent Americans on the Yalu. With Kim understanding that his country barely had a functioning army left, he knew his best chance at survival was to take advantage of Chinese desperation. Notably, Kim decided to only save several of his family members, leaving the entire remainder of the North Korean elite behind and stranded. Kim’s most sycophantic subordinates were reportedly laughed at by Kim when they begged him to join him in exile in China. China would immediately contest the ‘Asylum’ claim, saying that they had ‘Placed the Kim family under house arrest for their actions in the Korean Peninsula, in return for the preservation of thousands of South Korean children’s lives and a speedy end to a war that has already caused so much suffering and death’.

Within twenty minutes of Kim’s speech, Chinese soldiers at the Yalu finally got the all clear to begin their march into North Korea. Meticulously planned for months, the only question being if they would have to fight America while they were at it, the North Koreans were ordered to open the borders and let the Chinese tanks in. Mercifully, the emaciated border guards seemed more than willing. The Chinese army rolled down North Korea at the end of tanks, their biggest resistance throwing back villagers begging for food. The Chinese had made little provision for food and so little in the way of humanitarian work was done. Chinese soldiers would recollect ‘I wondered on some occasions if the Americans really had dropped a nuclear bomb on the Koreans - the country looked like it had seen an apocalypse visited upon it. It looked like what the world would look like after a nuclear war. Villages depopulated, skeletons on the road, people staring blankly back at you, not sure if they were hallucinating from hunger.’ The other major obstacle was just getting around the roads given the extensive American/Korean/Japanese bombardment. However, one thing that was obvious was that the North Koreans did not want the war to continue. Liberated from Kim’s edict, surviving soldiers threw down their weapons to the Chinese at every chance they got. One Chinese soldier recalled, ‘How am I supposed to react when I see a twelve year old boy with bandages meekly hands over ‘his’ pistol? Or when he asks where he has to go since his whole family was dead from war and famine? You tell me.’ Roughly 200,000 fresh Chinese troops had poured into the peninsula, and only five would die from fanatical North Korean guerilla attacks who thought that the radio and TV broadcast of Kim from China was fake.

Despite the predictions of mass suicide, North Koreans were now mostly free of the Kim propaganda delusion. As one North Korean recalled, “I remember hearing Kim’s announcement on the radio with my family. Once it was done, I slowly turned to the portrait of both Kim Jong Il and Kim Il Sung that we had in our house. I remember slowly, gently placing my hands on the portrait of the son, almost like I was afraid it would break in my hands. And then, with a force spiralling up through me that I didn’t know even existed, a force that must have always been there but now finally pronouncing itself, I raised the portrait and smashed it with my full might onto the chair. The glass had cut my hands and I was bleeding onto the floor, my wife and child were horrified, and I just looked down at what in days gone by would have been a death sentence not just for me but for them. Instead, I just looked at the torn shreds of Kim’s face … and I just laughed. I laughed hysterically, like a madman. He had destroyed our country, destroyed our lives, destroyed millions of lives, doomed us to occupation, he had robbed us, raped us, starved us, beat us, deceived us, and took everything we had and could have had. But when I saw his face ripped up on the floor, seeing him in this pathetic, undignified way, I simply was so taken aback by this image that all I could do was laugh. Then my wife slowly joined in, laughing as hard as me, before grabbing the picture of the elder Kim and smashing it three times against the wall with all the might her body had left. Both bleeding, both laughing hysterically, we collapsed to the floor, our son looking at us in confusion, not sure what was going on. Thank God he didn’t know. He doesn’t remember what it was like to grow up under the Kim era - the kaleidoscope of unending agony that it was. The one that ended with him fleeing and us still trapped. It was a joke, and we were laughing. The Kim era is over, but until my generation reunites with the Father in Heaven, the trauma will never be over.”

The Chinese knew exactly where the internment camps that housed the missing South Korean children (and indeed Japanese and Korean hostages) were. It was one of the first targets they went to, going to the front of the gates and demanding entrance. Some of the camp commanders had committed suicide knowing the retribution they would get. At the Onsong Concentration Camp, the world’s press would get the first insight as to what they were like. The outside of the camp contained the mass graves of the former political prisoners who inhabited the camp, some who had been born there following their parents' being caught reading a Bible or listening to Rock and Roll - many of the older kids had been forced to fill in the graves. Once the doors were open and Chinese troops saw inside the cell, one could scarcely conceive of a way to hate the Kim Dynasty more, but now they could. As one journalist recalled, “You don’t forget seeing an eight year old boy handcuffed to a radiator with two black eyes. You don’t forget the smell of a room no bigger than a classroom with a hundred kids pressed against each other, some wearing the same clothes they were kidnapped in a year ago. You don’t forget seeing cigarette burns on a ten year old girl’s face. And most of all, as a parent, you don’t forget the utter hatred you feel towards whoever did those things.”

As if it couldn’t get worse, confirmation soon came once the offices of one camp commandant were searched and an estimated worth of 100,000 American dollars was found. When the Chinese soldiers demanded to know where anyone in North Korea could get that money, suspecting he was smuggling over the Yalu, they heard an answer that turned their blood cold: local party officials had paid the commandant to hand over ‘suitable’ children for a night or even a week of the worst sins short of death (or perhaps including it) that a human being is capable of. Many of the soldiers having children themselves, this pushed them over the edge. The commandant was simply beaten to death on the spot with nothing but fists. Other Chinese attachments were notified of the trade and told to hand over all North Korean officials suspected of nefarious actions to South Korea. All in all, roughly 170 North Koreans would eventually be prosecuted and given either life imprisonment or death sentences after conviction (often in tandem with other charges) in relation to child trafficking at the hauntingly named ‘Child Internment Camps’.

Many North Korean officials attempted to bribe their way through China, only to find their money confiscated by the soldiers and immediately shoved at gunpoint into jail cells. Among this number was ‘Pyongyang Penelope’, whose implied calls to suicide on her propaganda broadcasts were not mimicked in the slightest by her. Claiming to have been a mere broadcaster, she protested her detainment, but was instead simply handed over to the South Koreans. ‘The Pink Lady’ as she was known by South Koreans would eventually be given twenty years in prison. Such was the indifference to which Kim treated his minions that he casually told the Chinese over the phone the name and location of the units who were involved in both the anthrax and dirty bomb attacks, who were subsequently wiped off the face of the earth by Allied air power. On at least one occasion, in Hamhung city, an escaping official was caught by the crowds while he was driving away. The crowds broke into the car and physically tore the official limb from limb. All over North Korea, officials were now wanted men.

On the afternoon of June 11th, just outside the city of Kangdong, forward elements of ROK forces would meet forward elements of the PLA. This would be no ‘Hands over the Elbe’ moment. It was cold, unfriendly, and strictly business. The Chinese considered the ROK to be the battering ram to bring American troops to the Chinese border, while the ROK considered the Chinese to have been the enablers of North Korea and, worst of all, the guys who had taken Kim Jong Il out of their grasp. It would prove the origin of one of the most tense relationships in the world today. This new de facto division of the Korean Peninsula only applied to armed forces - North Korean civilians were free to move in and out of the Chinese and ROK/UN zones, invariably to wherever had the most food at the time. On June 16th, the Korean Peninsula was declared completely occupied by both Chinese and ROK/UN forces, but that left the question as to what to do with Pyongyang.

Ultimately, given how much of a mess the city had become, it was agreed by all parties that parts of the city simply had to be left for good. Pyongyang would essentially be halved, with the city south of the Taedong river declared salvageable, but the much more thoroughly savaged northern section, where the dirty bomb detonations had gone off, was declared unlivable for the foreseeable future. Regardless, even the south part was declared too hot for now, with both soldiers and civilians made to leave the ruins of what had been the capital of the Worker’s Paradise. While today life has in some ways returned to South Pyongyang, albeit with a lot more churches, even today the northern section of the Pyongyang Exclusion Zone is just an eerie ghost-town walled off from the public. Its monuments to the Kims have been blasted from existence, its glorification of its own slavery is no more. The centre of power in North Korea, the megalopolis that stamped its foot on the face of millions of Koreans now exists only in the form of poison rubble.

On the same day that Chinese and South Korean forces met, China produced a piece of paper purportedly signed by Kim saying that he had officially dissolved the People’s Democratic Republic of Korea. June 16th 2003 has consequently gone down as the day the Second Korean War finally concluded, infuriatingly with its instigator not facing justice for his crimes. For pride he had murdered hundreds of thousands thousands, got millions of his countrymen killed, a level of dead Koreans higher than all the foreign invasions and occupations of Korea put together, and reportedly when talking with Hu on that fateful phone call, he had said, “Why should I care what becomes of my people? They failed me, they’re only getting what they deserve”, before asking about whether the plane he would be taken in would have much space to put some bottles of his favourite wine. The same Chinese witness would say in relation to his negotiations with Kim, “in all my life, no, in all my imagination I could not conceive of someone like Kim. He was not cowardly, like the Ayatollah, nor deluded like Saddam. Contrary to what they say, he was not insane. He was perfectly grounded, rational, even intelligent. He never believed the propaganda about being a God, or about bringing the Worker’s Revolution - there was absolutely no higher purpose to anything that he did. He was simply, in every ounce of meaning the word can conjure, evil. Human beings outside his bloodline were regarded no different to inanimate objects - whether alive or dead held no significance to him. In most of the world, he would have simply grown up to be a serial killer on the street, murdering women at night. But here, he was given a full country, given free reign to kill everyone and everything he wanted. While Mao had many good points among some bad, whenever I saw him either in real life or in pictures and stared into his eyes, I could find only a void of eternal darkness.”

On June 20th, South Korean parents and relatives once more laid their eyes upon the thousands of children they had missed for a year. Japanese families were reunited with their relatives stolen away from them as early as the 1970s: Yaeko Taguchi, Kaoru Hasuike and many more. South Koreans imprisoned from the YS-11 Hijacking, Thai families reuniting with their own forgotten victims, it was an international spectacle. But despite all the cheer the event provided to many, it was equally tragic for so many of the children. This was because there were no parents left alive to meet them again. China had expected the return of South Korea’s children to make them loved in South Korea - instead, it only hurt relations more, as it reminded South Koreans of the monster who started all this misery, who was now laughing at them from the safety of China. South Korea would not forgive, and it certainly would not forget.

But the US Navy had their own thing they would never forget. Along the banks of the Taedong River graced a sight that few Americans had seen in the last thirty-five years: the half-sunk wreck of the USS Pueblo. A hole blown at the bottom of the ship had caused it to sink, but a significant portion of the ship was actually still visible above the water. The Navy, eager to boost morale after the Lincoln debacle, begged and pleaded for a project they felt would restore the navy’s pride: resurrecting the Pueblo. The cost was significant, but Bush concluded, “We’ve had so much bad news in the last couple of years, I say it’s about time we had some wins,” and approved in conjunction with the South Koreans. After much painstaking work, a thorough decontamination process and a complete overhaul of the ship's ins and outs, the wreck of the USS Pueblo was brought shuddering back to life. The ship was so wounded that it had to be towed to Incheon on October 3rd. From there, the final journey began. The boat was slowly, painstakingly towed back towards the US in a spectacle that was much mocked on the internet, especially by Non-Americans. However, there was one special group waiting for it at home. On November 11th, Veteran’s Day, the USS Pueblo, after more than thirty-five years of North Korean captivity, docked successfully in San Diego in front of some very special people: the surviving crew who had been interned with her all those years ago. With only two months of life left in him, the elderly, frail and dying Captain Lloyd M. Bucher put his hand to the hull of the ship whose destiny he had been tied to. Tears in his eyes, he remembered the beatings, torture and agony that had been inflicted on him by his North Korean captors and, amusingly, how they convinced them that the middle finger meant ‘good luck’ in Hawaii. When he died two months later, many believed that it was because he felt recompense in the ship’s return and could finally die in peace.

The USS Pueblo remains in San Diego to this day, again as a museum, only this time not in service of its attackers but of its makers, telling the story of the Pueblo’s crew to future generations. The USS Pueblo has resultantly become a symbol to the US armed forces in general, of never leaving anyone or anything behind. But it also showed the state of Pyongyang when it was recovered, of a city brought to dust and ruin. The Pueblo was a witness to heroism, but it was also a witness to the horrors of 21st Century warfare. A warfare we could easily soon see again.


Extract from ‘The Rise, Fall, and Rise of Iran’ by Zoreh Rahimi


American soldier Jessica Lynch raised the flag of the Stars and Stripes over the old embassy in Tehran, the one that had been witness to the infamous hostage crisis that had divided Americans from Iranians for so long. The building itself was full of holes from urban combat, and one would struggle to see the flag from afar due to the dust that had sprung into the air. What should have been a happy moment was marked by great sadness and guilt among the Americans, who felt they had ruined a beautiful city in return for thousands of their number dead. No one was thinking in terms of triumph - they just wanted the damned war to be over as soon as possible. The Fall of Tehran was greeted with relief much more so than cheering. At the same time, mercifully, it finally seemed like the war was coming into its final moments. With the slow collapse of the Iranian army, and soldier unions overwhelmingly voting to turn themselves into the Coalition authorities alongside the more liberal members of the clergy, the Ayatollah and Soleimani raged at the betrayal from their final fortress: Qom. The Islamic Republic’s final stand would be at the holy city, the Ayatollah predicting divine intervention turning the tide, infamously predicting on his final radio broadcast that ‘rocks will fall like rain upon the Devil’s army’. Khamenei and Solemani had been much derided by Iranians for abandoning Tehran while the average soldier fought hard and well. As a result, Khamenei said that Qom would be his final stand. Now free from having to win over the hearts and minds of the Iranian people, the IRGC set up shop in hospitals, stole civilian food and in the words of one resident, ‘acted like an occupying army’. Though few Iranians would join the Coalition in the final battle against the IRGC, many would take things into their own hands. The long dormant Iranian Left in particular began their own fightback against the now thoroughly disgraced and fleeing IRGC.

The mantle of the Iranian Left had traditionally been held by the MEK, who had been established by Anti-Shah students in 1965 and helped bring about his downfall. However, when power of Iran was seized by the Mullahs instead, the MEK launched a campaign of strikes and terror bombings in an attempt to overthrow the fragile Islamist government, becoming significantly better supported in Iran than the Pro-Shah forces. It was then that they made their crucial mistake, aligning with Iraq in the Iran-Iraq War and annihilating any goodwill they had from the populace. The MEK set up shop in Paris where it would eventually mellow its rhetoric and relinquish armed struggle, supporting peaceful reform in Iran. It initially supported the Coalition invasion of Iran before eventually opposing it at the tail-end of 2002. But at the same time the MEK was getting in front of cameras in TV studios in Europe and America, a new Leftist alliance was emerging in Iran.

Starting with the murder of Khatami, Iranian leftists had taken the morality police head on, taking their weapons and forming the primordial identity of a new movement. These groups would still join the Iranian army, an organisation that had mostly purged any Pro-Khamenei elements into the IRGC owing to the boiling enmity between the two parties, where the unions that were formed inside the Iranian army would later clash with Iran’s leadership. These unions began talking among themselves, with the Second Christmas Truce redoubling Left-wing sympathies among many Iranians who saw an international brotherhood before their eyes. A lot of this was through the thoroughly throttled but still barely surviving Tudeh Party, the traditional Communist Party of Iran. On January 6th, the ‘Provisional MEK’ (PMEK) was announced by balaclava wearing men and women in a recorded video tape. The choice in name had derived from a similar situation in Northern Ireland - the IRA that had participated in the 1920s Irish War of Independence had morphed into a distant, abstract political party that was perceived as out of touch with the reality on the ground, leading to the ‘Provisional IRA’ being formed, who were renowned for active use of violence, minimisation of class rhetoric, and promotion of leftist nationalism. In their declarative statement, the group condemned the ‘Usurpers’ in the traditional MEK (nicknamed, in tandem with the Northern Irish example, ‘The Official MEK’ who would publicly beef with the provisionals but would see their power and influence decline) who ‘Backstabbed Iran in her darkest hour’, and that any Iranian who had helped Saddam Hussein in the 1980s war was not welcome in the new organisation. Consequently, the group announced it was at war with both the Coalition and the IRGC, with the ultimate goal of creating a ‘Neutral, Socialist and Secular Iran’. The Iranian army itself would not be targeted, as ‘We are among their number’. The United States and UK would declare them a terrorist organisation in that they had effectively declared war on them, albeit upon their enemy too.

One thing that was noted about the PMEK was how many of its roles were staffed by women, with roughly half of their members being female. Women had been highly discouraged from fighting not only by the IRGC but the Iranian army themselves, who considered their role as men to fight and resist occupation but did not feel it so existential to Iran as to warrant sending the women to die alongside them. This left thousands of women feeling angry and helpless in a country burning down, and the PMEK proved a perfect escape valve with thousands of young women joining the organisation. This played a solid reason in the group’s targeting. Despite the claim they would fight the Coalition, the PMEK certainly did not target the Americans with anywhere near the ferocity they attacked the Islamists, who had created generations of vendettas. The PMEK would launch a series of car bombings, ambushes and guerilla attacks (suicide attacks were forbidden by the organisation to differentiate themselves) on members of the IRGC, who responded with further terrorisation of any woman behind the lines. Many women in Qom found that one hair falling from a hijab could be seen by some as proof of covert PMEK membership - more twisted IRGC officers even concocted false accusations for no other reasons than sexual blackmail. At the same time, the PMEK would kill a grand total of 55 Coalition soldiers in the war, mostly as a result of the soldiers initiating a fight or instigating an arrest. The attacks on the Coalition were often infrastructure attacks behind the lines that didn’t kill anyone - a nuisance but hardly the horrors of the Battle of Tehran.

The proliferation of weapons, hopelessness and bitterness had reached their peak in the aftermath of the Fall of Tehran. While parts of the organisation fought in the battle itself, the female membership that took up a large amount of the organisation slipped out in the refugee waves, often with their weapons. Older veterans of the 1970s gladly taught the newer members how to rig bombs and set up devices. Some young men even joined the PMEK simply due to the talk of how many of the members were women in hopes of finding a girlfriend. While there were a small handful of Pro-Shah or nationalist groups that rose to little more than street gangs, the PMEK was enough to make both the Coalition and IRGC think differently. It had gotten so influential that it is basically confirmed by now that elements of the Coalition cooperated with the PMEK during the Battle of Qom to help attack the IRGC from within. It was at the Battle of Qom that the PMEK would be elevated from a bit player to a main one in the Iranian story.

On June 30th, the Coalition began the attack on Qom, trying their best to avoid striking any of the mosques in the holy city. The handful of Iranian army units in the city had mostly either surrendered rapidly (risking getting shot in the back by the IRGC) or joined the PMEK. However, it seems that while the Ayatollah decided to stay in Qom, Solemani was directing the violence from the city of Kerman, well out of danger. According to legend, Solemani promised he would stand in Qom with him before feigning an illness that forced him to stay at a distance. Regardless, Khamenei made declarations over the loudspeakers, willing his soldiers onto victory and taunting the Coalition troops. By now, even the draftees had developed a veteran’s wisdom and grit, and the counter-insurgency tactics proved far more successful this time around, restoring the pride of US forces after a shaky start. On July 19th, Qom was declared secure, but still no Khamenei, leading many to suspect he was actually somewhere else entirely. Interestingly, on at least two occasions an IRGC convoy was seen approaching Qom in the night, on the first occasion ambushed by the PMEK on the way in and second by the Coalition on the way back, with many suspecting that Khamenei had planned his escape with these convoys. Regardless, we will never hear it from Khamenei’s mouth.

On July 21st on the outskirts of Qom in the village of Jamkaran, three British soldiers were hunting for their man. When on patrol, they turned around a corner to see about six Iranians in military fatigue laughing in public. What they were shocked about was that three of them were women, unveiled at that, quickly realising they were PMEK (though it was rare for PMEK women to brazenly walk around without a covering). When the six Iranians realised they were spotted, instead of fleeing, they waved and called him over in broken English, even waving a white flag of surrender playfully. Now thoroughly confused but still expecting a trap, the three cautiously proceeded towards them and around the corner, only to be greeted with one of the most iconic sights of the War on Terror: Ayatollah Khamenei, hanging upside down while riddled with bullets. The manner was deliberately chosen to look identical to Mussolini’s execution. The soldiers were quickly informed that, owing to their more personal grievance, the men of the group allowed the women staff the entire firing squad. Thus, fittingly, after the 1979 (Counter)-Revolution had extinguished the rights of half of the population, nearly a quarter of a century of vengeance took its course and struck down the Ayatollah. The six confirmed that they were members of the PMEK, and that while their ultimate mission was to end Capitalism and establish a Socialist Iran, ‘Socialists and Capitalists worked together to beat Fascism’ one recalled, ‘and we just ended Fascism in Iran.’ They would gladly accept arrest, becoming international heroes and placing the Coalition authorities in a very PR-damaging situation. Khamenei’s death was celebrated among the Iranian diaspora and many Iranians in internal refugee camps, with one Iranian telling the BBC ‘It’s the first time I’ve been happy in nearly two years’.

With the death of the Ayatollah, the Assembly of Experts began their debate in exile in Kerman as to who should be the new ruler. The hawks, led by Ali Meshkini demanded his ascension to ensure a continuation of the war to the bitter end, while Akbar Rafsanjani demanded an acceptance of the unconditional surrender terms while there was still an Iran left. After a tense vote, Rafsanjani was declared the new Supreme Leader by a single vote and prepared to make peace with the Coalition. Meshkini prepared to organise a counter-coup but he was shot by a member of the PMEK while on his way to meet with his co-conspirators (various theories float around that Rafsanjani set this up but no evidence has been shown). On July 29th, Ayatollah and Supreme Leader Rafsanjani announced over the radio and television the unconditional surrender and the dissolution of the Islamic Republic of Iran, with authority in Iran turned over to the Iranian Occupational Authority primarily led by the United States. The Supreme Leader ordered the IRGC and Iranian Army to surrender - Solemani rejected this proposal, announcing the creation of the ‘Islamic Revival Movement’ (IRM) out of the remnants of the IRGC, which was quickly disbanded and declared a terrorist organisation by the occupational administration. The PMEK, especially the three women who shot the Ayatollah, have become heroes in many circles in the Left, though more extremist and 'tankie' groups consider them useful idiots of the Americans.
The Iranian Occupation had officially begun - and every Iranian, be it Leftist or Islamist or Conservative, made it their sworn duty to bring it to an end as soon as possible.


