@ImperialxWarlord (#2,637) @SkywalkerT65 @Icedaemon (#2,642) - I genuinely thank you for the constructive criticism, and for the overall support. I'm very much concerned about revising parts of the story/TL sometime in the future, and the weak links are by certain the passages I intend to overhaul. Skywalker is actually correct when he says that the wrap-up conclusion was rushed. Indeed it was very anticlimactic, and I think it is worthy of being better described and worked out. I'm thinking that some previous chapters must be retconned to at least present the Almohads before they actually intervene.

@ImperatorAlexander @Namayan - The ERE is by far more powerful and resourceful, if, barring the demographic advantage and the economic base, by their organization as a state, which the Outremer lacks, originated as it was from a largely feudal framework. This is bound to change, of course, because some degree of centralization will be necessary to rule over a territory encompassing most of the Levant and Egypt.

As for the posts after #2,641, readers raised very good points (@galileo-034 @Icedaemon @St. Just @ImperialxWarlord @Pergington @Gloss @X Oristos @Lascaris). I confess its not in my plans to see a full-fledged war between the Franks and the ERE for the time being. There will, however, be rough patches in their relationship, which, in time, might become increasingly more complicated. But in spite of their unruliness, the Levantine Franks are not an existential threat to the ERE, not even if they actually hold Egypt; on the contrary, they should be an useful asset, and the Byzantines are more than familiar with dealing with sudden changes of geopolitical status quo. As we previously discussed, the cultural and political divergences in the relations between Constantinople and the other European nations mean that an OTL Fourth Crusade scenario is very much out of the realm of possibility.

@Lascaris (#2,655) - Good question about the Sicilian succession. I'll be working this out later on, but I'm thinking of having the Hautevilles surviving as a dynasty in Sicily for a few generations more. Having them "out" of the HRE is an interesting possibility, because they remain a relevant actor in the Italian geopolitics.

@X Oristos (#2,657) - Thanks for the informative input too. I'm familiar with Laiou's book, but the second source you cited is new to me, I'll check it out, because its an interesting divergence.

@TickTock The Witch's Dead - 1. You are right about the Copts, they surely will be important middlemen to facilitate rule by the Catholic Franks;
2. Certainly they can do the same for the Shias as well. They are doing the same in Syria, after all, where there are localized Shiite communities which are sometimes propped up against the Sunnis. Overall, I think the Islamic denominations, in spite of the impossibility of conciliation, will be more amiable to one another in the event of a Crusader rule of Egypt, because the rulers are foreigners and infidels;
3. For this point, I think that X Oristos said it very well in the post below. The problem is getting to the Nile Delta, but once it is submitted, and then Cairo, the rest of Egypt is fairly more open to military occupation. It happened many times, since Antiquity, in fact, by invaders coming from Asia (the Arabs included!), and by the Fatimids themselves, when they came from Tunisia. The big problem, in-TL, will be taking Cairo, which, by now, became a formidable stronghold.
4. That's a very broad question. England so far is similar to OTL, but with the House of Normandy still in power, and they control Normandy proper, but the Angevin inheritance is butterflied away. France is also fairly similar, but with a more aggressive monarch compared to OTL Louis VII;
5. Complete or massive conversion of the Turkish peoples is unlikely. By the late 12th Century, the Turks were fairly integrated into the Islamic world, differently from, say, the previous century, and excepting more opportunistic social-climbers, they won't be much interested in forsaking their religion, especially considering that there are a plethora of Turkic-dominated polities in the Near East everywhere else. On the contrary, the Islamic devotion will be another element of distinction of the now minority Turkish communities in eastern Anatolia.
 
I almost forgot to ask will the Lusignans be involved in Crusader politics like they were in OTL? I can imagine anyone from Europe making a name for themselves in the Levant in order to train, advance their careers, do their religious duty, or prove their worthiness in general.
 
@X Oristos (#2,657) - Thanks for the informative input too. I'm familiar with Laiou's book, but the second source you cited is new to me, I'll check it out, because its an interesting divergence.
Happy to help!

In the source it is stated that soon after silk production resumed in the two cities. What I consider more important is that this way (I think) there is no competitor for very expensive silk textiles. Also, we know that the market for these textiles was increasing both internally and in Europe. This way, the Byzantines can basically corner the market, as with no interruption due to sacking, the supply can keep with the demand. The market for the extra-fine textiles is certainly small, just courts and merchant -princes but lucrative.