Excerpt from ‘Broken Dreams: How the War on Terror Changed America’ by Linda Reins


On the evening of July 29th, President Bush would declare from the White House that while there were new challenges, insurgencies and fights to be had, the conventional conflict known as the War on Terror had finally come to a close with Coalition victory. It was a conflict that had killed, in total, roughly 42,000 Americans in a fraction of the time as Vietnam’s 58,000. Nearly 30,000 had died in the Iranian theatre, roughly 12,000 had died in Korea and roughly 2,000 died in Iraq and Lebanon together. A further 8,000 NATO/Allied deaths were reported, alongside a jaw-dropping 100,000 military deaths alone for the South Koreans. None of the above figures include those who died during the subsequent peace-keeping/occupational missions, nor the roughly three times as many in all the above numbers that were ‘simply’ seriously wounded. It did not include those who were ravaged with PTSD in the memories of what they saw and did. The War on Terror would dominate the collective memory of America for decades to come, and not in ways many expected at the time.

The toll on the Coalition was mind boggling but it was still only a fraction of the devastation that had befallen the nations America had been at war with, with North Korea by far suffering the worst. There were an estimated one and a half million military deaths on the North Korean side, coupled with a further four million wounded, on top of the starvation and death of civilians behind the lines, with civilian deaths estimated to be another three million. The war was simply apocalyptic from a North Korean standpoint, and helps explain the reason why the Unification Church proved so popular in the coming years - the North Koreans needed anything to escape the pain of what they went through that they didn’t ask for. While there were some fears that Kim-nostalgia would prevail in the intervening years due to poor treatment by South Koreans, it appears based on polling data that the numbers of North Koreans who will ever forgive the Kims for the annihilation they wrought upon them, and their cowardly escape would struggle to fill a taxi.

In Iran, roughly 150,000 people were dead and about 300,000 wounded, albeit here the total were mercifully skewed towards military personnel, even better disproportionately of the IRGC over the Iranian army (who were more likely to simply surrender and not fight to the death). While they were run by a dictatorship, the failure of the Ayatollah to run a truly totalitarian society and the stern resistance inside the Iranian army to any attempts by the government to make the nation a disposable human shield for its own benefit had resulted in significantly lower civilian casualties than otherwise would have happened. If Iran had been run with a stern fist like Kim in North Korea or even Saddam’s in Iraq, one shudders to imagine the number of deaths that would have resulted. While Tehran had been horrendously damaged, its oil facilities in the south were working, giving Iranians a hope for the future that many North Koreans did not have. But, in the name of the ever-present search for Nasrallah, the Americans insisted that they had to stay, with growing frustration at the failure to find him even after he had supposedly escaped to Iran.

Iraq was its own mess, never truly finding peace after July 29th. The jihadists were not as active as they would later be, and they were consolidating their power in the west of Iraq where the FIA and Coalition were at their weakest. Spontaneous sectarian violence was a very real problem in Baghdad. The Kurds had pulled out of Mosul in return for yet further de-facto independence guarantees, while at the same time they consolidated their occupation in the Kurdish regions of Iran in hope of creating a unified polity. While al-Maliki celebrated to great crowds in Basra of ending Saddam’s rule, his sectarian favouritism had already hurt his relations with Sunnis. Al-Maliki, like many Iraqis, were convinced that the American presence itself was exacerbating the jihadist problem and, overconfident in the FIA’s ability to project power deep into regions of Iraq that were at least indifferent towards it, immediately called on the Americans to leave, something he knew Bush could not just do at a whim. At the same time, he needed popular support, as the Iraq he loved was on the brink of a destructive conflict.

Lebanon, ever quiet since the initial invasion, was quietly simmering with resentment, not just against foreign troops being present in Lebanon (primarily French) but of the entire sectarian system itself. Younger Lebanese, more secular in each of the three major communities than their parents, blamed the fickleness of the sectarian political system and favouritism for inviting this catastrophe to Lebanon in the first place, starting from the Civil War right up to Hezbollah’s shenanigans. While it had not suffered anything like the destruction visited upon the Axis of Evil countries, the sense of having such a glorious recent past snatched away by the hands of religious fanatics (or very often irreligious warlords claiming to represent those communities) who now had to have their ring kissed just to do business with them had left a very bitter taste. While Hezbollah’s defeat and subsequent trade liberalisation with Lebanon brought major economic improvements even amidst a global economic slowdown, the politicians incorrectly thought that this guaranteed their survival. Instead, all it did was convince the younger Lebanese that they were no longer necessary, as they were inspired by the Left-wing groups in Iran to oppose both the religious establishments at home as well as foreign occupation.

The ‘War on Terror’ would be a name whose very mention would conjure images of ‘The War to End Wars’. The era of 90s innocence had made way to the foreboding, devastating and blood-red dawn of the 21st Century. The world of the 1990s seemed as distant from the average American in 2003 as the 1890s. Tens of thousands dead, hundreds of thousands deprived of loved ones, their country’s flag burned around the world in hate. Was it worth it? Was anything worth it? To millions of disillusioned young men, no, it wasn’t. Because deep down, they already knew that the forces unleashed by this war were not going to go quietly into the night. The War on Terror, like the Great War, would only light the catalyst for future conflicts. In those moments, many cursed God for how the world turned out. Perhaps responses to these reactions were best summarised by a character in Kurosawa's seminal film Ran, who said, "Do not blaspheme! It is the gods who weep! They see us killing each other over and over since time began. They can't save us from ourselves."
 
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The Resurrection
The Resurrection

Extract from ‘Kim’s Footprint: How the War on Terror Changed Asia’ by Saeba Ryou


While Kim’s house arrest (meaning de facto getting away with it) greatly embittered South Koreans, President Lee told his cabinet it was no use. To Lee, Chinese support was essential to rebuild the South Korean economy and return prosperity to the country. The Americans were happy to hear it, with Bush setting up a multi-party meeting on August 15th in Singapore between South Korea, China, and the United States. The result of two weeks of talks was the Singapore Treaty, a document which would create an outline for a Post North Korean world. Kim’s disestablishment of the North Korean state had left a country-sized hole in the map for the parties to fill, with one obvious party to fill it but with another wary about its implications. South Koreans insisted that no country could ever be allowed to threaten them, especially not their capital, ever again, while the Chinese insisted that they would not let their martyrs, including Mao’s son, who perished in the First Korean War, have their sacrifice be tossed aside.

In terms of what would become of North Korea, South Korea successfully lobbied for full civilian control of the territory. However, China would occupy North Pyongan, Chagang, Ranggang, North Hamgyong, Rason, and half of South Hamgyong, with the border between Chinese and South Korean control split along the county lines of Yonggwang, Hamhung and Ragwon. This ensured significant defensive depth for China, but that was not all. The UN Mission in Korea was to be abolished and no foreign troops could deploy north of the former DMZ, though American troops could stay in South Korea. One thing that wasn’t an issue was getting the Americans to leave. Many American soldiers north of the DMZ were relieved to hear that the Korean situation seemed resolved forever, only to get very mad when they heard that instead of going home that they would now be sent to Iran or Iraq to deal with insurgencies instead. Recognising the potential for backlash, Bush forbade draftees who had gone to Korea from any further duty, only recycling volunteers to send them to the Middle East. America’s troop presence in the Korean Peninsula would continue to fall, bottoming out in 2009 at barely more than a few thousand. The UN Mission was furthermore glad to finish duty, its members glad to rid themselves of any association with the American military. The new border between the Chinese and South Koreans in North Korea would be no more serious than the initial split of Berlin after World War Two, with people able to move freely in and out at will. The Chinese would be forced to allow full religious and civil liberties that the South Korean ‘Temporary Government’ located in Nampo would allow. Crucially, the Unification Church would be allowed to continue their activities unmolested. At the same time, this liberty did not extend to being able to travel from North Korea to the South, with North Korea officially labelled as an ‘Unresolved Territory’ by the South Koreans to sidestep certain regulations on occupation. No official timetable for annexation of North Korea was given, except vague statements about it being possible after ‘Resolving the current difficulties’. This would begin a long-running dispute that would frequently play out in the UN, with the UN demanding a path to citizenship for the North Koreans while South Korea would insist that the time was not right.

There were many difficulties to say the least. The population of Pyongyang was then frying in the summer sun in makeshift tents, relentlessly and humiliatingly tested by South Koreans to make sure they weren’t poisoned, thinking back to even the simple things they used to have in their hometown, a hometown many could never return to. Ironically, the Chinese zone was initially the more popular choice for North Koreans to move, given that there was less destruction to the infrastructure as the south, though the Chinese treated North Koreans with a similar level of disdain as did the South Koreans. North Koreans found two kinds of work primarily: working on extracting minerals for their Chaebol-oriented export industry, or getting work-permits to the South (a deal that was only allowed for women). Copying President Park’s strategy of artificially keeping wages low and re-doubling on exports, those with South Korean work permits were often paid lower than the South Korean minimum wage, although it was still materially better than what they were used to. The bigger problem was the discrimination, with one of the contract workers recalling, “I don’t know what was worse: whether it was when we all ducked on the bus after crossing the border when they threw rocks at the windows that we weren’t welcome, or the simple mundanity of sweeping the streets and seeing a child stop and point at you while his mother hushes him away while not making eye-contact with you. One frightens you, the other makes you feel worthless.” In the former North Korea itself, ‘Hyundai Towns’ sprouted up around the ruins of the old cities and villages, on some occasions offering a choice between lower payment in South Korean won or higher payment in ‘company money’ that could only be spent in the company stores. It was a dark but common joke among the North Koreans that ‘Everything the Kims told us about Communism was wrong, but everything they told us about Capitalism was right.’

While it was a deal with the devil, the devil still paid his dues. The low labour costs in North Korea coupled with less need to import materials gave Korean industries a critical edge. On top of a global investment package from America, China, Japan and the EU, the South Korean economy became the world’s fastest growing economy in 2004 with a barnstorming 25% GDP growth-rate (admittedly not as impressive as it could be given the destruction of GDP in the intervening years). While Pyongyang remained a wasteland, by 2008 Seoul had returned to its old glory. Now sitting on significant uranium deposits, South Korea observed their issues of oil dependency and decided to embark on a peaceful nuclear program to domestically power their industrial sector, something whose significance could not have been imagined in 2004. President Lee would also make a deal with incoming Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, whose popularity had exploded owing to his strong stance on North Korea and the abductions before the war. Japan would renounce their claim to the Liancourt Rocks and give compensation to the Comfort Women of WW2. In return, South Korea would endorse Japanese rearmament and the abolition of Article 9 of the Japanese Constitution (Abe’s long-time agenda), the naming of its eastern sea as ‘The Sea of Japan’, accepted the use of the Rising Sun Flag by the Japanese Navy and, off the record, would pressure schools to minimise their focus on Japanese crimes during the colonial era and instead focus on Japanese collaboration during the Second Korean War. By 2004, 70% of South Koreans recorded a positive opinion of Japan, whereas only 10% had a similar view of China. While the South Koreans were mostly content with the Post-war settlement (regardless of their anger that Kim was only a stone's throw away), the North Koreans were told that they should be grateful merely for their freedom and not starving. China correspondingly recorded lower and lower positivity towards South Korea, feeling that they were ungrateful for China's help in saving their kids. To those who wanted more, a ‘saviour’ inserted himself.

On January 1st 2004, ‘God’s Day’ in the Unification Church calendar, Sun Myung Moon performed his first mass prayer rally in North Korea since he had been imprisoned by the Communists years ago. It was in Chongju, the rally taking place at what was supposedly the very spot he had first received his revelations from Jesus. The turnout was beyond imagination - one and a half million people showed up, making it the largest religious event in the history of the Korean Peninsula. Roughly 7% of the entirety of the surviving North Korean population had attended the rally, alongside a collection of South Korean believers as well. The Chinese guards looked upon the population with a bizarre mix of eye-rolling contempt for the superstitious and awe-struck wonder at the sheer size of the voluntary gathering. A month later, the famous preacher Billy Graham would arrive in Nanpo and perform his own ‘Crusade’, netting a still extremely impressive audience of 800,000. Christianity, much to the delight of Bible Belt America, was making big strides in North Korea, although many obscured themselves to the fact that the Moonies were not the humble altruists they portrayed themselves as. On January 13th, the anniversary of the Church’s founding, Moon would announce the formation of ‘The Unification Party’ [1] to stand in elections both north and south, a play on his church’s name and his desire to unite Korea.

The Unification Party promoted North Korea’s rapid annexation into South Korea with full citizenship rights with exceptions made for those who pledged loyalty to the old regime. Its economic policies were generally capitalistic with tax incentives granted to religious groups to provide for the poor instead of the state. While avoiding the word ‘Theocracy’, Moon would favourably compare himself to Pat Robertson, the American Televangelist who dabbled in politics. He said that if Korea converted en masse to the Church, ‘Our simple prayers could make Mount Paektu as flat as a sheet of paper’. Controversially, they called for the expulsion of Chinese troops from northern Korea on the basis that Korea was a special state with people of a divine purpose. This, to say the least, did not endear the Church to the Chinese occupation force, but there was nothing either party could do about it since religious and political freedom had essentially been guaranteed on China’s end and Chinese presence was guaranteed on South Korea’s end. At the same time, Moon also received some support from older South Korean Right-Wing voters who either grew up in North Korea or kept close ties with family there.

Moon’s agenda was generally met with rejection in South Korea, since many had just seen their livelihoods ruined and demanded to know why the nation that started the war should get a cent of any reconstruction funds. But Moon, using all the political tact he had developed in his years at the top, knew what he was doing. At his January 1st Sermon, he began his speech with ‘My Fellow Koreans’, to deafening cheers from a population that had never heard those words in the last year from South Korean administrators. He continued, “You must be strong. Even if not a soul on this Earth cares for you, Jesus Christ will. If you believe in Jesus, he shall not only make man whole again, but he will make Korea whole again.” Starved of compassion, the North Koreans fell in love with Moon. In the 2004 South Korean Parliamentary elections, Moon’s Party won a mere two seats, one being Moon himself with his wife taking over the directory of the church. However, in the North Korean Council elections that had rapidly been established to act in de facto nothing more than an advisory role to the South Korean administrators, the Unification Party won an astonishing 60% of the seats, many of whom didn’t even understand Moon or Christianity but voted for him because he wanted to unite North and South Korea and thus give them more rights. In said election, all Communist Parties had been banned and none of the other Korean Parties had genuinely tried to run, meaning most of the remaining seats were furthermore malleable independents. Moon used his opportunity in the South Korean Parliament with all the skills he had built as a preacher to elucidate the plight of the North Koreans by means of the aforementioned councils as witnesses, talking about the need to make them citizens again. Even the left-wing Millennium Democrat Party was scared to go as far as Moon, worried they’d feed the stereotype of the weak leftists turning a blind-eye to Communism. Moon’s Anti-Communist credentials protected him, with President Lee complimenting ‘his boundless optimism, which sometimes comes at the expense of his reason’. At the moment, the Church was generally considered as a joke by Korea’s Right-wing Establishment, who thought Moon was at least helpful in making the North Koreans more compliant with military edict, and was also generally ignored by the left since they appreciated his attempts to help the North Koreans when the government did not.

The South Korea-China understanding, based on top of corporate exploitation of the North Koreans, would continue. Until, of course, it couldn't.


Extract from 'Here We Go Again': How the Battle Lines of the Second Cold War Were Drawn' by Jonathon Brando


America’s intervention had been a wrecking ball across the regional balance of power in the Middle East, with the big winners being the Gulf States and Israel, both of which fell into complacency. For Israel, interest in the Two-State Solution stalled since the liberation/fall of Iran along with the collapse of Hezbollah radically altered the security situation in their favour. Sharon’s government, determined along with much of the Israeli Right to ‘reclaim Judea and Samaria’, had not as strongly enforced civilian protection measures as before since the eyes of the world were distracted and Israel’s technical help was met with a tacit agreement to not mention the Intifada. To this end, the result was a Palestinian population in 2005 that had otherwise been placed at a more serious military disadvantage but also one that was angrier. In a self-reinforcing spiral, the anger undermined support for the Two-State solution which led to more violence which undermined the solution and so forth. However, in its place, the Palestinians had begun to lean more heavily on Turkey and the Gulf for support, with newfound leader of the Palestinian Authority Mahmoud Abbas officially apologising to Arab leaders over the PLO’s endorsement of Saddam in the Gulf War in humiliating fashion. However, by early 2005 by the hand of the outgoing Bush Administration, both Israel and Palestine agreed to end the conflict and hold elections. Unfortunately for all parties, these elections would only be the beginning of new woes.

The collapse of the Shia Bloc in the Middle East was much lauded in the Sunni States, some of their more incendiary TV anchors arguing that this was proof of the Shia’s non-compliance with God’s will. Hezbollah had been dismantled, Syria had flipped and Iran was seen to have fallen. This emboldened Salafist Jihadist organisations who felt that the collapse of Shia power in the Middle East would correspond with a Salafist revolution. In Iraq, this manifested itself in the rise of the JTJ in the outskirts of the nation’s western deserts. The JTJ played on fears that the al-Maliki government was discriminatory against the Sunni (partly true, though obviously nowhere near the extent of the JTJ) and that this justified a sectarian war against the Shia in Iraq while their Iranian patron couldn’t save them. American soldiers who tried to stop them were getting in the way, and so in late 2003, JTJ began its formal campaign against the Americans with the intention of bleeding the Americans out and beginning a war to ‘cleanse the Middle East of apostasy’. JTJ’s explicitly sectarian focus of prioritising Shia as the target would hurt their support even among more violent Islamists around the world since the target of their anger was the United States - to that end, the group’s propaganda in the 2003/2004 period focussed mainly on removing American/Coalition presence from Iraq.

While the Americans tried to build a broad base of support, unfortunately, the al-Maliki government wasn’t the one to do it. Al-Maliki passed over both Kurds and Arab Sunnis for key positions, continued to allow Shia paramilitary groups to operate independently in the name of ‘self-defence’, and received much outrage in America when he described Ayatollah Khamenei as ‘A martyr’, something that he was forced to give an apology for. Al-Maliki’s rule was marked by continuing deepening of Iraq’s sectarian problems, with tit-for-tat bombings escalating in Baghdad between Shia and Sunni Islamist groups with ordinary Iraqis caught in the middle. The Kurds meanwhile had given back their Arab territory in return for perhaps the ultimate confirmation of statehood: an allowance to play as an independent group at the FIFA World Cup (as ‘Iraqi Kurdistan’ since Turkey threatened to pull out of FIFA without the clarification). The Kurds had also agreed with the Americans to help jointly administer Kurdish territory in Iran to help relieve pressure on the Americans, though the Iraqi Kurds would quickly clash with the Iranian Kurds when they realised that while Iraqi Kurds had been subject to genocide and thus felt disconnected from the Iraqi whole, Iranian Kurds had suffered alongside their fellow Iranians and thus in many ways felt closer to their fellow Iranians than to Iraqi Kurdistan. This was something that engendered contempt from many Iraqi Kurdistanis, who felt that the Iranian Kurds had betrayed their nation in their struggle for independence and recognition. All the same, Iraqi Kurdistan had essentially completed all their goals outside of a UN Seat.

In Iran, however, the most seismic events were taking place that would change the Middle East for decades to come. The United States had agreed to reconstruct Tehran and other large areas of the country, but most Iranians would rather the Americans handed over the money and then just leave so they could fix it themselves. While the IRM was no existential menace, they continued to harass US soldiers, and indeed PMEK groups, who often dealt with the IRM ruthlessly. The PMEK instead focussed on labour action to try and pressure the Coalition forces, employing strikes and civil disobedience that was widely observed by the Iranian public to reduce the presence of American troops from Iranian cities. By the end of 2003, the PMEK officially established their political wing as the ‘New Tudeh Party’, with the old Tudeh Party’s aged leadership meekly complying. Their ideology would be similar to the Euro-Communism of Enrico Berlinguer in Italy, it pledged that Iran would be internationally neutral and perhaps most controversially to employ Ataturk-style separation of religion from politics. Ashraf Dehghani, a former guerilla fighter who had been tortured by the SAVAK and fought the Islamists thereafter before fleeing to the UK, would return to Iran and she quickly become a key member of the organisation and one of the main faces of the Iranian Left. However, she wasn’t the only person who had returned to Iran.

Reza Pahlavi, son of the former Shah, had been pushing the Bush Administration to at least allow a referendum on the return of a Shah to Iran, but Bush adamantly refused, saying it would undermine any idea that America had come to free the Iranian people. The plan was to have a Parliament and President, no king involved, along with strict bans on parties that promoted a return to the Islamic Republic as sternly as the new Iran was banned from having WMDs. Pahlavi had publicly butted heads with the Administration, eventually calling for American withdrawal from Iran shortly before the Christmas Truce, something that earned him criticism from some Iranian-American groups. Upon arrival in Iran, while most Iranians understood that he was not his father, they saw no relevance to him either. Reckoning with this reality, Pahlavi made a difficult decision and on February 10th 2004 would announce his permanent renunciation of his royal titles, and announcing his intention was to become Iran’s first democratically elected President. He took the name of the old Pro-Monarchy party, however, declaring his party as the Resurrection Party, using it as a play on ‘resurrecting’ Iran from the destruction it had endured. Its policies were to ensure Iran was a regional military power, friendly but not subservient to the West, and to leverage the business acumen of the diaspora to make Iran a thriving commerce centre that was doing business all over the world. It opposed a blanket ban on the separation of religion and state, arguing that religion in small doses was beneficial to Iran, and that it would be a disservice to ‘Sever Iran’s connections to its ‘Zoroastrian-Islamic heritage’, and aimed to uphold the two heritages in the same way the American Republicans would talk of a ‘Judeo-Christian heritage’.

Some were surprised by this, especially those in the West, who had assumed that Iran had essentially become a uniformly atheistic nation in the aftermath of the regime’s discrediting. Instead, Iran was actually more religious than it had been only a few years ago. The imminence of death, the loss of loved ones and the despair of war all turned people towards religion, albeit one that was highly sceptical of religious authority figures and of religion in government. To that extent, a particular strain of religious thought had grown in Iran, one emphasising a personal connection between God and the believer. It was because of this that of all the culturally Islamic nations, Iran records the highest number of self-professed ‘Quaranists’, that is to say those who believe in only following the word of the Quran and generally ignoring the Hadith and other Islamic books. Iranians had grown more accepting of religion, but increasingly sceptical of religious authority. To that extent, a religious Shia Muslim like Reza Pahlavi was able to speak deep to the heart of many rural Iranians in a way the more urban Tudehists could not.

The US State Department did everything they could to get Pahlavi to win the election, continuing the parallels to post WW2 Italy that had been established with Khamenei’s Mussolini-style execution. The Americans focussed on building high-quality homes to encourage diaspora Iranians to re-settle in Iran, while establishing that Iranian citizens abroad could vote in the new constitution. Letter-writing campaigns also intensified with diaspora Iranians encouraging their family in Iran to vote for the Resurrectionists over the Tudehists. The Islamic clergy in particular were eager to jump on the bandwagon, many having sentences reduced from their endorsement of the Ayatollah in return for endorsing the new democratic (and non-Tudeh) Iran, with many of the clergy worrying that the mosques would all be destroyed if the Tudeh Party came to power. In one of the more astonishing twists of the 21st Century, the grandson of Ayatollah Khomeini, Hussein Khomeini, would formally join the Resurrectionist Party and hug Reza Pahlavi, son of the Shah, on stage. [2] Hussein would denounce his grandfather’s regime as ‘Contrary to the letter, spirit, and entirety of Islam’ and called for ‘Religion from the bottom’. This friendship between a Pahlavi and a Khomeini was front-page in the name of (mostly) secular democracy was eye-grabbing stuff, and eliminated the Left from the national zeitgeist, with one Tudehists commenting, “We threw out the Shah and the Islamists stole power, then we took out the Islamists and the Shahists come back - few peoples on this Earth are as cursed as the Socialists of Iran’. Pahlavi also received support in unexpected circles as well, especially in religious minority communities in Iran such as Sunni groups like the Kurds, who feared that an atheist government would just be repression by other means.

But the chief way the US sought to weaken the PMEK was to find and take out Solemani and his IRM before the PMEK did. The Administration fought the simultaneous demands of getting the troops home and trying to stamp out the IRM before it became any kind of threat to the nascent Iranian state. Burned by the experience of creating an Iraqi government before everything was properly ready, the Iranian Presidential and Parliamentary elections would be delayed into 2004 when ‘full order was restored’. The IRM had proven vicious in their attacks on Coalition troops and occasional strikes on the PMEK while being despised by 80% of Iranians. Then the Americans got some interesting information, and on May 8th 2004, a rather large bomb was dropped on a cave complex in western Afghanistan, the first combat use of the MOAB bomb. It is widely believed that this is the bomb that killed Solemani, though the Taliban government firmly denied he had ever been sent and the IRM never confirmed his death. Despite that, most observers are certain that this was the end of Solemani, though the last remaining holdouts in Iran that still cling to the Counter-Revolution often insist that he is still alive, waiting for his moment to return.

The announcement by President Bush of Solemani’s death and the denials without hard evidence by the IRM would lead to the slow death of the organisation over the next few years. By now most of the clergy had conveniently forgotten their prior support of the regime and were promoting ‘national reconciliation’ in its place, thus avoiding many embarrassing trials. Much like Japan after World War Two, elements of the old regime were maintained in an attempt to knee-cap the domestic Left, with the Conservatives, Nationalists, some ethnic minorities and now the religious coming together under the big tent of the Resurrection Party to challenge the Tudehists. To further tilt things in Pahlavi’s direction, the Presidential election would be held on October 8th on the festival of Mehregan, an ancient Iranian festival celebrating the Goddess Mithra in the hope that the Iranian festival would foster nationalistic feelings.

Unfortunately for Pahlavi, slightly more people in Iran decided the Tudehists would be a better option and voted for Ashraf Dehghani on October 8th - but he didn’t care about that much because the diaspora swung the election for him by overwhelmingly voting for Pahlavi, with no party achieving a full majority in Parliament, and many of the parties demanding secession for their own group. Others boycotted the elections, saying they did not recognise Tehran's authority in any case and were simply going through the motions before seceding from Iran. The elections were a disappointment for the Left, but they had taken over councils all across Iran, including in Tehran. Reza Pahlavi became the first President of the new Iran, with Hussein Khomeini as its Prime Minister. And, in perhaps one of the most incredible visuals of the 21st Century, the first official diplomatic visitor to the new Iran would be an Iranian himself: Moshe Katsav, the President of Israel. Born to Persian Jews, Katsav would unfortunately spoil the incredible memories of the photo by his appalling personal conduct with his secretaries, but the moment still marked an unbelievable swing in the geopolitics of the Middle East. Israel would one more receive diplomatic recognition from Iran, although they had to do so from a new embassy as the original Israeli embassy had been handed over to the PLO after the 1979 Revolution and Pahlavi didn't want to be too partisan in the conflict by kicking the Palestinians out of the old Israeli one.

But the new President had no honeymoon. As American troops began pulling out in 2005, ethnic militias who had only temporarily been quiet rose up to try and break free from Tehran. Kurdish groups with help from Iraqi Kurdistan, Balochis with covert assistance from Pakistan, Azeris with help from the Azerbaijani government hoping to trap Armenia, and Arab-nationalist Khuzestani groups. As if united as one, they would move into the gaps American troops created. American troops in many ways rushed out much like the British did from the Holy Land on the eve of the First Israeli-Arab wars, not knowing if they were cutting and running, or leaving much too late. After years of blood from the Revolution to the Iraqi Invasion to the American invasion, now came the most tragic part of the Iranian conflict, as Pahlavi would remember it. “Iranians fighting Iraqis is sad, Iranians fighting Americans is also sad, but Iranians fighting Iranians? That is a tragedy.” Pahlavi, having felt he had been born to power as his responsibility and not his privilege, now felt all that responsibility fall on top of him: all by himself, he was the man on whose shoulders rested the very survival of Iran. If he failed, then he would go down as worse than his father, Khomeini and even Khamenei put together. On the eve of the War of Iranian Reunification, Pahlavi would declare in a televised announcement, “The Iranian nation is not one race or religion, it is a mosaic of the finest peoples on Earth. To those who would tear this family apart, be warned. As President, it is my duty to defend this country. As a Muslim, it is my duty to uphold what is good. And there can be no finer manifestation of those two responsibilities, to my fellow Iranians and to God, than to defend this nation from destruction and separation. Iran will live.”


Excerpt from ‘Broken Dreams: How the War on Terror Changed America’ by Linda Reins


The 2004 Democratic Presidential Candidate race was dominated by two characters: John Kerry, the moderate/establishment candidate depending on your view, and Paul Wellstone, the liberal champion/radical depending on your view. Wellstone quickly co-opted the antiwar movement and presented his program as a response to the war. He promised an America ‘fit for its heroes’, by proposing a Second GI Bill, universal healthcare, universal pre-K, maternal leave and a bevy of other social programs. He claimed he would be able to do this by ‘Dismantling the Military Industrial Complex’ and instead spending the money on social programs, as well as further raising taxes on wealthier Americans. He also supported a virtually immediate and total withdrawal of American troops from Iraq, Iran and North Korea beyond a few advisors at most, along with an abolition of selective service and full amnesty for anyone who had dodged the draft. He argued that American presence itself was a destabilising factor and that the countries not only wanted America out, but that it would help them develop as well. He toyed with the conspiracy theory that oil was the primary motive for Iraq and Iran’s invasion since many of his supporters bought it, but never publicly committed to it. It was a part of his agenda to radically increase green energy in the United States as a way of cutting dependence on the Middle East and getting thousands of ‘Shovel-ready jobs’. Wellstone quickly became the embodiment of evil on the American Right as the man who would bring socialism to America, something a few of his supporters wanted though Wellstone himself rejected the label and called himself ‘A Social Democrat’.

While Kerry won the support of most major Democratic figures, including the Clintons and Al Gore, he struggled to channel the same energy and enthusiasm of Wellstone, claiming that Wellstone’s numbers did not add up and that he was more capable of winning an election against whoever the Republican nominee would be. However, given the anger of Wellstone’s key constituency, they were not easily swayed with arguments that failed to reach them emotionally. In the limited debates they had, Wellstone was generally seen as having performed better. However, this too became a long running debate within the Democrat Party, with those on the Party’s left alleging a favouritism within the major liberal-leaning outlets to support and prop-up Kerry at the expense of Wellstone. The use of super-delegates was also criticised as favouring Kerry, and Kerry also received significant backing from financial institutions and companies who were convinced he would ultimately win, while the Wellstone campaign was primarily funded by mass donations, becoming one of the first internet-leaning campaigns.

At the same time, in the Republican race, the candidate who stole the race’s momentum was Mike Huckabee. This was because McCain was more vitriolic about the success of the War on Terror and wanted to campaign on it, while many Republicans felt that the War had been a painful experience and not something they even wanted to think about again even if they thought it was worthwhile. As a result, Huckabee’s laser-focus on Wellstone’s economic policies became ‘comfort-food’ to the Republican base, allowing him to become the surprise front-runner, while Mitt Romney was considered too out of touch with the average American for being a millionaire from Massachusetts at a time of economic suffering, especially after the collapse of the housing market in early 2003 which was saved from total implosion due to war-time measures by the Bush Administration but still left millions of Americans in a terrible financial state. Huckabee also hit Wellstone on his support for gay marriage, something that remained a minority opinion in 2004. At the same time, Huckabee stayed clear from any Anti-Semitic baiting, although some of his supporters certainly engaged in it.

At the same time, it was clear who had the momentum, and when Wellstone won the initial Iowa Caucus, all bets were off. While initially written off as a fad, Wellstone’s support continued to swell, becoming the first ray of hope in a long time for many young people. Crowds upon crowds, some entirely of veterans, turned out for Wellstone and became an enthusiastic base of support that can easily swing a primary, though not necessarily a general election. The two traded states for months, until Kerry finally surrendered in May. The same month, John McCain and Mitt Romney would likewise announce their capitulation to Huckabee. At the Republican Convention, it was announced that Rudy Giulliani, a hero of 9/11, would be the Vice-Presidential candidate, something that ticked off Pro-Lifers but Huckabee’s credentials on the issue generally kept the Evangelicals loyal. At the Democratic Party Convention, with Jon Stewart giving Wellstone’s introduction, the Vice-President of the Democratic Party was announced. Kerry had been suggested, but even Kerry was considered too ‘liberal’ to balance out Wellstone, with an insistence the candidate would have to be a Southern WASP to balance out a Progressive Jew. That was the reason John Edwards was picked.

In the election between Huckabee and Wellstone, the mood was certainly fouler than in 2000, with Huckabee saying Wellstone would bankrupt America with excessive spending while leaving it vulnerable to attack from abroad while Wellstone said Huckabee wanted to invade Venezuela and Cuba and to resume the draft. Their debates produced no clear winner, and it was an ultra-tight race heading into the election. However, Americans began to sink into habit, increasingly thinking that Wellstone was too out there as a candidate and that Huckabee would be a safer choice. However, thrown into the mix was perhaps the quintessential October surprise - the confirmation that Hassan Nasrallah was dead.

In July 2004, a French investigator in Lebanon realised that a mansion in the outskirts of Beirut was producing significantly more garbage than would be expected for the supposedly two people that lived there. Upon investigation, it revealed that the owner was a Christian militiaman who had fought in the Civil War, but also one who had supported Hezbollah’s wars against Israel. His house had never been searched in the initial raids to try and discover Nasrallah, which had disproportionately fallen on the Shia community. The house was also surrounded by a wall of security systems that may have been explicable if he had grudges from the Civil War, but still seemed excessive. Finally, after finding enough evidence, the question was put to President Chirac on whether to proceed with the raid, and whether they should tell the Americans. Ultimately, perhaps due to lingering resentment over American conduct, or, as Chirac explained an altruistic attempt to keep the Americans out of a potentially incorrect assumption, the French First Marine Infantry Parachute Regiment raided the compound. Killing first the owner, the squad shot another male caught trying to escape while running down the stairs to escape. They took a look at the now dead body and confirmed it was the man they were looking for - Hassan Nasrallah.

With the perpetrator of 9/11 dead, some may have expected a boost to the Republican Party at the polls, but this was far from the truth. Americans complained that the French had ‘stolen’ the Nasrallah hit to make themselves look internationally important. They then complained among themselves that not only had the French worked out where Nasrallah was before they did, but that they had fought a whole war in Iran with one (albeit not all) of the justifications being that Nasrallah could have been there. It made grieving families, especially of draftees, feel that their sons and brothers’ deaths had been even more pointless. Many conspiracy theories began to float that Bush and the Neocons had deliberately sat on the information to have an excuse to take out their old enemy in Iran - many Iranians suspect that to this day. French citizens in the meantime rejoiced at the news, feeling that the ‘Cheese-Eating Surrender Monkey’ stereotype was wiped out in a single raid. This would engender a new, much more internationally daring France than had been since in decades. Chirac has since become remembered among some in France as the man who reversed French decline in geopolitics. Certainly, France would play a much more active foreign policy role in the coming years in Europe and the Middle East, admittedly not always in the altruistic fashion.

Ultimately, the anger over failure of Americans to score the kill on Nasrallah resulted in a minor victory for Wellstone - some joke that if the British had killed Nasrallah then Huckabee would have gotten away with it, but that losing to the French was a step too far. He got 298 electoral points with the taking of Florida and Ohio among the battleground states. Upon Wellstone’s election, Huckabee gave his congratulations and talked about how inspiring the United States was for having a Jewish President and for his supporters to appreciate how important it was for Jewish people around the world. At the same time, the narrow majorities of Democrats in the House and Senate knew they would be faced with severe issues in trying to bring Wellstone’s program to life. However, this would be the first and primary electoral effect of the War on Terror, a victory for Paul Wellstone celebrated not just in quarters of America, but around the world. Meanwhile, accepting his party’s loss with grace, President Bush firmly shook Wellston’s hand at the inauguration and retired to his Texan ranch, not leaving it for six months. After that, he decided at the advice of his friend, former South Korean President Kim Dae-jung, to become a preacher in his local community. The humility of his choice improved his reputation among Americans, who thanks to pop culture depictions increasingly shifted blame for the wars away from Bush and onto the various Neocons of the Administration like Rumsfeld and Cheney while empathising with Bush as someone forced into a world he wasn’t ready for. Of an idealist caught in the midst of vipers.

All across the world, backlash to the War on Terror brought itself into electoral politics, particularly in Latin America where the Pink Wave would sweep the continent, but also in Western countries too. The BRICS group of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa was formed, with Russia and China increasingly being seen by the developing world as a counterweight to an exploitative and mad West. In 2005, Tony Blair’s Labour would come in third behind the Conservatives and Liberal Democrats with the latter picking up the Anti-War mantle. However, due to the ludicrousness of British First Past the Post politics they still had more than a hundred seats in excess of the Lib-Dems, who got 98 seats, a massive gain but still not much in the grand scheme of things, leading to the creation of a Conservative-Lib-Dem Coalition with Michael Howard as the new Prime Minister (ironically a supporter of the war) with Charles Kennedy as the junior partner, though he would quickly have to resign due to his alcoholism to be replaced by Menzies Campbell. The existence of a Jewish American President and Jewish British Prime Minister was both seen as a mark of progress by some, and unfortunately as proof of Jewish global dominion by others despite opposing politics. On the European continent, Chirac’s butting heads with Bush brought electoral support, while Chancellor Gerhard Schröder’s backlash to the Americans would result in a popular campaign to improve relations with Moscow, particularly in the realm of economics where Germany became highly dependent on Russian gas to fuel its economy. Schröder’s Anti-Americanism fit the times and resulted in a further victory in the 2005 German Parliamentary elections.

But it was also around this time that an extremely important election would be held, one whose result would change European history. It was the 2004 Presidential election in Ukraine, between Pro-Russian Viktor Yanukovych and Pro-American Viktor Yushchenko. Owing to backlash against the West and a relatively decently performing Russian economy compared to Europe due to the price of oil, Yanukoych won the election freely and fairly by all estimates. While the Baltic States had looked westwards and had joined NATO and the EU, Ukraine resisted the westward impulse. Unfortunately for the young country, it would be their last free election.

[1] OTL, he did start a political party in 2003.
[2] The two are legitimate friends OTL.
 
Aurelian
Aurelian

Excerpt from ‘Broken Dreams: How the War on Terror Changed America’ by Linda Reins


The Wellstone Administration was faced with immense economic challenges at home and challenges abroad in its first term, but the population was demanding its focus at home and Wellstone was happy to oblige. The easiest bill to pass was the Second GI Bill, which became a lifeline for many soldiers to go into higher education and get well-paying jobs. Wellstone also passed critical reforms to the Department of Veterans Affairs, ensuring it was more responsive, better funded and more open. The Selective Service was abolished and anyone who had dodged the draft was given a full pardon. He also succeeded in bringing his old friend in Minnesotan politics, Jesse Ventura, into the White House as Health Secretary. This was in order to help tackle the obesity crisis which had been given extreme thought owing to the issues that were presented with the draft. Ventura would star as himself on Saturday Night Live in parody of the news, becoming a popular figure albeit one who would leave on good terms with Wellstone in 2007. One of the main things that had been identified was subsidies to high-fructose corn syrup, which was cut and has led to Iowa voting Red in every election ever since. The Seven Dollar Fifty minimum wage was a particularly hard-fought win as well, though it was much criticised by Republicans under the belief it would make it harder for firms to hire with increased costs. Lastly, in the lame duck session of the 2006 Congress, federal paid maternity leave was achieved, which while unimpressive in its actual allowance at least brought the United States somewhere into the same ballpark as the rest of the planet.

But healthcare once again proved to be the bridge too far for Democrats - while some reverses to cuts made to medicare and medicaid were granted, as well as improved care for veterans, the white whale of universal health care once more crashed against the rocks of determined Republican opposition, with a confused strategy from the Administration and general scepticism from the public ultimately leading to healthcare being one of Wellstone’s biggest regrets. Wellstone’s attempts to end Don’t Ask Don’t Tell (something he initially supported) also came to naught, although it would eventually be declared unconstitutional by SCOTUS anyway alongside restrictions on Gay Marriage in 2014. Wellstone’s focus on Climate Change was also greeted unenthusiastically by a population suffering economically, and his anti-nuclear stance (albeit not an aggressive one) has since been much criticised. Wellstone’s ambitious Green New Deal became a white elephant, with a series of solar and wind companies being invested in whose numbers were actually based on hot air, leading to subsequent bankruptcy for the companies and egg on the face of the administration.
Despite billions being spent on wind and solar, the overall reliance on oil in the United States was mostly unchanged until the surge in natural gas as a result of the Shale Revolution.

But, of course, the main criticism that Wellstone gets today is his foreign policy. The argument, successfully painted by Conservative commentators and pundits, is that Wellstone was a fool who wildly cut the army, let everyone else do whatever they wanted and ended up getting us into the current situation we’re in now, hence the subsequent revival of Bush’s popularity. This is uncharitable. In the aftermath of the War on Terror, especially due to the ongoing insurgencies in Iran and Iraq, the average American just wanted to get the hell out of foreign conflicts. The death count was unimaginable on September 10th 2001, but had become a near death experience that no one wanted to repeat. Even 65% of Republicans in a poll in March 2005 agreed with the statement that ‘The United States is acting like a world policeman and needs to stop’. The last thing the average American wanted was another war, and Wellstone had to structure his policy around that. The Air Force would still be used in Wellstone’s tenure, being employed haphazardly in 2005 against the JTJ in Iraq before missions radically increased in the coming years, in addition to helping protect the Red Sea from Somali Pirates. While it was true that the world was in some ways less safe before Wellstone’s Presidency than after it, one would have to ask what Huckabee would have done if he won in 2004. The answer is probably something quite similar if he wanted to be re-elected.

In terms of the other major criticism Wellstone got, John Edwards was not exactly his first choice as Vice-President.


Excerpt from ‘The Family: How the Assads Plundered Syria’ by Abdul Malik

Upon Wellstone’s election, the drawdown of troops from Iraq accelerated, until by the end of 2005 the US army had essentially vanished from the country in all but a token role. While this had been approved by many Iraqis, many also had to admit that the new Iraq state was not in great health. There was a gigantic insurgency biding its time in the western Iraqi desert while the Iraqi federal government was so riddled with corruption that the Iraqi army was starved of the funds required to keep a trained and motivated force ready to deal with the JTJ. The JTJ augmented their forces with Chechen Jihadists fleeing from the carnage in the Second Chechen War, which helped balance out some of the support they lost in Sunni Iraq for killing Saddam and depriving them of what some saw a bulwark against Shia extremism. While they had attempted an earlier uprising in 2004, American troops had stamped them back down hard at the Battle of Ramadi in that August in brutal street-fighting. The JTJ learned its lessons and waited for the Americans and their few Coalition allies to leave. With al-Zarqawi (the man whom even Bin Laden felt was too extreme) laying in wait in the deserts of far to the north and west, the JTJ began a wave of sectarian bombings in 2005 in Baghdad, with Sunnis often caught up in reprisals both by independent Shia militias who had never truly been integrated into the Iraqi army and often receiving brutal treatment at the hands of the police force as well.

Ultimately, it was not so much support of the JTJ that would lead to its major breakthroughs in December 2005 with the taking of Mosul, but simply the indifference of the population and even the security forces. Lenin had recalled that the Bolsheviks had not so much seized power as found it lying in a gutter, and so did the JTJ, establishing a budding de facto state with regional aspirations. While Christians were persecuted under their rule, having to pay the dhimmitude tax, it was the Shia who suffered the worst, with those unable to recite Sunni prayers very often simply being murdered. The incapability and low morale of the Iraqi army, whose soldiers in some cases went six months without being paid while their generals were dining in the Gulf States, utterly weakened the effective fighting potential to contain the JTJ. Ironically, it was Tikrit in January 2006 that proved the toughest resistance, as the locals were furious at the JTJ for killing Saddam and fought the JTJ to a bloody standstill - the Iraqi government controversially refused to acknowledge the event owing to its Pro-Saddam connotations.