I would like to point to a map at Laiou's book:
1624271936404.png

The mining resources of the Pontic Alps, Taurus and central Asia Minor are now secure from the common Turkoman raids. The mineral wealth of Anatolia can be properly exploited once more. Moreover, we have a pro-West emperor. There is the possibility that Saxon miners might be introduced to improve the mines, same as happened to multiple mining regions in southern and eastern Europe at the 13th-14th centuries.

The timing of the Komnenian Reconquista is very fortuitous. The demographic expansion that already taking place is enhanced by security of western and central Asia Minor and abundance of land. This development will lead to a much bigger economy, with greater demand and more secure supply. In my understanding, this will constitute a positive-feedback loop that will continue until one of the following takes place: catastrophic event (black death) or scarsity of resources vis-a-vis an increasing population. The latter condition seems far away since the turkoman invasions left eastern Asia Minor de-urbanized and the urbanization in northern Balkans is still in its early stage. Frankly portions of the hellenic region have just begun to show a dense pattern of settlement, so even the core of the empire is experiencing a demographic boom. So until the mid 14th century there will expansion- hello yersinia.

There is also another interesting passage in Laiou's work:
It is only in Aristotelian and legal commentaries of the twelfth century that the possibility of creating value through the investment of capital appears with any clarity, in advance of similar developments in Western Europe.
What I gather, is that there is a nation ideology that accepts investment of capital. To have an economic explosion, the OTL Empire needed two things: security in the core (the periphery of an empire is always contested) and an expanding population/ urbanization. A big internal market is important, because before the Modern Era, external trade constituted only a small part of a state's GDP.

Last but least, Laiou comments on lending:
Attitudes toward lending at interest show how non-economic factors can influence economic behavior and legislation. Both Byzantine and Western theologians opposed lending at interest, on similar religious arguments. But in Byzantium civil law prevailed, and as a result, interest-bearing loans were not forbidden to laymen except for a very brief period in the ninth century
The above in combination with my previous comments, shows the great potential of the 12th century byzantine economy. Lending at interest is secured by civil law something that western Europe lacked (with the obvious exception of the mercantile city-states).
 
My only question, however, is related to the actual power projection of the Capetians. Before Phillip Augustus, they seemed to be hard pressed to assert royal power in relation to the vassals. While this alternate Phillip is a capable monarch, he should have some constraints, and to get dukes such as Anjou, Aquitaine, Bourbon, etc, to get into the fight will demand negotiations and concessions. What do you think?
ou are very much correct about England as well, although I think they might have interest in remaining neutral in the actual war; in spite of the moral support they might give to the Blois, they don't have too actual stakes in the conflict.

I don't think that should be quite of an obstacle.

King Lothair did capture Aachen and sack the imperial palace there in 978, humiliating Otto II, and he was accompanied in this enterprise by the Robertians/Capetians, who were at the time the most unruly noble house of the kingdom (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Franco-German_war_of_978–980). And in 1124, the French nobility answered the call of Louis VI to assemble, yet at a time the Capetian monarchy was quite weak, in a display of unity that convinced Emperor Henry V to back down from a threat of invasion. So, I'm enclined to see in this the kings of France still commanded a large degree of moral authority.
Then, though I'm far from being knowledgeable on the subject so I can't really say for certain, there are the feudal duties pertaining to the hommage lige that didn't leave much room for maneuver. IOTL John I of England had his whole continental holding confiscated on the technicality he didn't comply with the King's summon to answer about his "abduction" of Isabella of Angoulesme (at least I understand the case itself wasn't properly adjudicated so it didn't formally pertain to the King's declaration of John's forfeit).