[...]​

The rewrite of the regional forces inside the Middle East greatly encouraged unexpected events in the Israel/Palestine region. After the Second Intifada, the Wellstone Administration scored a PR win by hosting a conference between Israeli Prime Minister Sharon and Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas in Egypt. This would pave the way for Palestinian elections on January 25th 2006. It was widely expected that Fatah, seen as the inheritor of the PLO and Arafat’s legacy, would easily secure the victory. To the shock of most observers, the heavy-handed Israeli response during the Second Intifada (many arguing brought about by laxer civilian casualty reduction measures brought about by minimised media coverage during the War on Terror) and growing crescendo of Sunni Islamism that had flourished in the wake of Shia Islamism’s retreat led to a shock majority victory for Hamas. In a panic, the ruling Fatah party accused Hamas of ‘rigging the election’, something quite impossible given Fatah’s dictatorial control of Palestine but necessary to avoid what would tragically indeed happen. On January 27th, widespread protests broke out around the West Bank and Gaza against Fatah, culminating with the Presidential Palace in Ramallah being stormed by protestors. These scenes would repeat themselves all across Palestine, with Fatah members killed by Hamas fighters in the chaos. President Abbas would escape to Jordan in an Israeli helicopter, though he would always insist that it was actually Jordanian, a fact which would permanently poison him in the minds of Palestinians. In Israel, the strategic decision was taken to allow the densely populated Gaza region where Hamas was stronger to continue being under Hamas while the West Bank was considered too important from every standpoint to allow a change of regimes. The IDF and Palestinian Authority would mutually fight together to crush Hamas in a move that permanently killed Fatah and the PA’s credibility with average Palestinians. The Israelis and PA would collectively work together to storm and extinguish the last piece of armed resistance in Jenin on February 20th 2006.

The event is alternately known as the ‘Third Intifada’, the ‘Great Betrayal’, or in West and Israel as ‘The Hamas Uprising’. Thousands would die in the violence, a large contingent being civilians. The crushing of the uprising was met with large levels of discontent inside the West. The PFLP would leave the Palestinian Authority and announce their opposition to Abbas, quickly becoming the preferred party of the Left in the conflict and seeing a resurgence in popularity. The event is seen as a turning point in the Israeli-Palestinian peace process, as the moment it perhaps became unsalvageable. This remains the status-quo today, though in 2009 new Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu would unilaterally annex the Jordan Valley in a move that brought international outrage - a move that, despite at least giving the Palestinian residents opt-in citizenship, ever since has had not one country recognise the move. The PA complained but by now they were considered little more than cat paws of the IDF by Palestinians that would be the first ones to go if the IDF ever pulled out of Palestine, with Hamas and the PFLP enjoying far more support. It is often joked that Netanyahu would beat Abbas in a free election in Palestine on the basis that, “He’s more honest”. Whether that’s true or not, the PA will almost certainly never allow free elections in Palestine again. The indefinite occupation of the West Bank continues to this day.

[...]​

While the JTJ was known in the Middle East and renounced by virtually every respectable scholar of Islam, al-Zarqawi yearned for greater notoriety, and felt that taking on another figure of hate in the Arab World would be just the ticket to improving his reputation among Sunnis - he decided to take on Bashar al-Assad. What put things over the edge was Assad’s comments detailing his indifference to what was happening in the West Bank, reportedly telling a British journalist, “One acre of the Golan Heights was worth more than Al-Aqsa”. While Assad denied ever making the statement, it spread like wildfire, with Assad being seen as the face of Arab sellout towards Israel and the West. In early March, protests escalated in Aleppo and other largely Sunni cities in Syria protesting Assad’s allegiance with Israel and the West and discrimination against Sunnis by his government. While there were indeed Christian, Shia, even Alawite protestors, like Syria itself, the protest movement was majority Sunni. Typical of Assad’s methodology, his brother Maher would personally oversee the crowd dispersals, eventually culminating in live fire killing ninety-seven people in Aleppo and wounding many more. The JTJ had been expected to push their advantage in Iraq, heading south and causing chaos through the already divided, ravaged country. Instead, the JTJ turned its forces west, and on March 24th 2006, the JTJ launched their surprise attack into Syria.

The Syrian army, distracted with putting down the protestors, were caught completely unprepared by the vicious JTJ invasion over their border along the Euphrates and in the north (where the JTJ would collide with a highly motivated Kurdish paramilitary instead of the state army). By April 1st, the city of Deir ez-Zor had fallen into their hands, charging full-pelt to Aleppo, seen as a hotbed of anti-Assad sentiment. Some Sunnis in eastern Syria, most of whom would regret it, initially supported the JTJ as both defenders of Palestine and the rights of the Sunni majority in Syria. However, they would swiftly see the effortless brutality of the Jihadists, who launched a campaign of destruction through Syria’s multicultural landscape. The JTJ imposed a harsh version of Sharia that was alien to the cosmopolitan and generally secular country that Syria had been. Syria, one of the most diverse countries in the Middle East and home to a tapestry of nations of religions was overwhelmingly sickened by the JTJ, and rallied in the defence of the state, many inspired by the Iranian example of fighting in the midst of utter contempt for your leader. The Christians, Alawis, Shia and moderate Sunni of Syria (who made up a majority of the Syrian nation), did not have to think too long and hard about the potential consequences of Jihadist rule over the country they loved so much. Syrians of all communities banded together to expel the JTJ, but the fanatical troops continued to overwhelm the Syrian army in the initial stages of the war, as they set their sights on Aleppo. Even many Anti-Assad Syrians considered the actions of the JTJ not as an act of liberation but of a foreign invasion, with most democracy-advocates understanding the JTJ promised nothing but death, certainly not democracy.

Syria had been held up as one of the more unsavoury allies of the Bush Administration among the American Left and indeed the world due to Assad’s totalitarianism and system of religious discrimination as policy - as a result, there was little global sympathy for Assad, especially not among Arab states who saw Assad as an opportunist who backstabbed Palestinians for a chance of Western money and support. However, Assad did have one country that was ready to back it. A country with renewed confidence, one who was worried about the impact of a collapsed Syrian state on the Mediterranean and the broader Middle East, and one who felt like they had something to prove to the world. That country was the old colonial ruler - France. The move was incredibly controversial within Assad’s government, not that many said it publicly given the regime’s totalitarianism, owing to France’s history in the region (including an apocryphal story of the French general that came to Damascus arriving by kicking Saladin’s tomb and saying that his arrival showed that Islam had now completely lost to Christianity). Assad however, seeing the lack of action from the Americans despite his pleas that Syria’s countless minorities were at risk of genocide, saw an exhausted American public was completely unwilling to come to his aid, although bombing runs in Iraq escalated with the coordination of the Iraqi military. Wellstone, who had condemned the Bush Administration’s dealings with Assad, was particularly politically unable to come to Assad’s aid. At the same time, Bashar was no fool - he suspected that the French wanted his uncle Rifaat (who had a hand in the Hama Massacre and attempted a coup against Hafez which resulted in his living in exile for twenty years in France) to replace him as leader. Assad, still chilled from having been shown the video of Saddam’s execution, had become desperate to do anything to, in more sympathetic eyes, preserve his Alawi people from genocide, and in more cynical eyes, preserve his family’s eternal grip on power.

One reason France, on the other hand was interested in helping Assad was fears of a wave of refugees whose ripples had already reached French shores - the invasion of Iran had led to a surge of Iranian expatriates joining families to escape the conflict, and many Lebanese had likewise fled towards France to escape the chaos in their own country. The fear was that a collapse of Syria would lead to a refugee crisis no one could control, and thus the maintenance of the Syrian state was considered a matter of national priority. Similar fears would lead to rapprochement with Gaddafi, who had increasingly moved towards the West following the War on Terror due to the fear they were plotting to get him next. The French public in relevant polls were deeply split on the war, with the French Left comparing it to Bush’s folly in the War on Terror while the French Right argued it would re-establish France as a world power, prevent a refugee crisis and perhaps even lead to a renaissance of French in Syria (this answer from a French minister being widely derided). Ultimately, in order to sustain popularity, it was decided by President Chirac that little more than a token French force would be deployed on the ground, but that significant quantities of weapons would be shipped (Syria remains one of France’s most loyal customers to this day) and full air and naval support would be guaranteed.

Just as the Battle of Aleppo began on April 15th 2006, the French Air Force launched Operation Levant, and began striking JTJ targets all across Syria with the coordination of the Syrian military. In just a week, the French dropped more bombs on the JTJ than the Americans had in the prior three months. While it took much of the wind out of the Jihadists, they managed to embed themselves deep into the ancient city, beginning a conflict that encapsulated the destruction contained in the word ‘warfare’. Both sides committed atrocities, with the actions of the Syrian regime being minimised by French media in particular. Meanwhile, the French Foreign Legion saw combat just east of Palmyra, preserving the ancient ruins from potential destruction at the hands of the Jihadis, marking the first instance of French combat troops being used in Syria. The Syrian army in that instance was unable to make it in time, but the French deployed their multinational brigades to battle the multinational brigades of the JTJ amidst the awe-inspiring ruins of Palmyra. While this declaration of victory was the quick morale boost the French politicians wanted, and preserving Palmyra was certainly a solid way of winning over the locals, the JTJ were still deeply entrenched in the western corner of the country. It didn’t help when the Syrian regime itself still displayed its brutality, committing massacres upon recapturing ‘disloyal’ towns who had no other sin than being overrun. Maher al-Assad had been identified as the ringleader in many of these killings (though his brother had obviously approved of them previously), leading to consternation in France that such a killer was cooperating with the French military. Ultimately, it wouldn’t matter, as on August 22nd 2006, Maher al-Assad was killed in a car bombing in Damascus. The identity of his killer remains one of the the most debated topics in Syria, with not the simply the JTJ (the official culprits) being brought up, but also the French, Bashar, Mossad, and even various Palestinian militant groups including the PFLP. At the state funeral, Bashar refused to attend, saying he was afraid he was going to be assassinated too. Whether this was simply paranoia from the Saddam tape, a fear that the French were out to get him too, or simply a mark of disrespect to the person he might have killed, these arguments rage to this day.

One thing that wasn’t questionable was that soon after, Assad announced a series of reforms which had come about at the insistence of the French government in order to help keep public opinion in France onside with France’s involvement in the Syrian Civil War. These included a pledge to increase the presence of non-Alawi in the decision-making apparatus of Damascus, including pledges to reduce restrictions on Islamic practice like the wearing of the hijab in public office, an irony for the country of laicite, but a move considered necessary to make rural Muslims feel welcome in the state. Last was a return to pre-Hama Massacre levels of cultural expression, the atmosphere that produced such acclaimed works as ‘Cheers to You, Nation’/‘Kasak Ya Watan’, a biting critique of the Arab World of the 1970s with the famous line said by one character, saying before being placed in an electric chair that, “Before I ever got electricity in my house, they’re shoving it up my ass!”. [1] Assad was livid at the diktats initially but managed to negotiate a transition period over time, though the ‘increased-participation’ of the non-Alawi communities has been de facto a benefit that has not fallen upon all but the most politically faultless Sunnis, with the Christians being the biggest benefactor given their similar status as an emperilled minority in the Middle East. Christian participation in the Syrian government has skyrocketed, with Syrian Christians making links with the Republican Party in the United States to help tie the two together. Like Israel, Syria maintains a complicated political support structure in the US (to say nothing of the complicated relationship between Syria and Israel), with the Republicans generally being more favourable to both parties. The Ba’ath Party itself would slowly move away from Arab Nationalism towards a form of Syrian nationalism consistent with the old SSNP, further solidifying Syria’s alienation from the rest of the Arab World, with Syrians often emphasising their ability to have a multifaith society favourably towards countries with more Salafist influence like Saudi Arabia.

While some worried that the Syrian Civil War would last for years to come, thankfully it was not to be. Instead in Iran, Syria’s old ally of all places, events were happening that were changing the entire face of the Middle East.


Extract from ‘The Rise, Fall, and Rise of Iran’ by Zoreh Rahimi


The situation Iran found itself in 2005 was beyond dire. The economy was in shambles, much of its infrastructure was still destroyed from the American invasion, its politics were deeply divided and there were four major secessionist rebellions, some of which were augmented by foreign ‘volunteers’, on top of an Islamist insurgency that was still hanging on. In the south-east, the Balochis were setting up fortifications to try and declare an independent Balochistan. Further to the west along the coast, Khuzestan had set up a de facto country along the Gulf with the heavy backing of the Gulf States, while just to the north Iraqi Kurdistan had de facto annexed Iranian Kurdistan. Further north from that the Azerbaijani army disguised as ‘volunteers’ were sealing off the border into Armenia. Many thought it a certainty that at best Iran would be carved into de facto fiefdoms representing their own tribes, much as Kurdistan had done in Iraq, while the dark possibility of total state collapse loomed on the horizon. A sense of dark hopelessness pervaded Iranians, who felt that the American invasion had opened a portal that had unleashed its dark energy upon their country. President Pahlavi now faced a challenge more difficult than any his father had faced: the challenge of holding Iran together. But while many might have fled and run, or scapegoat and finger-point, Pahlavi had spent a quarter century meditating on what he could have done if he was in power, how he could have chosen a better path for his beloved country - he would allow himself no self-pity.

First, he met the Israeli President and made his intentions clear of buying serious quantities of Israeli military stock, while asking to cut off Israel’s arms sales to Azerbaijan and to switch customers. Seeing more geopolitical utility, Israelis were forced to wrap their heads around their new allies, and began sending military equipment to the Iranians. The Azerbaijanis were quite angered to find out their weapons were getting ‘delayed’ and instead looked to Turkey for assistance, who were glad to assist in their place. Pahlavi rallied the Iranian people to stop the nation from disintegrating while at the same time securing desperately needed American/European loans with the help of the Iranian Diaspora acting as lobbyist groups. The loans were critical in getting Iran through the war, and critical in tying Iran to the West by economics to prevent the Tudehists from sabotaging the Resurrectionist Plans for Iran. Lastly, Pahlavi announced that in order to avert dictatorship and to ensure that the minorities of Iran would have their places of reprieve, he would pass a bill to promote regionalism to empower the local regions and give them language rights, cultural rights and increased cuts of revenue derived from local resources (such as oil). The agreement was a game-changer to independence-leaning separatists in all communities and somewhat weakened their appeal among their host communities, but many already had shot their shot, and weren’t backing down. A more direct approach had to be taken.

First, the bulk of the Iranian army was sent south-west to secure the oil in Khuzestan. The ‘Arab Struggle Movement for the Liberation of Ahwaz’ (ASMLA) had seized control of many cities in the region and demanded the whole Gulf coast secede as an Arab state. Much of their weapons had been sent by the Saudis and Emiratis in hopes of permanently crippling their regional rival - a fact that had united Iranians in disgust. In March 2005 the first major clash of arms between the Iranian army and the ASMLA occurred, often in the same battlefields where the same men had fought side by side during the American invasion. As tragedy upon tragedy compounded itself, the Iranian army kept on pushing their way down south. However, ASMLA forces had fallen for a trap. As they fought in the deserts and mountains, facing north, in the south Tehran was pulling off its high-risk manoeuvre. The remnants of the Iranian navy, disguised as fishing vessels, sailed from various ports along the Persian Gulf, before congregating in the waters of Abadan. The troops, famished from their days on the water, were exhausted but managed to take the port while ASMLA troops were distracted up north. Over the coming weeks, the Iranians would flood the port with troops sent from Bandar Abbas on every sailing ship they could get their hands on. With their supplies from their Arab allies dried up, and fighting a war in all directions, the ASMLA would mostly collapse as a coherent force by that August.

At the same time as the war raged in Khuzestan, a smaller force was sent west to Iranian Kurdistan. This move was much criticised by Pahlavi’s council, who argued that the skilled Iraqi Kurds would make mincemeat of them given the territory and location. Instead, Pahlavi insisted on continuing the march, and was proven quite right in his assessment. The Iranian Kurds had no great trauma inflicted on them due to their ethnicity like the Iraqi Kurds did, and thus quickly saw the Iraqi Kurds more as occupiers than liberators, especially given that power was centralised back in Erbil. Upon the march of the Iranian army to Iranian Kurdistan, Iranian Kurds protested in the streets that they would not allow ‘Iraqis’ to fire on their fellow Iranians. Shocked at the outpouring against them, the Iraqi Kurds quickly lost morale, the safety of their supply lines, and headed back over the border with a bitter taste in their mouth over the ‘betrayal’ of their fellow Kurds. On April 28th, Iranian Kurdistan was back under full Iranian control without a shot being fired, sending Pahlavi’s popularity through the roof.

Despite his newfound support among Iranians, to the consternation of his advisors, Pahlavi would even put his military training to use as a jet pilot and join in on bombing missions against both Azeri and Balochi targets. On one occasion, he was almost shot down by MANPAD missiles supplied by Turkey. This initiated perhaps the most difficult part of the war, to reclaim the Azeri territories of the north, replete with Turkish supplied Azeri regulars who had isolated and cut off the border to Armenia as well as create a connection to Nakhchivan, adding another player into the crisis. However, Pahlavi was more than willing to double the stakes. On July 2nd, Pahlavi called upon the Armenian army to temporarily enter Iran to ‘help support our liberation’. Before the Armenians could do anything, the Azeris (who still officially denied that they were sending actual troops into Iran) warned Armenia that it would be considered an act of war as it was too threatening for Azerbaijani security to have Armenian troops potentially beyond the mountains and into the plains of Azerbaijan’s south where Baku was effectively defenceless. On July 5th, Armenia ignored the order and began engaging the Azerbaijani army in the north of Iran while the Iranian army moved its way north in the Second Battle of Tabriz (the first being the one where the Coalition invaded). With the Azerbaijani army now attacked from all sides in Azerbaijan, Baku decided it needed to go all in, and on July 7th would begin an attack on Nagorno-Karabakh in an attempt to rally the Azeri population and potentially even get Turkey involved. However, Turkey had been so badly burned by the invasion of Iran and subsequent fights with the Kurds that the urge to help Azerbaijan after they had tried to stick their nose into Iran was nonexistent. Though fighting in Nagorno-Karabakh was bloody and brutal, the region held its ground with the help of the Iranian Air Force, both sides using devastating cluster munitions that ripped holes in each other’s forces.

With the addition of Armenia into the war, the Azeris felt overwhelmed and began surrendering. On August 18th, Azeri forces in Iran had been removed, and Iranian troops once more resided on the Turkish border, with very angry looking guards to greet them. But, not content to stop there, Pahlavi made the decision to make Azerbaijan regret their attempt to carve Iran to their liking. The Iranian army surged their troops through the undefended plains of southern Azerbaijan, with a column of Iran’s last surviving M60 Pattons leading the way towards Baku. The move caused international concern and an emergency UN Council, but the Iranian and Armenian lobbies in the United States managed to control the narrative and portray the Azerbaijani venture as Iran and Armenia working together to prevent another Armenian Genocide. Ironically, it was Russia, not America, whose veto would sink Azerbaijan’s hopes of a UN meditated solution, with Russia eager to maintain close relations to the new leadership of Iran while wanting to reward their Armenian ally. On September 9th 2005, with tanks on the outskirts of Baku following the surrender or encirclement of much of the Azerbaijani around the Nagorno-Karabakh region, Azerbaijan agreed to surrender. Unfortunately, at Armenian insistence, the signing would be an especially humiliating one.

Colonel-General Safar Abiyev was called to Yerevan, where he would be directed to the signing ceremony on September 10th 2005. When he arrived at the scene, he was flabbergasted at the sight laid out to him. President Pahlavi and Armenian President Robert Kocharyan (a former governor of Nagorno-Karabakh) sat side by side in the open air - the open air in the shade of the Tsitsernakaberd, better known as the Armenian Genocide Memorial. The three desks were lain out in front of the eternal flame of the genocide [2]. In attendance were Elie Wiesel and the last few survivors of the genocide. Abiyev was forced to relinquish all claims over Iranian territory or Nagorno-Karabakh, which would be allowed to join Armenia, and acknowledge that the Armenian Genocide happened. At the Wellstone Administration’s insistence however, Armenia would promise to compensate the Azerbaijanis who were displaced from Nagorno-Karabakh since the conflict began (with Iran using their oil money to pay for it). For the Armenian Diaspora, it was a cathartic wonderland, sealing an alliance between Iran and Armenia for eternity. For Azerbaijan, it was their version of the Six Day War, with Abiyev never returning to Azerbaijan since he knew the game was already up. Ilham Aliyev, the President and de facto dictator at the time, was deposed in the ‘Coffee Revolution’, named after a calamitous speech where he compared the Treaty of Yerevan to ‘A bitter cup of coffee’. Aliyev attempted to flee but was arrested by police just before boarding his plane, with Aliyev ultimately sentenced to life in prison for corruption and ‘treason’. In the subsequent snap-elections, Isa Gambar of the Equality Party won based on name recognition alone based on his work as an opponent of Aliyev. Though he condemned the treaty, he claimed to have no choice but to go along with it. Rescinding recognition of the Armenian Genocide is a popular call in Azerbaijan today, but no government has since officially renounced it, though they skirt dangerously close with regularity.

With the Azeri regions of the north now brought back under the control of Iran (though many Azeris in the region were bitter towards Pahlavi which caused their moving to the Tudehists), Pahlavi turned his gaze towards the Balochi guerillas, utilising a now thoroughly-motivated and battle-hardened force to rip across the south east along the sea. On October 10th, the final operation to reunite Iran came together at last. The Iranian army tore through the Balochi insurgents, many Salafist groups who hated the secular Balochi insurgents as much as they hated Tehran. Pakistan, in the same wisdom that led elements of its security establishment to fund the Taliban despite the Taliban’s atrocities against the Pakistani people, were discovered to have been funding these Balochi groups despite the fact that many of them were actively participating in terrorism in Pakistan itself. Upon the reclamation of the Iranian border on December 3rd 2005, Iran deliberately shot across the border at Balochi insurgent groups, going as far as to fire artillery into Pakistan. This move infuriated Islamabad, who threatened a full-scale invasion of Iran if they repeated their actions again. Then, to the surprise of much of the world, Pahlavi announced his new trade and security treaty with India on December 5th 2005, with India privately contacting Pakistan to tell them that attacking Iran would ‘not be in your interest’. The relationship between India and Iran has only deepened since, with Pakistan stuck between the two, deepening its ties to the Gulf States in response.

That Christmas, an event which has become a national holiday in Iran due to the Christmas Truce, Iranians celebrated. In only a single year, they had reunited their country that they thought was on the verge of complete collapse. The IRM had also massively fallen in popularity, as the success of the new regime defied predictions by Islamists that a state that rejected them would not receive God’s blessing. The many miraculous victories of the Reunification War, succeeding in the face of having just lost a major war with thousands dead, had put to bed any sense of pessimism that Iran would now fall through the cracks of history. The Iranian Left had more than found a common enemy with the Iranian Right against the Gulf States, and began the process of sending advisors and witnesses to places like Dubai to observe the appalling worker conditions to make this centre-stage in a new class-based understanding of Middle Eastern geopolitics, and to renounce the Palestinian Authority to declare the PFLP the legitimate government of Palestine (becoming a promoter of the One-State solution as compared to the Two-State solution). But amidst the relief back at home, Pahlavi was still at work, calling up Prime Minister al-Maliki in Iraq, and how dire the situation was there. Al-Maliki assured Pahlavi that the situation was under control, and that the JTJ were on their last legs. Something that, unfortunately, he was very wrong about.

As the JTJ spread into Syria early in 2006, Pahlavi saw this as the moment Iran could claim its mantle as a leader in the Middle East. In response to France’s intervention in Syria, Pahlavi announced in May that Iran would send its troops to ‘defend the name of Islam’ against the JTJ. ‘Not in the name of Shia versus Sunni, but of Muslim against Satanists.’ The Shia clerics and atheists in Iran were united in their common disgust of the mass murder and subjugation committed by the JTJ against non-Salafists. Pahlavi set up an amnesty plan for any member of the IRM who wanted to sign up to defend Iranian Shia against the massacres committed by the JTJ, an offer more than a few accepted. Iran sent 50,000 men over the Iraqi border in July of 2006, much to the unmitigated horror of the Gulf States. The Iraqi Army and Kurdistani forces in the north, two groups that had little reason to love the Iranian army, were reluctantly forced into what Pahlavi described as ‘The Greatest Alliance in this part of the world since the days of Saladin’. That August, the Iranian army successfully liberated Kirkuk from the talons of the JTJ. Soon it was Fallujah, and Ramadi. The Battle of Mosul, fought with all three anti-JTJ forces working side by side, saw unprecedented levels of death and destruction as the Jihadists were defeated, but by January 2007, the city had been cleared. With the aid of US planes, a constant though underappreciated ally in the war to end the JTJ, the Iraqi-iranian-Kurdish alliance slowly continued to march their way to the border. Most Sunni by now saw even the Iranian soldiers as liberators compared to the misery of their life under the JTJ’s despotism, making life significantly easier.

On the other side of the Syrian border, the Syrian-French alliance continued to painstakingly crawl their way back across the country with overwhelming firepower. The Battle of Aleppo was declared resolved in February 2007, albeit with tens of thousands of civilians dead and serious questions over the conduct of French forces and their knowledge of atrocities committed by Syrian commanders. However, with Aleppo seized, the back of the Jihadists in Syria had been broken. French paratroopers and the Foreign Legion cut through the desert, wiping out Jihadist facilities at will. Ultimately, the first cross-border meeting between anti-JTJ forces would be on June 10th between an American who had joined the French Foreign Legion and an American with Persian ancestry who had joined the Iranian army upon moving to Iran the prior year, speaking in English. However, it would still take months to flush out the remainder of the JTJ, with the group not being declared gone from Iraq until August 26th 2007 and Syria declaring themselves free of the JTJ on October 11th. Al-Zarqawi was killed on November 1st 2007 by a US Air Strike, though the French usually joke they ‘let them have him’ to make up for taking out Nasrallah first. The death of the leader sent the organisation into a tailspin, with the group having fallen off the radar in recent years. With that came to an end the sordid legacy of the JTJ, the most hated group in the Middle East. While there was more turbulence to come in the Middle East, it was at least never as bad as the trail of death and terror left in the JTJ’s wake. It was also the end of al-Maliki, who was forced out in favour of a less sectarian leader who could mend Iraq’s divisions.

Upon the completion of the war, Iran withdrew all of her troops back beyond the Iraqi border - the influence they had won over Iraqis had been more than enough. Once there had been a violent, vindictive neighbour to Iran’s west, but now it was an ally, struggling with its new role in the Middle East but grateful for the help Iran had provided to save them from the army of death that the JTJ was. Iran’s successful campaign in Iraq further emboldened the nationalism of its people, so much so that President Pahlavi decided to unveil a new Iranian flag for a new Iranian era. The flag had temporarily been the mere tricolour after the Islamic Republic had fallen, as the lion flag had too much Shahist connotation. However, the new flag would address those concerns: it would have both the lion as before, and the lioness, in honour of the contribution of the women of Iran to national liberation. It proved a compromise that the Left (and most Iranians) were more than happy to accept, with both the lion and lioness now represented upon the flag of a free, independent Iran. His efforts to promote women within the halls of power in Iran after decades of banishment were greatly appreciated, with one third of his cabinet being women. State broadcasters didn’t play national or religious propaganda anymore, only the 1970s tunes that Iranians would pass along in whispers to their friends graced the airwaves. Iranian films from the 60s and 70s graced the television, and the long-suppressed Iranian art world flourished with the abolition of censorship. Memories of the wars, the theocracy, all were expressed adroitly by the artists of Iran and became known to the whole world. For all this, the Iranian Left would come to respect Pahlavi.

[...]​

Pahlavi had saved his country from the brink, had earned the respect of the Iranian Left and united Iranians under one flag, shored up and guaranteed the democratic tradition, swore off every temptation to take full power, saved the economy and made Iran a geopolitical player again. He had constructed a network of regional allies that the Iranian bureaucracy called, ‘The Alliance of the Ancients’, namely Israel, Armenia and India. His attachment to his Islamic faith had led to a resurgence of Islam in Iran, after years of unending secularisation. In just a few short years, Iran had gone from a country that seemed set for Balkanistan to one seeming set to last a millennium. For Iranians, inheritors of that great ancient civilisation, to see their nation become what they always knew they could be, a strong, free and tolerant people, it was something they would never fail to acknowledge. For this, the historian Stephen Kotkin would call Pahlavi, ‘The Persian Aurelian’.


Extract from ‘Date with Destiny: The War that brought Korea and Japan Together’ by Kaori Makimura


The 2008 Olympics had been looked forward to by Beijing for more than a decade. For the CCP, it would serve as the proof that China was a modern, developed power in the running to be its leader. An equal to the West, with a Civilisation far older and prouder. They wanted it to be the moment the world acknowledged China’s greatness, but instead it would see perhaps the biggest shock and scandal since the Munich Massacre of the Israeli Team in 1972. The central reason for that was Kim Jong-Il, who had enjoyed his time under house arrest in a luxurious compound on the outskirts of Beijing. Contrary to reports from China that he was living a spartan existence, he was living quite a luxurious lifestyle from his modern mansion, albeit not as opulent as the ones he enjoyed in North Korea, which caused him to complain a lot. The Chinese wanted Kim alive so that their fellow dictatorship allies would feel they could trust Beijing not to throw them to the wolves if the going got tough, and wanted him relatively content so he didn’t do anything stupid that got him into headlines. As the Beijing Olympics came close, international campaigns began to bring Kim to justice, but the Chinese government adamantly refused. South Korea even considered boycotting the Olympics, but eventually decided not to. The games would happen, as would the opening ceremony on August 8th 2008. Unfortunately for China, someone was about to ruin the big day.

Kim was watched day and night by a Chinese soldier who reported regularly about his status. This soldier was required to know Korean, and the role was regularly changed over time. The only common rule between them was that every word that came out of Kim’s mouth made these soldiers hate him more. He would eat when he talked, complained about the failure of North Koreans to follow him and would insist on the soldiers watching the films he made alongside him, with Kim talking over the film so much that one never had a chance to hear the dialogue. Kim was also racist against the Chinese, so much so that it was eventually decided to give him exclusively ethnically Korean soldiers to watch over him. This was a terrible mistake. Eventually, Kim’s arrogance so grossly offended one Chinese soldier that he would tell his girlfriend (he already had a wife) about Kim and his unbearable behaviour. The next day, said girlfriend sat him down at her house and told him the truth: she was a South Korean agent, and he was going to bring Kim to the ROK where he would face justice. Thankfully, the soldier was swayable by payment, with the agent promising him that he would also be able to bring his family out in time as well. Whether it was love of money, or hatred of Kim, ultimately the soldier decided to go along with the deal.

But then came a snag - it was revealed by the soldier’s superiors that he would be moved out for another guard for Kim sooner than expected. This meant there was a single day where they could go ahead with the operation - August 8th 2008, the day of the Olympics. New ROK President Lee Myung-bak (hereafter referred to as ‘MB’ as he is in Korea), was faced with a dilemma. He knew that this would be the biggest slap in the face possible to China, an important trade partner, a nuclear power, a behemoth on their doorstep that occupied part of their country. Faced with the decision in his hands, President MB, elected as a hardliner, decided to trust his gut and go ahead with it. Operation Liberty Dawn was put into action with the help of on-staff Israeli advisors - while Operation Guardian Angel would be South Korea’s Entebbe, this would be their Eichmann.

On August 8th, with the Chinese having received a false report from South Koreans counterintelligence threatening a Uighur terrorist attack on the games, yet further police resources were moved towards the stadium and away from where the real action was taking place. Kim lazily watched the Opening Ceremony from his couch, complaining that the mass games in Pyongyang were far more impressive. All the while he got drowsier and drowsier, until he fells asleep. The soldier on guard sighed in relief, seeing that the tranquiliser that the South Korean agent had given him had worked. Giving the signal, a truck arrived at the front door of the compound, with the guards outside seeing the familiar sight of soldiers bringing boxes full of wine into the house and eventually the boxes being put back before driving off. What they didn’t realise was that this time, the boxes coming out had two people in them, one knocked hard asleep. Reportedly, Kim’s son, Kim Jong-Un, walked in to see the soldiers stuff his father’s lifeless body into the box, before casually telling the soldiers ‘Do whatever you want’ and turning back around to go to bed. Spooked, the soldiers sped up their work and managed to get Kim on the truck. Elsewhere in Beijing, the soldier's wife was driven to the airport to get a ticket out of Beijing as soon as possible before everything went crazy. Kim himself was just waking up when the plane left the runway in Beijing, aboard the official South Korean Olympic delegation craft that contained the diplomats who were present in Beijing. Sedated and in handcuffs, the North Korean dictator could only screech and scream as the plane flew over international waters and towards Seoul.

Upon landing in a military airport in South Korea, he was dragged off in handcuffs from the plane and made to stand face-to-face with someone - it was Lee Sang-hee, Defence Minister of the South Korean government. It was on that runway that Lee would utter the immortal words, “Welcome to the Republic of Korea, you son of a bitch,” before punching Kim with full force in the face and giving him a black eye. Kim was dragged off to await trial in Seoul, but even as Lee felt the warm glow upon his fist, he knew that what they had done had more than crossed the Rubicon. They had given the gravest possible insult to China to get back at Kim - they knew the reckoning would be terrible. And they were right.

[1] A factoid related to me by a Syrian friend of mine.

[2] Partly inspired by the photos of the surrender signing in the Bangladesh Liberation War
 
Havoc in Heaven
Havoc in Heaven

Extract from 'Korea After Kim' By Yang Wen-Li


'Panda-monium’ was the memorable headline of the New York Post in reaction to Kim’s abduction during the Beijing Olympics, but it was no laughing matter. While Beijing scrambled to find out what was happening, they were as stunned as everyone else when Seoul broadcast footage of a black-eyed Kim sulking in his jail cell. South Korea, at the moment the whole world was paying attention to China, violated Chinese sovereignty and kidnapped someone China had promised protection to. The outrage was fever-pitch. South Koreans living in China were ordered by their government to leave immediately, with China ordering the South Korean team’s expulsion. On August 9th, as the games continued, nationwide rioting swept China, burning Korean owned homes and businesses. Samsung and Hyundai stores were sacked by mobs, with some ninety-five people killed by Chinese mobs in the coming days (a mix of Chinese bystanders and employees, ethnic Koreans and Korean nationals). China’s positive publicity that they hoped to receive from the games was dashed as journalists saw xenophobic riots in the centre of Beijing burning Korean and Japanese flags. As one Guardian columnist put it, “At the 1936 Games, the Nazis succeeded in masking their hatred of their racial enemies - this time around, it appears the Politburo has been unable to do the same thing. The xenophobia that has been quietly cultivated in China as a substitute for class consciousness could not hide its ugly face on the streets of Beijing.” The only Koreans who faced approval in China at the time were Kim’s family, who were sent on a plane to Cuba where they remain as guests of the Communist government to this day.

Japan and Taiwan (under the Chinese Taipei moniker) would be the only countries to announce their solidarity with Korea on the expulsion and would pull out voluntarily. Similar calls rose all across Western countries but a mix of corporate sponsorships and political interference would make sure they stayed. The Olympic Committee insisted on the game’s continuing (while meekly cautioning Korea’s removal), in a move that brought an outrage that paradoxically increased Olympic viewership. News effortlessly switched between the Olympics and the contours of the upcoming trial of Kim Jong-Il, who would be tried in Seoul for crimes against humanity with the death sentence permissible. President MB insisted that the trial would be an entirely South Korean affair, with no UN, US or Japanese presence except for journalists - they especially didn’t want UN involvement considering that not only had the UN Mission in Korea been terminated by the war, but relations between the ROK and the UN had plummeted due to their treatment of North Koreans, resulting in the Republic of Korea being the second most condemned country in the UN behind Israel. While the trial would not begin for another six months, the South Koreans began to interrogate Kim about what he knew. Unfortunately, Kim had his own tricks up his sleeve.

Once Kim heard about events in China, knowing his fate was already sealed, it is widely believed Kim decided to stir the pot one last time so that all his enemies would choke on their own blood, even if he went down with them. Given his solitary confinement with the only meals of gruel instead of the lobster he had gotten used to, he had to be force-fed for the first two months. Kim alleged that not only had China privately supported the invasion of South Korea with aid, but that he had been encouraged to do so as part of a plan to expel US influence from East Asia. To this day, this belief is the majority belief of Koreans, though it is a minority belief among the academy. However, the hard-right government of Korea under President MB and the increasingly influential Unification Party offshoot of the Unification Church were ready to believe it. These allegations came out while the Olympics were still ongoing, leading to further disbelief and uproar. It was under these occasions that Sun Myung Moon would deliver his ‘final prophecy’ in 2010. He alleged that Russia and China were the kingdoms of Gog and Magog from the Book of Revelation and that with the Antichrist of Kim defeated, the final enemies to the Kingdom of Heaven would be found in them. President MB was willing to tank the economic hit from China in a way that the previous leadership was not, with Korea having a full embargo slapped on it by China. Thousands of Chinese people in Korea were recalled as relations fell to the worst since the First Korean War. In a final insult, China even expelled the Korean ambassador in response to their alleging they were behind Kim’s invasion, leading to the ROK to respond identically. China surged troops over the border into the zone of occupation into North Korea in defiance of previously existing agreements - South Korea responded by sending troops over the former DMZ in defiance of its obligations. At the instigation of Sun Myung Moon, North Koreans would passively resist the Chinese within the occupation zone, blocking roads, misspelling signs and refusing to help the Chinese occupation force in any capacity. This made the Unification Church enemy number one to the Chinese, especially given the Anti-Communist and nationalistic zeal of the movement neatly coincided with Anti-Chinese feeling for the occupation of the Korean homeland. This helped greatly to mollify fears that North Koreans represented a fifth column and led to a slow reevaluation of North Koreans as loyal after all. An exodus already began from the occupation zone towards the now somewhat preferable South Korean zone, especially as Chinese persecution in the region began to increase. By the time the Olympics concluded, relations between Korea and China had reached what historian Stephen Kotkin called, “The closest we’ve ever seen anyone come to war without firing a shot - we were one lousy soldier away from two nuclear powers in direct conflict”.

The sheer threat of this had compelled the Wellstone Administration to cancel campaigning and call up Seoul and Beijing day and night to try and stop the escalation before two nuclear powers were shooting at each other. The European powers loudly announced that they were staying out of it, so badly burned had they been by American adventurism before, further putting pressure on Seoul, with only Japan offering diplomatic backup. Brought along to the American negotiation team was honorary member of the Harlem Globetrotters, Henry Kissinger [1], summoning all the good will he had left in China to try and calm the Politburo down. This greatly angered many of Wellstone’s base given Kissinger’s involvement in some of America’s darkest actions during the Cold War, but Wellstone was conscious of the upcoming election and was desperate to continue his mandate of keeping America at peace. Wellstone was also angry at Seoul, however, as not only had the ROK undermined its reputation by refusing to give a path to citizenship for the North Koreans, but they had picked an otherwise suicidal fight against China in the expectation of American support. American appetite to defend Korea was deeply divided, with polls suggesting a partisan split with Republicans eager to defend the Koreans and Democrats not wanting to send more Americans to die, let alone against a nuclear power. Wellstone would pointedly relay this fact to Seoul and would refuse to publicly commit to defend South Korea anywhere north of the former DMZ, implying he might be okay with Chinese actions to seize the rest of the former North Korea. Wellstone was hardly over the moon at this (he would later claim outside of office that he probably would have intervened even if the fighting was just in the former North) but Wellstone thought it necessary to calm the South Koreans down, especially when their nightly news was dominated by videos of lynchings and flag burnings in China. Mercifully, Wellstone’s Republican opponent, Mitt Romney, had structured his campaign entirely around Wellstone’s economic policies, leaving him ill-equipped to strike on foreign policy. Romney even cancelled campaigning during the height of the crisis, a fact Wellstone would hit back on Romney in subsequent debates as it implied Romney was confident in what he was doing. Unfortunately for the Romney-Palin ticket, the truth about Jon Edwards would not come out until the election was over.

On August 25th, one day after the Olympics concluded, the athletes worried all the while that they were about to be at ground-zero of a war between the West and China, South Korea and China would make an official de-escalation pledge, with both parties rescinding their troop numbers in North Korea while South Korea pledged to be ‘more objective’ about the claims coming out of the mouth of Kim Jong-Il in relation to China. No agreement was reached on a return of ambassadors - to this day, the two countries have not exchanged ambassadors since the 2008 Olympics. South Korea was also forced into a half-hearted apology for violating Chinese sovereignty while still keeping Kim in his cell for trial. To the anger of many in the Politburo, Hu did not insist on no death sentence being placed on Kim. Hu was furious at Kim for accusing him of orchestrating the War and actually wanted Kim to die for the slander he’d smeared him with (in addition to exposing the real collaboration between China and North Korea), while the rest of the Politburo felt it utterly emasculated China on the world stage. This, ultimately, would be the last straw for the hardliners when it came to Hu, and the world was about to enter a monumentally more dangerous phase.

Wellstone’s reticence to defend South Korea would not be forgotten by President MB, nor for that matter many other of America’s front-row allies. As many in the Korean security establishment feared, America had been so exhausted in its role as global policeman that a sense of isolationism had continued to grow at home. Especially with the ill-treatment of the North Koreans given increased scrutiny at home, something that enraged much of the Korean diaspora who could tell stories from their families about the conduct of the North Koreans compared to their own army. Korean-Americans have come to be known as the ‘Asian-American Cubans’ owing to their strong support of the Republicans in an otherwise Democrat-leaning group, with the Republicans winning the Korean-American vote by at least ten points in every Presidential election since 2008. But to the South Korean government, preparations were made in the form of Operation Dangun, wherein certain Kim-era North Korean figures would see their jail-sentences reduced in return for their ‘cooperation’. In what was eerily similar to how Unit 731 and the Peenemunde scientists were plucked from doom, so did these North Koreans eagerly take the deal. It would prove to be one of the most momentous decisions in East Asian history.

In Korea, the explosive economic growth that characterised the previous years imploded in days. The South Korean economy fell into a rapid year-long recession as their largest export market vanished, with Wellstone and the EU agreeing to liberalise trade with Korea to make it easier for Korea to sell their material in their markets. India also became a growing market for Korean exports, though Korea is still likely not as rich as it could have been if trade with Beijing had continued. India and Vietnam also became crucial import sources due to the loss of cheap Chinese products and labour, leading to critical technical assistance being sent their way. Korea has been very energetic in cultivating ties around South-East Asia, and is often seen as the Nowadays, however, the still-ongoing mutual embargo between Korea and China is looked upon positively in Korea, as it has increased its political independence from Beijing. Korean culture is more defiantly Anti-Beijing than either Taiwan or Japan. One unintended consequence of the squeeze on the Korean economy was the further consolidation of Korean assets under the command of the Unification Church, who supposedly even made business deals with the Scientologists to pool their resources together to buy out struggling Korean firms. North Koreans celebrated the Church for not laying off workers from their factories in the occupied North unlike many other major firms - a result of the Church using their warchest as well as utilising the cult-behaviour of many believers into willfully working far beyond legal hours sometimes for no money at all. In 2010, the Unification (and the Nation of Islam) would even endorse dianetics, a practice the Church has since used to blackmail dissenters by amassing a record of unmentionable acts of any senior member to hit them with in case they went rogue. The Church-owned factories proved so successful that many Chaebol withdrew from owning factories in the occupied North Korea and simply ordered produce from the Church owned factories, since the Church could convince the workers to go harder than anyone else. The Church’s sociopathic exploitation of its own membership was drowned out due to their steadfast opposition to the Chinese occupation, and would turn the once struggling group into a group that was rapidly becoming something of a Chaebol itself.