On the wider picture, that is a de facto a foreign war, even if I think the term is somewhat anachronistic by medieval standards of sovereignty and nationhood. It's the Emperor against France. For many, that would be a good outlet to internal feuds and private wars, like in prosecuting war close to home instead of almost a couple thousand leagues away in the Levant. To those interested in peculiar ways, that means potentially ransoms to be made from prisoners, loots, maybe even landholdings (from dispossessed Welf supporters). To others, that's the sense of feudal duty like I said above, the defense of the true papacy, etc. And at some point, when the fighting will spill into France proper, be it the Emperor invading through Ducal Burgundy or advancing on Paris after rolling through Flanders, that will become a war of defense.
In the detail:
  • It's very possible Brittany could sit this one out; not only has it no vested interests in the matter, but its legal status in relation to France has always been a fluctuating and unclear one since the 9th century and would remain so all the way to the late 14th century when the duchy firmly took the Valois' side in the Hundred Years War after the succession war. And that's not to mention it's at the crossroads of both France's and England's spheres.
  • The Angevins, the same house that would give the Plantagenets IOTL, were quite warlike it seems to me before even Henry II became king of England, and that showed off in the Levant too with one of them sitting for a time on the throne of Jerusalem. Britanny, Normandy and Aquitaine are all off touch to them for a reason or another, so they don't have lot of ways to let their fire out. Out of that perceived dynastic character, I'd see them actively pushing for war against the Welfs. Besides, they could be secretly (or not, that could be a marital alliance possibly) allied to the House of Toulouse if it means an alliance directed at undermining Aquitaine and opening some possibilities for Anjou to expand south of the Loire in conjunction to a Toulouse comeback.
  • Ducal Burgundy is under a cousin of the King, so it's safe to assume they will answer the call, especially if the Welfs invade.And on an other side, they stand to profit from the trade routes if Capetian influence expands into the Rhone valley.
  • Flanders and Champagne are bound by the same feudal duties, so they will have to send something, but I don't know them any defiance such as that of Aquitaine, and since they sit at the frontlines of the war, I don't see them having much choice but to wholeheartedly support the King. Plus, they might well be initially granted to keep the bulk of their strength to cover the border of the Lower Countries and Lorraine.
  • Even if England is not initially drawn into the war, the duchy of Normandy will have to, as it's in homage lige to the Capetians. I mind that wouldn't have meant much given the duchy long conflictual history with the Kings of France, but if England is now on peaceful and even friendly terms with France (how else could they have consented to aknowledge the Stephanese anti papacy?), I doubt they will renege on their feudal duty this time around, especially if they can help putting their cousin from Blois on the throne of Arles. If you need to further distinguish the two, you can still have the duchy of Normandy enfeoffed by the King of England to his heir, so that like the future Louis VIII trying to conquer the throne of England IOTL "without his father support", the heir to the English throne proves himself on a battlefield worthy the crown he'll one day wear. That's a good disguised way of intervening in the war while keeping the appearances of neutrality. But I guess at one point or another that they'll have to intervene formally if their commercial interests are threatened, like in the event of the Flemish towns, the biggest clients of their wool, are threatened. There is also the possibility that with this Anglo-French medieval entente of sorts, the Welfs ally with Scotland like France did OTL in a kind of Auld Alliance of their own, but that may be too soon maybe.
  • Aquitaine's case is as I said in a previous post precarious. They have no interest in helping the House of Toulouse and in the same time de facto reversing the legal precedent that gave them Toulouse. But if the King summons them to assemble in an ost, they won't have much of a choice since their homage is lige. Still, they can possibly do the least required and drag the feet somewhat (" it's a long way from Bordeaux, it's a long way to go, it's a long long way..." :biggrin:).
PS: Sorry, couldn't stop hearing the song in my head once I had this idea of possible excuse in the head :coldsweat::coldsweat:.
 
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The above in combination with my previous comments, shows the great potential of the 12th century byzantine economy.
So, in relation to the cost of Manuel wars in Egypt, the Balkans and Italy, it should be somewhat more bearable than the last post let suppose, right? I mean the implication of Manuel conceding too much exemptions to church and landowners to finance his war made me fear about potentially difficulties for the Imperial Treasury later in the century.
Logically, if by the last decades of the century, we have a booming economy as you describe, I guess revenue from taxes should rise significantly.
 