But the international drama was not over - indeed, it would only escalate. On November 19th 2008, Beijing announced the shock resignation of President Hu over ‘health concerns’ and the ascension of Vice-President and hardliner Xi Xinping. It was essentially a repeat of the Khrushchev-Brezhnev coup, with Hu sent into early retirement. His more lax policy of trying to ensure cooperation with Western countries through trade was seen as having been weak and had invited the abduction of Kim, an event that thoroughly humiliated Chinese security services and was seen as a treaty violation from an ungrateful Korea. Xi by contrast was a hardliner, who felt that Capitalism had weakened China’s resolve and that for now it had to be combed back to bring back a more totalitarian form of control over the country. In Xi’s first announcement to the Chinese nation, he reiterated his outrage at Korea and announced an ‘All-out war against spies and fifth columnists’. Few could have fathomed just what he meant at the time. While it started with an all-out purge of ‘incompetents’ in the security services (tellingly, almost all ethnic Koreans began to vanish from major positions in the Communist Party), Xi was ready to enshrine himself in infamy almost immediately.

On February 2nd 2009, in defiance of prior arrangements, Xi announced that Chinese law would apply to the Chinese occupation zone of North Korea. Restrictions on speech would be strictly enforced, with the Unification Church (which had been banned in China) proving a major target. The Chinese attempted to destroy the churches, causing riots across the occupation zone. Once three Chinese soldiers were killed destroying a church in Chongju, the Chinese clamped down and declared martial law within the region. North Koreans scrambled to leave the zone while they still could, leading to a surge into the South Korean occupation zone (and attempts to get over the old DMZ which were fiercely rejected by South Korean border guards). Xi alleged that Korean spies were getting into China over the Yalu by the help of the local Koreans, and so China would ‘attempt to resolve the matter’ by filtering the local population for their loyalty. On February 28th, North Koreans still left in the occupation zone within the first fifty miles or so of the Yalu began to be sent to the old concentration camps erected in the Kim era. Some North Koreans reportedly died of heart attacks or had complete mental collapses seeing the old barbed wires, cellrooms and watchtowers again. ‘Could you imagine,’ one North Korean recalled, ‘To be a Jew, dragged back to Auschwitz? I don’t have to imagine - I lived it.’ The conditions were every bit as bad as they were ten years before, with dozens crammed into rooms that would fit two, decreasing food and increasing dysentery, along with the most resistant Koreans simply being shot. And not in thousands, but hundreds of thousands, with the entire male population in some villages arrested and dragged to the concentration camps. Those who were seen as ‘irredeemable’ were blindfolded and put on trains that carried them over the Yalu, into the dark emptiness of China - some of whom were never to be seen again. China, in its rage against Korea’s audacity, proved it was willing to cross the moral Rubicon.

Those who thought such atrocities would stir the world to action would be greatly disappointed. South Korea in virtually all its political parties called for a global boycott of China, but only Japan was content to put words to action and announced a three year plan to urgently reduce dependence on Chinese industry. The UN would express their ‘grave concerns’ while the US and Europe would condemn it without doing much of anything as the Chinese economy was too important at a time when their own economies were hurting so bad, thus simply sanctioning the hierarchy of the CCP and Chinese companies who intimately survived the occupation in North Korea. Some European leaders almost completely ignored it, having come to power on a wave of Anti-Americanism and not wanting to immediately sink back into the Atlanticist fold. Russia would outright support the measures, saying the worst accusations were untrue and that it was necessary for China to defend its borders, going as far as to hand over defectors who crossed into Russia back to the Chinese, who would send them to Kim’s camps again. Unfortunately for China, they had to do this action in the face of President MB, a man who was determined enough to abduct Kim Jong Il during the Olympics. He had launched Operation Dangun for that very reason, and faced with what was the greatest outrage visited upon the Koreans by foreigners since the Japanese occupation, he decided to choose going too far over not going far enough. Utilising the remains of Kim’s longest-running project, on March 21st 2009, a nuclear explosion lit up South Korean territorial waters inside the Sea of Japan. The Republic of Korea had joined the nuclear club. That evening President MB would deliver a television message where he would ‘call upon China to come to its senses and treat our fellow Koreans with the dignity they deserve. Given that China was content at the thought of Kim Jong-Il to possess nuclear weapons, we hold no weight in its concerns that these weapons have made their appearance in this peninsula. The only concerns they should feel are if they continue their path towards national disgrace in occupied Korea, and the havoc that could be unleashed.’ A return to nuclear brinkmanship, a sight thought relegated to the world of the Berlin Wall, had returned.

The world collectively fell out of its chair in disbelief. Xi had never thought Seoul would go that far, and neither did most of the free world. Wellstone would send out a statement condemning both China’s action and South Korea’s ‘decision not to follow the non-proliferation agreement, although we can certainly understand their decision’. The EU and Russia would put out a joint-statement calling for ‘reasonable discussion instead of bellicose talk of war’. Japan remained silent. South Koreans by contrast were infuriated with the West seemingly more angry with their attempt to defend ‘their people’ (an important evolution in healing the scars of the Second Korean War) than China’s atrocities against ‘their people’, and were further outraged at word America was trying to push a grand deal to have South Korea remove the nukes in return for Korean law to be re-established in the Chinese occupation zone. Ultimately, neither Seoul or China were totally willing to budge, but neither were willing for a war either. Thus, after rapid negotiations between Beijing and Seoul, it was agreed that China would open the concentration camps and give North Koreans living in the Chinese occupation zone two months starting from April 15th to June 15th the right to move out to the South Korean occupation zone. South Korea would maintain their nukes (something Beijing was privately mixed about, since it theorised it would weaken US presence in the Pacific) while Chinese law would remain in force in the zone, although China agreed to ban Israeli-style Chinese settlements within the occupation zone and an otherwise total ban on non-military presence, something that it had no interest in as they wanted to create a buffer, not to ultimately annex the territory instead. On April 3rd, the ‘Hanoi Understanding’ (named after the negotiation venue) would be announced, ultimately leading to an exodus of North Koreans from the Chinese occupation zone, with some 95% of Koreans leaving the zone towards the now rapidly overpopulating South Korean occupation zone.

The Chinese occupation zone remains almost a ghost-country, with only the road network maintained while most of the major cities are going the way of Chernobyl (though Chernobyl is accessible and the Chinese occupation zone of former North Korea is not). The remaining few Koreans, cursed out by Koreans worldwide as collaborators, make absurd money from China as the labour supply is so limited while the demand of Chinese troops is so huge. Some argue that the Chinese occupation zone itself is a concentration camp, as it is essentially a fenced off military region under military rule. Not wanting to annex the region and just wanting a buffer, the Chinese have laced the region with landmines, and have essentially turned the region into such a death trap that even if China were to vanish into the sky, it’s still doubtful whether taking the land would be worth it. The ‘New DMZ’ that divides the South Koreans from the Chinese is every bit as tense as the old DMZ was, though there have been far fewer incidents owing to the significantly saner leadership in Beijing compared to Pyongyang. It has become the front line of the Second Cold War.

In response to the influx of North Koreans, their evident loyalty to the Korean state with the accompanying evolution of South Korean views on the North Korean integration issue, and ultimately the transfer of negative feelings towards North Koreans as a continuation of Kim hatred towards China instead, President MB would finally announce a liberalisation of North Korean citizenship policies on July 17th 2009. First, birthright citizenship to the ROK was issued to North Koreans born the day of the proclamation, meaning that once they became adults they were guaranteed access to South Korea no matter their status. While the only ones who would be affected by the change were still in the womb, for the ones already alive, voluntary membership in the ROK army for three years would guarantee citizenship to the soldier and family, as would establishing a successful business. A handful of more heroic resistors against the Chinese were given citizenship directly from President MB himself. While it was hardly everything the North Koreans wanted, a light out of the tunnel was in sight, and hope had been given that they would finally be treated as fellow Koreans again. As Koreans united against a new enemy, the divisions that were established in the aftermath of the war began to fade away.

As the Kim trial began, South Koreans and North Koreans alike would sit alongside one another, silently watching the trial of the century.


Extract from ‘Kim’s Footprint: How the War on Terror Changed Asia’ by Saeba Ryou

Shinzo Abe was not simply a member of the Japanese Right, but of the Nippon Kaigi, the infamous Japanese Ultraconservative organisation. His ascension and massive popularity on the back of the Second Korean War had allowed the Japanese to pursue rearmament, particularly in the naval field. Article 9 was removed by a referendum in which some 70% of the population agreed that it had outlived its usefulness, and its removal has generally been accepted as fait accompli by the Japanese population. The Japanese Navy as of today is considered the equal of China, even putting the Americans to one side. But with Korea’s announcement of nuclear weapons, a much more intense debate began in the halls of power inside Japan - was it time for Japan to join the nuclear club? At a secret meeting of the Nippon Kaigi on April 23rd 2009, with Shinzo Abe present, the arguments were reportedly pushed back and forth about the best way to go about it. Everyone knew the sensitivity of the issue given Japan’s history, but no one wanted to see Japan reduced to the minnow between Korea and China. Putting US nuclear weapons on Japanese soil was considered, but it was considered something that would effectively officialise Japan’s inferiority in East Asia. On the other hand, already humiliated by Korea’s ascension to the nuclear club, it was feared that China might overcompensate and lash out at Japan. Finally, the idea was floated to give an Israel-style nuclear program, which was to say create a nuclear stockpile but only to imply they had it. This was seen as solving some of the problems inherent in the other options and giving Japan both a road to quietly retreat and the chance to move into the open if that would be helpful either. Reportedly at a meeting in Tokyo between Abe and Korean President MB on April 5th, Abe asked the Korean what his opinion of a Japanese nuclear program would be, to which MB reportedly shrugged and said, “That’s my response.” To MB, Japan getting nukes would limit the international heat that had fallen on South Korea and help legitimise their decision. Abe took the decision to heart, and it’s widely believed that the Japanese successfully constructed a small nuclear stockpile in June 2009.

While China was initially ignorant, alarm bells were screeching in Washington, with a noticeable upturn in chatter between Japan and America. Japan also announced the construction of ‘defensive long-ranged missiles’ and nuclear submarines, things which further contributed to growing rumours that the Japanese had developed nuclear weapons. When asked by China at the United Nations in July if Japan had developed nuclear weapons, the Japanese Ambassador replied, “We can neither confirm nor deny this accusation. Although given the history of our country, we would perhaps be the most justified in possessing these weapons.” This led to an explosion of speculation in Japan about whether the country had developed nuclear weapons or not, with a rapidly increasing segment of the population thinking and fearing that they did. The Democratic Party and Communist Party of Japan staged a joint sit-in at the Diet demanding answers about the supposed nuclear program. The Hiroshima Peace Museum staged a strike on July 15th which was resolved when the staff were fired, leading to further protests. One person who made their opinion very clear was Japanese film director Hayao Miyazaki, who renounced his Japanese citizenship and moved to Sweden. On August 6th 2009 (the anniversary of the Hiroshima Bombing), nearly half a million Japanese people protested, becoming the largest protest in Japanese history. Downtown Tokyo was paralysed and Narita Airport was temporarily shut down. Polls showed that roughly 40% of Japanese people wanted Japan to have nuclear weapons, or more specifically ‘if Japan does indeed currently possess nuclear weapons, it would not seek to remove them’.

This was the highmark of the protest, but quickly the wheels would fall off, with the Liberal Democrats reaching to their reliable ally in the Yakuza. The first riots seen on Japanese streets in decades occurred, as the student left fought both the police and the Japanese Far Right, with one Japanese female student protestor infamously murdered by a Far Right Yakuza member, leading to national condemnation. The Yakuza were also called up by the Japanese government to disrupt potential strike action by the national unions, using a mix of physical intimidation and simple blackmail. The Japanese police also targeted the most charismatic and intelligent student leaders, detaining them for a long period of time under trumped up charges to have the protests taken over by the fanatics and ill-tempered who simply charged at the police and further blackened the cause of the protests. The protests further broke down between the Democratic Party, who had made peace with the removal of Article 9, and the Communists, who demanded Japan become a neutral country and to renounce its alliance with ‘Korean Apartheid’. The protests battered Abe’s popularity, but they also gave China hope that the implied Japanese nuclear program could be reversed. Once it became clear that it would not, Chinese state propaganda turned on a dime, and started to imply that Japan was only pretending to have nuclear weapons and that they were actually just American weapons. It was a cope, but it was also in the CCP’s interest, with its internal program of nationalism further purging China of Korean and Japanese influence. Jokes about sending Anime and K-Drama fans to China persist to this day, owing to China’s near blanket ban on both. To the disappointment of the Japanese Left, just like the Anpo protests of 1960, they had come up short against the Liberal Democrats.

Of the three countries that got nuclear weapons in 2009, Japan was the only one who saw severe internal dissent, but it was ultimately for naught. Despite a renewed interest after the Fukushima disaster, Japan has held onto its as of yet undisclosed nuclear program. The change has deeply shaken some of the core beliefs of the Japanese people, but most Japanese were willing to admit that the Second Korean War had created a new world and that Japan had to respond differently to it. Over time, both school trips and personal trips to the Hiroshima Peace Museum have reduced, and trips to the Yasukuni Shrine in Tokyo have gone up. The Japanese Right have succeeded in creating a country in its image - the question of what Japan will soon become is still up in the air. And indeed, if the much feared Chinese invasion of Taiwan would happen, would the only country to have nukes used upon them be the first to bring them back?


Extract from 'Here We Go Again': How the Battle Lines of the Second Cold War Were Drawn' by Jonathon Brando


The Yanukovych victory of 2004 led to Ukraine further sinking into the Russian orbit. The EU leaders at the time had little interest in bringing in Ukraine anyway, with German Chancellor Gerhard Schröder going as far as to say that Ukraine was ‘Only as European as Vladivostok’, as he continued to implement an energy and ‘Carbon-cutting’ policy that has since been described by current German Chancellor Merz as ‘An act of national sabotage so immense that our grandchildren will curse us with their every breath.’ At the same time, the political institutions of Ukraine were slowly defanged, with Yanukovych (a petty thief in his prior days) launching one of the most biblically corrupt administrations on the European continent, or indeed any continent. The administration was staffed almost entirely by people from the Donbass region in Ukraine’s South-east, with the vast majority of state funds directed in that direction, fueling resentment in the more European-facing West. The Berkut police force that had originally been a fairly neutral party was now increasingly utilised in mob-like fashion against nationalist politicians and any others suspected of Pro-West sympathies, leading to widespread anger among much of the younger populace. In August 2009, the Pro-Russian tendencies of Yanukovych were fully metastasized when he announced that he would join the Union State confederation already used by Russia and Belarus. The move sparked widespread concern in Eastern Europe, especially in Poland, where President Lech Kaczyński began sounding the alarm to the European Parliament, but was widely dismissed by President Sarkozy and particularly Chancellor Schröder as Polish paranoia. As if to rub it in Poland’s face, Schröder ordered further Russian gas and ordered the construction of a Second Nord Stream Pipeline between Russia and Germany.

But one group who was not taking it lying down were the Ukrainians themselves. An impromptu alliance between right-wing nationalists and social liberals had formed against the Yanukovych government, seeing membership of the Union State as a de facto surrender of Ukrainian sovereignty. Meeting after the initial announcement came what initially amounted to a mass of students protesting in Maidan Square every day. It petered out, but just as the protests seemed to be fading away, on August 27th the Berkut launched a vicious clearing effort from Maidan Square, delivering some of the worst open repression since the Soviet days. This incensed the student's parents who now joined the protests, propping up a previously failing movement. Maidan Square turned into a scene of day and night battles between the protestors and Berkut with escalating deaths as a result of police sniping. However, over time, the protestors continued to overwhelm the police. On September 2nd, Yanukovych ordered the Ukrainian army to join in the repression. To his dismay, the Ukrainian army told him they would not join in such repression. It was in this desperation that he got a call. A call that would change history.

On the morning of September 3rd, Yanukovych would announce from his retreat in Sevastopol that he was requesting the assistance of the Russian army in dealing with the ‘Out of control extremists that have taken over Kiev’, and ordered the Ukrainian army to stand down and allow the Russian army in while ordering national martial law and a curfew to be imposed by both the Ukrainian and Russian army. To the minute that the speech ended, the Russian army crossed over the border in full force. Russian paratroopers arrived in Crimea, where they got a strong reception though this reception continued to get frostier the farther the troops moved West. Overwhelmingly the relatively few understaffed, overwhelmed and chronically underfunded members of the Ukrainian army simply opted to let the Russians pass, knowing there was nothing they could do about it. Russian troops arrived in Kiev at nightfall, having warned the protestors that they had the right to use lethal force to disperse the encampments at Maidan. At 22:00, the Russian army met the front line of the Ukrainian protests in Maidan, and with little hesitation, charged their tanks into the barricades. The subsequent Maidan Massacre would kill roughly one hundred and ninety people in the next two hours, with Russian troops crushing the protests. Less publicised killings would occur in Lviv in the early hours of the subsequent morning, but by midday of September 4th, Yanukovych had announced that ‘Order has been restored in Ukraine’. So began the new era of occupation, which lasts to this day.

Putin had grown deeply suspicious of the West as a result of the War on Terror, and worried that the West was planning to disintegrate the Russian Federation like the Soviet Union had before. This was partly correct, as the Neocons had set out in the War on Terror to eliminate potential allies for any enemy superpower to the United States before it was too late. However, while America could play attack, Putin rationalised that so could he. His pseudo-mystical obsession with the Kievan Rus, St. Lavra’s and uniting Orthodoxy further inspired his choice of target. Putin recalled in an interview for Russian state TV that his advisors had considered just taking Crimea and the Donbas to ‘save Russian minorities from Ukrainian Nationalism’. Instead, Putin felt that the Americans and British and so exhausted themself that they had left themselves weak to a full-on geopolitical counterattack. Anti-West feeling was at its peak, American-isolationism was at a Post-War high, his relative economic position was at its zenith due to Gazprom, so there would be no better time to bring Ukraine back under Russian heel than right now. With that, Putin had gambled his Presidency on restoring Russian dominion over Ukraine, and unfortunately for the Ukrainians, he succeeded.

As Yanukovych was agreed to be the legitimate democratically elected president by the West, Russia had any easy time justifying their presence at the UN with the Chinese likewise giving their full support to crushing the Pro-West protestors. However, the videos of the massacre shocked and appalled the world and led to public outcry in Europe. Except where it mattered. Because of Anti-Western feelings among certain European countries and exhaustion due to the War on Terror, and above all due to the dependence that Germans especially had on Russian gas, the response to the de facto conquest of Ukraine was, to say the least, uninspiring. While President Wellstone would condemn Russian actions, this was not followed up by much action, given that he was already overwhelmed with the situation in the Middle East and East Asia, not to mention the domestic fallout of the John Edwards Scandal, unleashed almost as soon as his second term began and reducing his second term into a long lame-duck. This was, to say the least, inspiring feelings of utter terror in the Baltic States and Poland, already horrified due to the limp response by the West to the Georgian war in 2008. The massacres of years gone by under the Russian Empire and USSR now flashed before their eyes. Fearing they were about to be thrown to the wolves again, and that not even a NATO agreement was sufficient to protect themselves, drastic measures were undertaken. These measures would utilise Poland's strong nuclear program that had massively expanded with French aid during the high water mark of the oil prices during the War on Terror, as well as their budding arms contract clauses with Israel and South Korea, who were more than happy to trade 'experts'.

Inspired by events in East Asia opening the floodgates to nuclear proliferation and the indifference of the United States, Poland would announce on November 10th that they had developed nuclear weapons, throwing the European order into yet further bedlam. The Russian state media was outraged, calling it ‘The birth of a new Nazi power on the continent’. Germany (or more specifically the Schröder government) condemned Poland’s decision in language more colourful than its condemnation of the Maidan Massacre, a decision that was met with disgust by not just the Polish but indeed the German electorate, who saw the Polish nuclear response as unfortunate but entirely understandable. It would ultimately lead to the SDP finally deciding to remove Schröder. However he would continue to serve on the Nord Stream 2 board, something Germany’s new Christian Democrat Coalition refused to cancel, simply due to how deeply entwined the German economy had become with Russian natural gas. Instead, the CDU emphasised the need for negotiations to assure Ukrainians of maintaining autonomy, something which the Poles considered almost as bad as anything Schröder had said.

The United States would convene an emergency UN meeting two weeks after Poland’s sudden ascension to the nuclear club, where both they and the rest of the Security Council would urgently begin to prop-up whatever was left of the Nuclear Proliferation Treaty. Three countries had joined the nuclear club in a single year, all nominal American allies but America was hardly celebrating. They knew that the consequence of a free-for-all for nukes was the rapid escalation of chance that a country would deploy them, thus ending the taboo and risking human extinction at the foot of a mushroom cloud. Though Wellstone’s powerful speech condemning nuclear weapons and the need for further arms control was well-received, it had grown increasingly obvious why this proliferation had happened. The world had demanded America step back from policing the world, only for the vacuum left behind to be filled with the countless opportunistic dictatorships to devour and conquer their victims, leading to the smaller nations to resort to the only home-grown deterrence that made anyone sit up. Wellstone had only done what the American people asked him to do, but now the American people realised that maybe they’d been a little too hands-off, now that nuclear states were popping up all over the world, especially in the more dangerous locations. Wellstone’s already troubled term would see him pounded day and night by Republicans for not being strong enough. The contours of the next global standoff were already taking shape - the one we still find ourselves in today.



[1] OTL, believe it or not
 
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Sun and Moon
Sun and Moon

Extract from ‘The Second Korean War: The Key to Understanding the War on Terror’ by Bosun Choi


Sitting solemnly in a chair, contemptuously staring down every photographer looking in his direction behind plexiglass, Kim Jong Il would make the judge wait ten seconds from asking for his plea to finally answer, “Not guilty.” From that point on, for the whole trial, Kim would seemingly always carry an air of boredom during the trial. The talk of the mass child abductions, the sanctioning of mass executions, the death tolls in the millions, for each atrocity and its every abominable detail, Kim would not betray a flash, hint or even a possibility of remorse. Symbolically starting proceedings on the 29th of June 2009, the seven year anniversary of the invasion, Kim and only Kim would be the star of the show. His subordinates were either dead or imprisoned themselves, his empire was gone, his monuments existing now only in museums to be cursed at by current and future generations. The world Kim had built for himself had vanished, and now the reckoning for not just the war, not just his rule, but his whole life had come. As one South Korean politician noted, “It is not the actions of a regime that finally condemns it - it is that they finally fall. Stalin, Mao, Chinngis and Timur - though they killed millions, their legacy survived and they escaped true karma. Hitler, Pol Pot, these men fell to enemy hands, their legacy erased in the lands they lost, it is to these men that karma made manifest. And to that squalid band, we are glad to send Kim and Juche.”

Among the most impactful witness testimonies during the trial was from Kim Hyon-hui, the agent who had helped blow up Korean Airlines 858 under Kim’s orders. The only moment Kim showed flashes of anger was when Kim Yong Ju (Kim’s uncle and brother of Kim Il Sung) took the stand, having already been sentenced to life imprisonment. He went on to confirm that Kim had murdered a child when he was still a child himself, and that he had been born not in Korea but in the Soviet Union. Kim would fire back from behind the plexiglass that his uncle was simply jealous that he was passed up for leadership by his father, leading to his having to be handcuffed into his chair. Also confronting Kim was Hwang Jang-yop, North Korea’s highest-ranking defector, who fled back in 1997 and was credited with crafting Juche as an ideology, hence the Washington Post’s description of him as the Goebbels of North Korea. Hwang reminded the jury that Kim was not simply in violation of international law during his tyranny, but he had violated the rights laid out even in the North Korean constitution. Kim’s chef was called in to detail the dictator’s eating habits during the great famine and his knowledge of events outside along with his indifference to solving it. And of course, the Korean War itself was mentioned, with witness testimony from the Rape of Paju, testimonies of young adults who were children when they were abducted at gun point and sent to North Korean concentration camps, testimonies of South Korean soldiers who found the mass graves dating back decades from when his father sank his talons into Korea’s flesh, and the word of North Korean soldiers who deployed chemical weapons indiscriminately, with no care for even the North Korean civilians who would be affected.

It was not a complete recall of his crimes, as some people in this world have simply committed so many that a whole second life could pass by recounting the sins of the first. But it did to the Second Korean War what Eichmann did for the Holocaust. Until then, Western media that focussed on the War on Terror overwhelmingly focussed on Iran, very often due to the fact both more Americans served there. But in the early 2010s, this shifted profoundly to focussing on the Korean War to the exclusion of all else. This phenomenon dovetailed with increasing security fears of Western populations that democracy was retreating in the face of dictatorship in Europe and beyond, and led to a reevaluation of the War on Terror, minimising its mistakes and praising its toppling of the great dictatorships of the day. With the growth of Asian media in the West in the 2010s, the experiences of Koreans and Japanese who were affected by the war came to the fore. In a recent study of films about the War on Terror created by Hollywood, 60% were focussed primarily on the Korean front, 35% on Iran and only 5% on Iraq, which has increasingly been referred to as ‘The Forgotten Front’ similar to Burma in WW2. The cultural ramifications would manifest into political decisions as well.

The most important thing about the event was the impact that the trial had on Korean society. Many photographers in Seoul would get their greatest shots not even necessarily from the trial itself, but from late night bars and canteens, of South Koreans and North Koreans, sitting shoulder to shoulder, silently watching in quiet union. For many South Koreans, it was necessary to separate their feelings of Kim from North Koreans, which the trial helped to do. The trial highlighted North Korean dissent, suffering, and agency in a way that had previously been ignored by South Korean media in the rage of the initial attack. South Koreans, coupled with the need to show a united front against China, slowly began releasing their hatred of their northern neighbours. South Koreans began to increasingly support granting citizenship pathways to North Korean citizens, but now an increasing issue was popping up. The mainstream Korean Right, highly influenced by the Chaebols, did not want to surrender the immense economic potential of the North as a colony due to the ability to pay less wages for a highly educated workforce. At the same time, the dormant Korean Left grew increasingly cognizant that an ascension of North Korea into the Republic of Korea would lead to an extra ten million voters for the real winners of the rehabilitation of North Korea: the Unification Party and Church. Once dismissed as naive for their North Korea policy, the party rode the zeitgeist to become an increasingly popular presence inside the ROK.

In 2012, Unification Party was third place in the Parliamentary elections, wielding political power that was previously unfathomable. Most of the Party’s voters were not members of the Church, but felt the Church was vindicated in their treatment of North Koreans and for their strong position on China. In 2018, after having pushed long enough to get what they want, the ROK officially announced a pathway to citizenship for all North Korean citizens, and the incorporation of the territory north of the old DMZ into official Korean provinces. Though Sun Myung Moon himself would die in 2012, his party has since been taken over by his youngest son and current South Korean President, the firebrand Hyung Jin Moon, who has increasingly adopted policy platforms associated with the American Republican Party on gun ownership (which he interprets as a Biblical command), gay rights, and abortion. He was brought to power in the Presidential election of 2022 on a wave of support from newly enfranchised North Koreans (an event jokingly referred to as 'The Lunar Eclipse' to try to downplay people's concerns), who have turned the cult from a once declining group of weirdos to having taken over one of the most powerful countries on Earth along with its nuclear weapons. Many worry now if the Moonies can be trusted with nuclear weapons, and hope they are simply in it for the money and corruption over the fanaticism.Unfortunately, only time will tell. President Moon leads a country that is roughly two thirds Christian and about 25% adherent to the Unification Church, however the Moonies have an extremely high fertility rate of on average three or four children, something that greatly outpaces the stagnant birth rate of other Koreans. Many demographers predict that the Moonies may become a demographic majority of Korea in a few decades, the ramifications of which Korean society is still not sure how to grapple with. Finally alert to the threat, the remaining political parties have combined their political resources to try and contain the Church’s influence, but the Church has made many allies due to its alliance with the American Republicans, Japanese LDP and Israeli Likud Party, making international condemnation that wouldn’t be dismissed as partisan sour grapes unlikely. While the Church is only tentatively beginning its steps to ‘Christianise’ Korea, Korea remains a very de facto secular country with love hotels, a globally popular webcomic industry and a globally popular rock music scene. It remains to be seen whether these will still be pronounced in the coming decades.

It’s doubtful, of course, that Kim Jong-Il was thinking about anything that far into the future, as he blankly accepted his death sentence without saying a word. While he may have attempted to show strength, to most observers it simply came off as indifference. When he was sent to the hangman on the night of May 4th 2011 - a date chosen since Children’s Day was May 5th, and the symbolism of South Korean children never having to fear him again was potent. Kim’s reported last words were, “You can kill me, but Korea’s already dead.” In a clean, swift motion considered by many Koreans too lenient for the things he did, the most infamous killer of the 21st Century joined Hitler, Stalin and Mao in Hell. His body was incinerated and the ashes thrown into the Han River in sight of Seoul, so that his ashes would dissipate in the sight of the bright lights of the city he almost destroyed. His monuments in North Korea are gone, including on the Chinese side. While some places are nostalgic for their old dictators, North Korea is very much not one of these places. To simply own a portrait of Kim or create a ‘complementary statue’ is illegal in the ROK, with the law overwhelmingly supported by the North. As North Koreans slowly entered the ROK’s workforce, North Korean writers and artists began telling their stories of the nightmare they had survived in the decades prior.

The only place in Korea that still has portraits of Kim is the Pyongyang Exclusion Zone, sealed behind a wall and only recently opened in limited capacities to the more daring of foreign tourists, often by helicopter. Visitors are encouraged to leave everything untouched, to see the ruins that had become of the old regime, to see the odd Kim portrait daintily clinging to a rusting nail on a crumbled wall, and to ponder that somewhere beneath their feet at that very moment was the father of this madness himself - Kim Il-Sung. His body is somewhere there, likely decomposing along with whatever chemical gloop held it together. But his tomb is now inaccessible due to the WMD risk. Some fantasise of a great horde of wealth and gold resting there like Tutankhamun’s tomb, but that’s not the image that most Koreans think of. They like to think that somehow, the great writer of that calamity can look up from his tomb, through the miles of concrete and cement and see what has become of his city. To see the buildings, monuments and statues that he had so painstakingly overseen reduced to piles of broken stone and rubble. To see his empire shattered, his ideology defeated, to see his dream abandoned. This, most Koreans believe, would be a hell far more deserving, and far more torturous than any lake of fire.

The Kims represented one nightmarish version of Korea, now we just have to ensure Korea doesn’t become another, different kind of theocratic horror.



Extract from ‘The Rise, Fall, and Rise of Iran’ by Zoreh Rahimi

President Pahlavi would avail of only a single term, leaving power in 2009 and not contesting re-election. While it was a result of health concerns due to the immense stress of his role, Pahlavi had also set a precedent of not running for a second-term in Iran (despite a limit of two-terms placed in the constitution), as no one dared to exalt themself over the man who saved Iran from disintegration. It was widely anticipated that the Resurrectionists would win the election in 2009, but the world was surprised when it was the Tudeh Party that won the election under the newfound leadership of popular Iranian comic-writer Marjane Satrapi. Satrapi thus became the first female ruler of Iran in its history, considered a welcome rebuke to the era of the Ayatollah. While Pahlavi was still loved in Iran, his economic policies had brought great wealth inequality that brought further class division in the Iranian population, especially among the better-connected diaspora. The Tudehists would run with this in the campaign under the slogan, ‘Pahlavi made Iran rich, the Tudeh Party will make you rich’. While some hoped or worried Iran’s foreign policies would shift, they mostly would not. While the stated solution of the Tudehists to the Israel-Palestine dispute was a democratic one-state confederation, this didn’t stop them becoming Israel’s primary arms export destination. While they expressed concern at the BJP’s election in India, it didn’t stop them from accepting Indian investment in Tehran. But there was one country for whom the Tudehists hated with all their might, and it was one the Civil Service of Iran was more than happy to indulge in - Saudi Arabia.

The rapid return of Iran to prominence was a shock to the entire Gulf State ecosystem. Under Saudi guidance, the group had seen Iran effectively reduce Iraq to a vassal, seen by far the most secular Muslim nation in the Middle East come into being (making the Saudis look ever-more alien from the West they had to do business with), and saw their hopes of creating an Arab buffer on the side of the Persian Gulf go up in flames. Now, a confident Iran looked upon them with an urge for vengeance. Vengeance against the cruelty of Saudi and Emirati troops during the occupation, vengeance for their attempts to balkanise Iran, and vengeance for their enthusiastic support of Saddam back in the 1980s. The Saudis were seen by almost the entire Iranian population as the primary enemy of Iran, whether secular or religious, right wing or left. But the Tudehists had a more novel way of striking at the Gulf States than what the Resurrectionists had in mind. They wanted to strike them from below, specifically the underclass of the Arab world - the migrant workers oppressed under the Kafala system. The Kafala system had arranged for the transport of millions of migrant workers from the Indian subcontinent, working in slave-like conditions often for less pay than promised and after their passports were seized, trapping them in the country. This system had helped bring countries like the United Arab Emirates to near first-world status, albeit with dissimilar social practices. Sometimes 90% of these countries were foreign migrant labour with no pathways to citizenship while the small cadre of citizens repeat the bounteous harvests with some of the most expensive lifestyles on Earth.

In May 2010, inspired by Satrapi’s election in Iran and outraged by an attempt by the tech-illiterate Lebanese government to block Youtube to suppress information on the basis of upholding public morals (behind a state-sponsored paywall that you had to pay to lift), Lebanese protests rose up in what became known as ‘The Youtube Revolution’ to demand an end to the Sectarian clan system that ran Lebanon and for the French to leave. Lebanon’s unions played a powerful role in the organisation, with unprecedented turnout across all communities. Ultimately, that July, the Lebanese Parliament agreed to a Constitutional Convention to end the Sectarian system of control and revert to a majoritarian system with a secular government and guaranteed individual rights, in many ways inspired by Iran’s changes. Notably, inspired by the Rwandan constitution, parties were forbidden from ‘Dividing national communities against each other, or against the whole, and to run in the interest of one tribe or sect, instead of the Lebanese people as a whole’. It was a massive rebuke to the old system and flat-out illegalised multiple old parties who existed solely to represent their one sect. The French didn’t mind being told to go since they were set up in the Syrian desert to help stamp out Jihadists, and so the troops simply moved there. The Pan-Lebanon Front party, a left-wing democratic-socialist force, overwhelmingly won the first election owing to its relative organisation and its being considered the successor of the protest movement. Lebanon declared neutrality in Middle Eastern affairs and fancies itself as the Middle Eastern equivalent to Switzerland. With Iranian mediation, it recognised Israel in 2013 in return for favourable splits on natural gas found in contested maritime waters between the two countries, and has been in a cold peace ever since. Lebanon has since traded in and out different governments. The Pan-Lebanon Front was eventually voted and replaced with the more Right-wing ‘Lebanon People’s Party’, under veteran politician Rafic Hariri, who ran on turning Lebanon into a financial hub. Lebanon’s troubled past has finally calmed down, and the country seems to be on a healthy track for the future, at least as of time of writing. Hariri helped turn Lebanon into a tourist hotspot like it was before the Civil War, something easy to do when there were no sanctioned terror groups in the government. Lebanon has become the most secular Arab country and has become a number one tourist resort among Gulf Arabs, especially due to its legalised gambling and tolerance to other vices, despite frequent condemnations from those same states about Lebanon’s ‘degeneracy’. Lebanese people for the first time in decades can look forward to a future in which they have hope, something not the case for much of the world.

The Youtube Revolution sparked multiple major subsequent revolutions in the Middle East, but the two most notable would be the Egyptian Revolution and the Iranian-backed Qatari Worker Revolution and the Egyptian Revolution. The former resulted in the overthrow of long-term dictator Mubarak and the ushering of democratic elections in 2011, which would be won by the Muslim Brotherhood. Mohamad Morsi ran on an election platform of rescinding the Israeli-Egyptian peace treaty, something that caused terror in the halls of Western powers. However, upon election, while Morsi would take a tougher line with the West, he did not follow through on his promise to torpedo Sadat’s legacy. However, this was not enough for the military, who under the direction of General Sisi planned a coup to restore military rule. However, in the midst of implementation on March 2nd 2012, Morsi was accidentally killed, sparking a spontaneous uproar across Egypt that led to the coup being foiled on the streets of Cairo, albeit at a cost of more than a thousand dead a night of chaos. The streets of Egypt came out to resist the return of the army, who had been discredited due to their silent response to Israel’s annexation of the Jordan Valley. The army and remnants of the old regime fled to the Sinai Peninsula as a base of retreat. Ever since, Egypt has been split in two down the Suez Canal, with the Islamic Republic of Egypt under ‘Guided democracy’ to its west and the military dictatorship of the Arab Republic of Egypt on the east in Sinai, with the Canal itself frequently closed when tensions between the two parties rise.

The former is recognised as the legitimate Egyptian government by most of the world, including the Europeans (worried about the refugee waves if the Egyptian economy imploded) and the Gulf Monarchies, who are increasingly leaning into Sunni identitarianism to oppose Iran as long as the Islamists acknowledge their legitimacy in their own kingdoms. The Arab Republic of Egypt is supported primarily by the US while Israel supports Sisi's dictatorship despite their government not officially recognising Israel (while closely cooperating with them in an entirely PR-orchestrated move, whereas Cairo has long since torn up the Camp David Treaty). Among other supporters is the Gaddafi regime in Libya, whose movement to the West was consolidated due to French insistence. The French even went as far as to provide intelligence that helped put down a revolt in Libya, drawing mass outrage among elements of the French Left but earning a powerful ally in the process. Gaddafi, now increasingly senile, denounced the Muslim Brotherhood and cracked down even harder on Islamists. In 2013, he officially recognised Israel and cemented his legacy as one of the most complicated figures in Middle Eastern history. His regime continues through his son, leading a successful oil republic (the only one of its kind) on the back of Egyptian migrant labour to an eager European market while allowing French bases on the Egyptian border in case Cairo decides to launch an invasion. The Koreans have also proven big supporters for Sisi, specifically the Unification Church, who cooperated closely with the ‘Mount Sinai Movement’, a movement of Coptic Christians in Egypt to move to Sinai to attempt to turn Sinai into a country for Coptic Christians at the foot of the Biblical Mount Sinai. This is supported by Israel to make an organically stable ally on their border, while at the same time they are forced to dance with the Sisi military regime, which is utterly dependent on Israel despite his public distancing from the Jewish state. Roughly 30-40% of Sinai is Coptic owing to the slew of refugees from west of the Suez, but many Coptics condemn the movement as disloyal to Egyptian identity. Actually, the fastest growing opposition movement in Cairo is not Pro-Sisi or Coptic, but Pharonist, whose Egyptian nationalism is inspired by the secular nationalism of the Iranians.

Despite clickbait headlines from the likes of the Daily Mail that the Brotherhood intend to blow up the Sphinx and Pyramids, the Brotherhood have not touched the monuments as the country needs hard revenue to survive. The cutting of American support following the renunciation of the Camp David Treaty led to a terrible economic situation that Cairo is still reeling from. These monuments have served as the visual symbols of a rapidly secularising Egyptian youth, who look upon Kufu’s Pyramid, Karnak and Abu Simbel and wept to the depths of their souls at seeing the economic implosion, the hopelessness for their futures, to know they had once been so great but had fallen so far. This was the rebirth of the Pharonists, a secular nationalist movement that had been subsumed by Pan-Arabism in the 1950s but now brought back into the spotlight amidst some of the greatest turmoil in Egyptian history. With tourists to the great sites of Egypt now few and far between due to the turbulent relationship its government has with the West, Egyptians took the time to simply stare at these great accomplishments themselves, and to realise what they had always been capable of. They looked to the Iranians, and thought if one ancient civilization could do it, why not them?

[...]​

The origins of the Qatari Worker Revolution were, of all things, a dispute over the hosting of the 2022 World Cup. Iran, wanting to show the world how far they had come, proudly put in a bid for the event which they wanted to become their version of the 1964 Tokyo Olympics. The bid was endorsed by the US team and many European countries. The final two countries in the running were Iran and Qatar, with Iran arguing that the World Cup could actually be held in Summer while Qatar admitting that the tournament would probably have to be in Winter but having enough money to sway the notoriously corrupt officials who worked in FIFA. Iran protested, on the basis that Qatari work conditions would lead to the deaths of hundreds of migrant workers if the construction projects went ahead down there, to which FIFA officials reportedly said, “If the World Cup Final was played in a stadium literally made from the workers’ bones, the crowd would be taking skulls home as souvenirs.” However, there was one method Iran had left, and that was to petition the workers of Qatar themself.

The Iranian intelligence services had done a good job in helping to set up covert unions across the Persian Gulf, monitoring and reporting on abuse by employers against the migrant workers, often with help from India where many of the migrants came from. The reason the workers seemingly took so much from the employers was that many were in debt to loan sharks at home, or similarly had extremely poor families whose security would be vulnerable with even a single week’s missed pay. And so, the Iranians managed to set up a compensation fund to the workers that would guarantee payments to their families even in the event of revolutionary chaos in the Gulf state. The Qataris assumed that due to their relative neutrality that the Iranians had no interest in setting up such a system in their own turf, but Iran did not view the suffering under the Kafala System there as anything separate from its results in the Emirates or Saudi Arabia. That’s why the Qataris were blindsided when what appeared to be a regular workplace accident resulting in five deaths on August 17th 2010 resulted in hundreds of thousands of workers throwing down their tools. Everyday life in Doha stopped - the airport, port and all forms of civil engineering suddenly ceased. Panicking, the Qataris sent the police and army to quickly arrest the leaders of the strike movement, before they were often simply shot attempting to break into the compounds. As roughly 80% of Qatar were migrant workers, this simply broke the Gulf economy, and it put the fear of God into the neighbouring states that something like this could happen where they lived. The Qatari migrant workers demanded among other things better living conditions, an end to the sexual abuse of female workers by their employers, and the right to keep their passport. To the Gulf states, this represented an existential threat to their economic development, and had to be stamped out as quickly as possible.

Thus, on August 19th, as cars of Qataris fled on one side of the road, columns of Saudi armed vehicles rode on the other side coming into Qatar. It was a desperate, last ditch manoeuvre which effectively led to Qatar’s diplomatic capitulation to Riyadh and its reduction to a puppet state, but it was the only choice they had if they wanted Qatar to still exist the next week. The Saudi army rode into Doha with American weapons and began one of the most appalling massacres of the 21st Century, mowing down scores of migrant workers indiscriminately, barely a fraction of whom were armed. The official death toll stood at 538, according to Saudi authorities, but based on the amount of trucks used to transport and dispose of the corpses, some believe the real figure to have been in the five figure range. It was, without comparison, the worst case of strike-breaking in history. But it also achieved what it wanted. On August 25th, the Saudis announced that operations had been ‘completed’ and that work would resume on September 1st. It worked, and on September 1st, workers with cold sweat returned to their posts in a country now occupied by the Saudi military for an ‘indefinite period’. While mostly some changes were made to increase worker safety, the impact of the Doha Massacre that had crushed the worker’s uprising, would be most acutely felt around the world.

Western relations with Saudi Arabia plummeted, and President Wellstone scored a rare PR win in foreign policy over the usually hawkish Republicans by passing a bill suspending arms sales to Saudi Arabia and the Emirates (whose troops assisted) and adopting a much more Anti-Saudi stance, especially given women’s rights. With the massacre of so many of their citizens, Indian and Saudi relations fell to their lowest point in history, while Iranian and Indian cooperation grew exponentially. Iran’s oil industry could now barely keep up with the demand from the subcontinent, and from the Europeans who were eager for respectable partners in the aftermath of Russia’s actions in Ukraine. Iranian oil production reached heights that even the 1970s could only have dreamed of, as their relatively stable domestic market made them a far more attractive place to invest than the Gulf monarchies which had been shown to have revolutionary discontent within them. However, some criticised Iran for these actions, arguing they tricked the Qatari migrant workers and ended up getting them killed to further their geopolitical ambitions. On the flip-side, Russia and China would defend Saudi actions, arguing that the internationally recognised government of Qatar was simply crushing a violent ‘revolution of foreigners.’ In thanks, the Sauds would sign a deal with China in 2012 that would further cement the Asian giant as the country’s biggest and friendliest export market. But while this was a positive development for the Gulf States in terms of finding international partners and support, they also had to accept some hits.

Even an organisation as corrupt as FIFA couldn’t ignore the massacre, and had to give the 2022 World Cup hosting rights to Iran. The Gulf states boycotted the event, something the Iranians laughed as unnecessary since they probably couldn’t qualify anyway. Despite Iran’s boasts of workers rights, its stadium construction would use massive pools of illegal migrant labour from Iraq who were escaping the corruption and instability to create a better life in the economic stability of its neighbour. However, in contrast to a hypothetical Qatar event, the show proceeded smoothly, with female and gay fans not having to suffer state-sanctioned indignities during their stay. While Iran celebrated a scrappy second place finish in their group that ultimately saw them beaten in the first knockout round, not only was that the first time they had left the group stages, but the whole tournament had been an unprecedented show of survival and strength. That twenty years ago, bombs rained down above those very stadiums, buildings turned to rubble, and it seemed Iran was finished. Now in 2022, Iran can look back at those horrors and realise how far they’ve come from those dark days, both the dictatorship and the war. While the thought of mandatory veils, repression and execution of homosexuals feels like a different world to the streets of Iran today, it was through their strength, faith and tenacity that they had pulled themselves out of the rubble and among the stars. It was no less than what they deserved. The Iranian people are at the forefront of the world again, as they always should have been.

 
The Return of the King
The Return of the King

Extract from 'Here We Go Again': How the Battle Lines of the Second Cold War Were Drawn' by Jonathon Brando


The new security order in Europe was upheld in 2010, when Yanukovych, now increasingly reduced to even more of a Russian puppet than he already was, won his election with a Belarussian-style vote-fixing to ensure his victory. It was a sad confirmation of Ukraine’s fate, and would only fuel the Kremlin’s urge to push their luck yet further. On February 5th 2010, Russian troops merged at the border of Transnistria in Moldova, declaring that they would no longer accept the ‘Suppression of the Russian people’. Moldova, which had for so long clung to its neutrality to protect itself, realised the limits of such declarations in the face of dictators. On February 6th, Moldova simultaneously allowed the entrance of Russian troops into the already friendly and separatist-run government of Transnistria, as well as allowing Romanian troops into the rest of Moldova over fears that Russia would simply grab the whole lot. Not wanting to get into a shooting contest with a NATO country, Russia simply declared their incorporation of Transnistria into the Russian Federation as an isolated oblast like Kaliningrad, though one with a puppet Ukraine in the middle. Concurrently, Moldova would announce that it would seek merger with Romania pending a referendum victory on the subject, seeing as neutrality had failed and there was seen as having no benefit in remaining separate from the Romanian whole. In the subsequent referendum that May, Moldovans voted 70-30 to join Romania, though severe anger arose from the Gagauz people, a Turkic ethnic group in Moldova who were sympathetic to Moscow and had just lost their hard won autonomy rights as Romania refused to countenance regionalism in their constitution. However, without recourse or much international sympathy, they would ultimately become a looked-down-on minority from inside Romania.

One other European Muslim ethnic group that had encountered issues were the Kosovars. They had unilaterally declared independence in 2008 after NATO intervention had prevented a planned genocide taking place at the hands of the Serbian government. However, President Wellstone refused to recognise Kosovo Independence since it would be a technical violation of international laws and norms - one could not simply recognise a unilateral secession anymore than Texas could just declare they were leaving the Union one day - and Wellstone was not interested in the Americans throwing international law by the wayside again. Without America’s blessing, only Turkey, Albania and a handful of mostly secular Muslim countries recognised the new country, which remains in a state of international limbo to this day. Serbia by contrast moved closer to Russia following the takeover of Ukraine, though they knew they could ultimately do nothing against the NATO presence in Kosovo.

The last bit of Russian-inspired border changes came about in South Ossetia. Following the 2008 war, Georgia had been left in limbo with two self-declared independent states. However, eager not to set a bad example with the US having just rejected the principle of unilateral secession, Russia would resist calls in the breakoff regions to be recognised as states. However, following the taking of Transnistria, Russia instead announced that March that it would incorporate South Ossetia into the North Ossetian republic within the Russian Federation, annexing the territory in a move recognised not even by China. Abkhazia, the other breakaway republic, remains in limbo, although this is to ensure that if Georgia is ever at risk of joining NATO, the old conflict can come to life again. While Abkhazia does have Russian troops, it is also far more independently minded than the South Ossetians, and are not entirely comfortable with losing its last traces of independence.

And while not necessarily a border change, one decision that would prove deeply indicative of future changes in East Europe came with the aftermath of the 19th December 2010 Belarussian elections. Lukashenko had won in an obviously rigged fashion and this had led to scores of protests. However, things were thrown into chaos when the KGB building (Belarus not having changed the secret police’s name) in Minsk was destroyed by a truck bomb. This helped turn the protests violent, as protestors took the opportunity in the chaos. However, in the midst of all this, Russian troops along the border poured into the country, both to violently suppress the protestors and to take up stronger positions along the Polish-Lithuanian border. Russia announced that they had discovered a Polish plan to take advantage of the disruption and ‘annex’ Belarus. Tellingly, Lukashenko did not send out any message indicating his approval of the Russian intervention, although he would subsequently approve it as Russian troops began to hunker down in the country. With that, Russian troops now occupied both Belarus and Ukraine with significant collaborationist elements in both countries, mainly among older generations. The stars were aligning for Putin to announce what has put him in the running for the most influential man of the 21st Century.

[...]​

When it came to the leadership of Europe, in military terms the question had grown complicated. France and Poland had grown close by dint of being the two continental EU powers with nuclear weapons. France has embarked on multiple peacekeeping missions in Africa and the Middle East and has brought Polish troops along in an effort to beef up the eastern country’s military experience. Poland spends the most of any of the NATO countries as a percentage of GDP at 4.5%, with France still in the Top Five at 2.8%. Poland’s Intermarium Bloc in the EU Parliament (a combination of the Visegrad and Baltic groups) has made it the representative of the former Communist countries of Europe and among the most hawkish on foreign policy, especially with respect to Russia, something France in its newfound pride as a military power has encouraged. Germany’s influence in the EU began to slowly decline after the Ukrainian invasion due to the anger that many Germans felt towards Chancellor Schröder, who considered Putin to be his friend. Poland went as far as to try and seek criminal charges against Schröder. In 2010, Franz Josef Jung’s CDU came to lead a Coalition government, which while definitely more Anti-Russian than Schröder’s reign, was still considered a laggard on international affairs by East Europe. But it was simply a reflection of the hole Schröder had dug the country into. Coupled with Germany’s aggressive anti-nuclear policy pursued under the Schröder-Green Coalition, Russian natural gas was used to fictitiously reduce carbon emissions when in reality the emissions would obviously be happening in Russia, but it wouldn’t be on the books in Germany and would thus help meet some of the Green targets. As such Germany ended up spending a lot of money trying to dig themselves out of the dependency hole that they neglected much else. Germany’s sluggish growth led to talks of bailing out Greece falling through, and for Greece to return to the Drachma in 2012, and Italy returning to the Lira in 2013. Despite these changes, the EU would continue to function, and with the reliability of the US having been called into question in a dangerous world, would lead to the UK narrowly voting to stay inside the EU in a referendum on the issue in 2014.

Perhaps another reason for that was that on December 29th 2012, on the 90th anniversary of the formation of the Soviet Union, Vladimir Putin would announce (from Kiev) the creation of the ‘Union of Eastern Slavic Republics’ (UESR), an obvious play on the old USSR title, but devoid of any of the Socialist characteristics of the old regime. At its inception, it was essentially a slightly more powerful EU equivalent, and not even officially declared a state until 2019. Putin would declare himself both the President of the Union as well as President of Russia, and announce the creation of a special tri-union assembly with veto power allotted to the President of each individual state to halt laws (though of course in practice it was a smokescreen for the Russian President getting everything he wanted and the Belarusian or Ukrainian President acting out of turn would have meant a very sudden trip out the window).

The move sent Putin’s approval rating up to 95% in even the opposition’s polling, as it was seen as having finally put the shame and hopelessness that Russians felt after the Yeltsin years to bed. With a feared army, a strong economy and allies in all the Anti-American parts of the world, the UESR would begin its existence as one of the pre-eminent global powers, ignorantly adored by the western Far Left and Right for its chameleon-like policies but its consistent denunciation of the West as the perverter and exploiter of the world. On January 19th 2013, just one day before the Presidential inauguration, Putin and Xi went to Almaty in Kazakhstan to sign the military agreement known as the ‘Eurasian Partnership’, an open military-alliance that flipped international affairs upside down. This alliance group has since become known as ‘The Partnership’, to whom multiple allies have joined since, including the Central Asian Republics. While it's generally known in America as ‘The Third Axis’ after the original Axis of World War Two and the ‘Axis of Evil’ in the War on Terror, this is certainly an economically and militarily unrivalled group compared to the previous iterations. As mankind grapples with the Second Cold War, one dominated not by economic but political ideology, one wonders if the defeated parties of the first Cold War are in any mood to give up soon.


Excerpt from President Putin’s New Year’s Address 2013

"My fellow Russians, Belarussians, Ukrainians, Slavs no, you are not dreaming. You are celebrating the first New Year’s in twenty years as one united family. A family that has been ripped apart many times in the past, but one that always comes together in the end. While this new Union will not mean the end of Ukraine, Belarus, nor even the Russian Federation, it does mean an end to many things. It means an end to VISAS that divide families. An end to the barriers that block economic developments across our borders. An end to hateful division by those who sow separation among brothers. An end to the Slavic people being left to perish in what the West called ‘The Ash Heap of History’. We were treated worse than the Germans were after World War Two, turned into a devastated wasteland of poverty, destitution and hopelessness. They thought we were finished, and that our future was to be yet another outpost of a Western empire on its final collision course with China. But they were wrong. They underestimated the strength, conviction and wisdom of the Slavic people. They thought we could be bought off by trinkets, that we would put money before honour, that we would ever kneel to foreign powers. We did not kneel to Napoleon, to Hitler, and we will not kneel now to Western imperialism. Neither divided, and especially not united.

"This will be a union based upon the strengths of our people, not the failures of foreign ideologies. It will be based on our shared history, our shared religion, our shared language. We are one people, united by the certainty that we have been born in service of a great mission. To be the Third Rome, to be the defender of what is good and just in the world. To be among the highest echelon of nations, as we always have been, from Peter the Great to Gagarin, Pushkin to Pasternak, Nevsky to Zhukov. These are our ancestors, our heroes, who made us the greatest country on Earth, and we will be again. United in the service of Slavic Civilisation, not to destroy the West but merely to rebuke it. To create a Union that will outlast the Soviet Union, and lead the Russian people and all the world into the 21st Century.

"To my fellow Slavs who remember those dark days of the 1990s, remember this: those days are banished. The separation is over - we will be prosperous, united, and invincible."


Excerpt from ‘Broken Dreams: How the War on Terror Changed America’ by Linda Reins


The Wellstone Administration could scarcely have had a worse beginning to its second term. John Edwards, the vice-president, was outed as cheating on his cancer-diagnosed wife as well as impregnating another woman before covering it up with campaign funds. In one move, as Wellstone recalled, “I began the longest lame-duck term in American political history.” Despite Wellstone not being connected to the scandal directly, his popularity cratered. In addition to the foreign policy setbacks that America experienced For the 2010 midterms, the Republicans won veto-proof majorities in both House and Senate. The Republicans rejoiced, feeling their victory in the 2012 Presidential elections was now inevitable, but a look under the bonnet revealed extreme issues within the Republican Party about who would take over. Mitt Romney refused to run again, Rudy Giulliani’s abortion beliefs were even more unpalatable to an increasingly hardline party, and a shambolic campaign by Newt Gingrich became fodder for every late night host in the country. Ultimately, the one who led the pack was the one who had been on TV the most in the intervening years, and in many voters’ minds was associated with hammering Wellstone on his weakest point - foreign policy. As any fool could now see the darkening clouds over the world, Americans began to fear that the world was at risk of collapse at the hands of the seemingly insatiable dictatorships, not to mention the chaos in the Middle East. The man who ran away with the Republican field would be one John McCain.

But there was a problem - McCain was about 76 years old, about as old as Ronald Reagan was when he left office. However, perhaps motivated by the credibility he had among America’s allies due to his forcefulness and full-throated support of the War on Terror even in its least popular days, many Republicans saw a McCain Presidency as the antidote to the chaos that had overtaken the world. McCain tirelessly campaigned to prove his health was up to snuff, eventually winning the delegate race in May when his nearest opponent Sarah Palin finally surrendered. With that, it seemed like the Republicans were about to unite and clear Wellstone’s legacy from the White House. And then, all of a sudden, John McCain fell to the ground from a heart attack.

Though he survived, any talk of putting him on the ballot was done. This left the question, however, to whom would McCain’s delegates go to. Ultimately, the Republican field had been rather weak, and none of the candidates was inspiring much enthusiasm except the ones that would easily be defeated by a strong Democrat challenger. Thus as the Republican Convention was held in Miami, no one was really sure who was going to walk out the candidate. It was here that the ‘smoke filled room’ would make its comeback, dictating the bitter infighting within the Republican party between libertarians, hawks, moral-majoritarians and the like. Again and again the ballots were called, but no one could come to a winner. Then one member of the team decided to make a call that no one expected, leading to a decision that no one expected, leading to a walkout on the campaign stage that no one expected. Out onto the stage of the Republican Convention walked someone no one expected to see ever again, the man who authored the greatest political comeback in American history. It was George Bush Jr.

While he liked his life as a local preacher, Bush, like many Americans, had grown anxious of the growing clouds of uncertainty around the world. This circumstance managed to greatly reverse many Americans' opinions of the man, as interviews from people like Colin Powell had managed to generally saddle Cheney and Rumsfeld with blame for the worst aspects of the War on Terror. Many Americans now yearned for a ‘tough’ leader like Bush, even though many more argued they were only in the current circumstances because of him. Bush then saw the abduction of Kim and ultimate trial, and felt even more sure that his prayers had been answered by God than before. But it wasn’t until he met fellow Texan boxer George Foreman of all people at a community fundraiser that Bush began to think about a return to political life. Foreman had famously been a world-beating heavyweight but left under the weight of his demons to become a preacher, before once again lacing up the gloves as an entirely different human being and winning the world championship again at the age of 45. Foreman joked that maybe Bush could one up him in terms of comebacks by having another go at the presidency, to which Bush laughed while silently wondering. But he didn’t have to wonder when the RNC gave him a call to almost beg him to take the candidacy slot in a Hail Mary Party-unity slot. Bush agreed, if he could suggest a Vice-President, who was ultimately accepted. As a result, Condoleeza Rice would be his Vice-Presidential candidate.

Bush’s return to a presidential ticket caused shockwaves around the world. Some, like Korea and East Europe, were happy as they saw him as more reliable, while others, like France and Germany, were not happy at all. And in Iran and Iraq, the news was met with icy silence. In America, political divisions intensified between liberals who feared Bush would start WW3 and Conservatives who felt Bush would stop America’s ‘global retreat’, while correspondingly either fearing gutted social programs to fund tax cuts to the rich on one end or hoping to undo ‘Wellstone’s socialist agenda’ on the other. Bush would renounce the ‘Neocon’ foreign policy mindset and instead embrace a ‘Reaganite Policy’ of strong but limited intervention and a clear idealistic agenda separate from a Nixonian or Kissingerian Realpolitik. Bush’s opponent would be Vice-President Hillary Clinton, who had assumed the job following the political disgrace of John Edwards. Clinton had to fight a brutal campaign inside the Democrat Party with Bernie Sanders, who was seen as the heir to the Wellstone-wing of the Democrats. This marked Bush’s second election against a Vice-President, but this time at least, he would (narrowly) win the popular vote, and pull off what only Grover Cleveland had done before and become the first non-consecutive two-term President in over one hundred years. Many blamed the close election defeat for the Democrats on China’s occupation of Hong Kong in October as tanking support for Wellstone by reminding the world of his administration’s inability to combat the spread of dictatorship. Many even suspect that China deliberately sank Hilary’s candidacy as Bush would prove so internationally unpopular that it would consolidate support to Beijing, but whatever the case, the Bush-Rice ticket had pulled off one of the biggest election shockers in history.

That Inauguration Day, once-more President Bush would officially end the ‘Break from History’ and confirm the Second Cold War.


Excerpt from George W. Bush's Second Inaugural Address

“My fellow Americans, it says in the Book of Psalms that God has appointed a time for all things. A time to be born, to fall in love, to marry, to pass on. There are times in a man’s life, when he has to do things he does not want to do, maybe even scared to do, but things he has to do nonetheless. We find ourselves in that world today. We find ourselves in a Second Cold War, against a ruthless KGB colonel, who refused to accept the Fall of the Berlin Wall, the Fall of the Evil Empire. Whose dreams of restoring the Soviet Empire risk annihilating the prosperous democracies that have risen from the ashes of tyranny. It is allied to a China that thinks that the First Cold War never ended, who occupies sovereign Korean territory after expelling its inhabitants, who threatens to turn all of East Asia into their submissive vassals. They find, around the world, allies to their cause. Their cause of fighting, subverting, and ultimately to destroy freedom. For years, their forces have grown stronger, mistaking our graciousness for weakness, our kindness for cowardice, and our setbacks for defeat. This Third Axis will stop at nothing less than the end of human flourishing and freedom, an end to civilisation as we know it.

"But while they are strong, we are stronger still. We have allies, strong allies. Allies like Japan, Germany, Israel, Iran, Korea, Poland, those whose peoples have known life under sadistic tyrants, and know why liberty is so irreplaceable. While tyranny may have its moments, it never has its triumph. The Nazis and Fascists ruled almost all of Europe for a time, until they were destroyed. Communism ruled over a third of the world, until it fell to the ovation of millions. And so shall this Third Axis, with the grace of God, meet the judgement it so richly deserves. Their lust for power will never match our love for freedom. Their desire for control will never defeat our desire for liberty. Liberty is not something only for Americans, or Europeans. It’s the right of every human being on every corner of this world, endowed by their creator with rights that tyrants may deny, but cannot erase.

"My Fellow Americans, in these uncertain times, I ask you to remember that Christmas Day in Iran. I ask you to remember the friendship, comradery and connection that our boys felt with theirs. That despite living all their lives under the brutal regime of the Ayatollah, that across continents, languages and religion, the love of life and liberty existed as firmly in their hearts as it did ours. That is what we are fighting for - we are fighting for the survival of the things we love. As God loved us, so must we love our fellow man. So must we win this Second Cold War against the forces of evil, and as long as there is strength in our body, love in our heart, and faith in our God, evil can never win. Thank you.”


Excerpt from ‘They’ll Hear From All of Us Soon’ by John Horowitz

Many rejoiced that America had regained credibility in its ‘toughness’ due to Bush’s re-election. Others feared that Bush’s re-election would simply continue the trends his first term had arguably created. The suspicion of the West that Russia and China had experienced during the War on Terror had arguably led to the creation of the Second Cold War in itself, with the ‘Eurasian Partnership’ now solidifying their alliance with the Gulf States under Saudi Arabia, with talk of formally joining the alliance due to anger over Israel’s annexation of the Jordan Valley having seemingly broken the peace process for the foreseeable future. And then there was a third position, that Bush had indeed been the author of much of this calamity. He had indeed forced the dictatorships to circle the wagons and rejuvenated their sense of purpose, but he was also the only guy who could get the world out of the mess he dragged it into. A controversial belief to be sure, but not one without high-profile defenders.

Concurrently, history has grown increasingly positive of Wellstone, and ultimately attributes most of his foreign policy mistakes merely on following the caprices of the American population at large. While he accomplished a lot in his first term, he would ultimately become a second coming of Carter, liked without being respected by a large portion of the country. In many ways Wellstone was ahead of his time on many measures, such as gay marriage, health initiatives and the like, but the thing about such men is naturally that they are only truly appreciated later. At first, America thought it could utilise the great ‘Break from History’ as the break period between the Cold Wars became known to destroy the worst dictatorships on Earth, only to realise that it made more enemies than it defeated. Then America wanted to retreat from the world, only to realise a world that it retreated from ironically became even more dangerous, including for itself. In bouncing between extremes, America has finally found peace in the middle, back to its old job as the arsenal of democracy.

Many argue that the Second Cold War was caused by the War on Terror, and that as a result mankind was pulled from the Pre-9/11 Eden and returned to the dire pits of conflict, but this is to ignore a more fundamental truth of life and of human history. The peace dividend after the Cold War was not normal, and for many parts of the world from Yugoslavia to Rwanda there was no ‘peace’ to begin with. War is not an unthinkable anomaly, for mankind’s history it has been as normal as the air it breathed and the water it drank. War is human nature, and as long as humans exist war is always only a space of time away. To create a world without war is the impossible dream, but it is dreams that motivate men to do outstanding feats of achievement. And to have an impossible dream means that those efforts will simply go on forever without end, the distant Eden, the shining city upon the hill.

And so, once more, mankind stares down the nuclear barrel. For half a century, somehow, some way, the two superpowers have resisted every urge, fixed every bug, and averted every catastrophe that nuclear weapons could unleash. There is no guarantee, however, that we will live to see an end to the Second Cold War, either by time or by apocalypse. There was no guarantee the first time either, but somehow we made it. Will the current and future leaders of the world heed the wisdom of their predecessors, and regardless of all else, come out of this standoff with our cities standing, our nations unblemished, our children alive? No matter how much we may want to know that question, no man can answer, and God is as silent as ever. As for us as historians, we know only one thing for sure from history: that given enough time, nothing is for sure.


The End
 
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