So, in relation to the cost of Manuel wars in Egypt, the Balkans and Italy, it should be somewhat more bearable than the last post let suppose, right? I mean the implication of Manuel conceding too much exemptions to church and landowners to finance his war made me fear about potentially difficulties for the Imperial Treasury later in the century.
Logically, if by the last decades of the century, we have a booming economy as you describe, I guess revenue from taxes should rise significantly.
I think so. TTL's Empire is better economically in every aspect: more silver mines, imperial stud farms in central Asia Minor, more taxes on Theban/Corinthian silk, more imperial estates in the eastern Asia Minor and Armenian Highlands, more trade, more agricultural production. A comparison to serve as an example: the Meander valley that produced large amounts of dried figs, raisins, silk cocoons (mulberry trees), wine and olive oil - all cash crops, was regularly raided by ghazis.With the border being hundreds of miles in the east, this region is bound to be more productive and yield more taxes to the imperial treasury. I mention specifically the Meander Valley because it was rich in cash crops and economically important from Antiquity until the Late Ottoman Era.

I mean even production of wool must have been substantially more: while we do not much on wool trade, the main sheep raising region of the eastern Mediterranean since antiquity was the central anatolia plateau.

The economy overall is much much healthier with resource availability going hand to hand with increasing demand.
 
Another question is will any disputes between the European nations impact Outremer politics? Like for example France and the HRE head to war, could this cause tension between French and Germans in the Outremer?
 
Another question is will any disputes between the European nations impact Outremer politics? Like for example France and the HRE head to war, could this cause tension between French and Germans in the Outremer?
In my opinion, given that we are far from Nationalism (and probably not heading there anyways TTL), it shouldn't be a big concern. Nobles who have some skin in the wars, like land holdings or family, might prefer one of the belligerents. But barring extreme circumstances, this would be more akin to being a guy who bet heavily on Barcelona in the next El Clasico, while living next to the guy who bet on Real Madrid instead. Hot words may ensue, and political status may rise or fall depending upon how integrated the crusader polities are with their parent realms, but not more than that.
I think we are beyond the point where the crusader states are merely another theatre of proxy warfare for the European monarchs.
 
Indeed, the very concept of nationhood didn't appear until way long and at this time, wars were fought either on dynastic, territorial, religious or commercial grounds.

But as of Outremer, there is already a proxy conflict brewing. The last updates on Egypt mentioned a civil war in the Levant involving a Sicilian landing, very likely in support of the Norman party there, and by reaction, Byzantine presence to bolster the princes, probably another Raimondine.
If the Sicilians later ally with the Welfs (who threatened intervention to deter Manuel from prosecuting further campaign in southern Italy), and that the Byzantines ally with the Capetians (by reaction against the Sicilian-Welf alliance, and who knows, maybe the Eudokia Komnene who married the lord of Montpellier IOTL could aim at a Capetian prince instead, perhaps even the crown heir or the king himself), then you get a further layer to this proxy conflict, still on a purely dynastic logics.
 
That all sounds good in theory but controlling that area and allying with such powerful merchant states doesn’t mean they’ll be superior to the Eastern Romans. The crusaders are gonna be spread thin and will have numerous other enemies. And with the Italian navies not based in their lands it’ll be hard to coordinate. And it’s not like there’s rivalries amongst those cities, so some might join the crusaders while others will join the empire.

I doubt someone could pull an Alp Arslan. The preceding events that allowed the Turks to beat the Romans at manzikert and conquer Anatolia so easily aren’t something that are likely to be reproduced. It took decades of mismanagement, dissolving a large army, a comically disastrous battle, and years of civil war for the Turks to be able to do that. Nor are there any nomadic groups in the area. The Turks have settled in now. The Muslim states are in disarray. And if the Mongols emulate their real world wars here by the time they get to the Empire they’ll be at their limits and won’t be settling there.
The Kipchaks are not exactly a cohesive force, politically, but they are on the record of attacking Poland and Hungary at this time.
 
Indeed, the very concept of nationhood didn't appear until way long and at this time, wars were fought either on dynastic, territorial, religious or commercial grounds.

But as of Outremer, there is already a proxy conflict brewing. The last updates on Egypt mentioned a civil war in the Levant involving a Sicilian landing, very likely in support of the Norman party there, and by reaction, Byzantine presence to bolster the princes, probably another Raimondine.
If the Sicilians later ally with the Welfs (who threatened intervention to deter Manuel from prosecuting further campaign in southern Italy), and that the Byzantines ally with the Capetians (by reaction against the Sicilian-Welf alliance, and who knows, maybe the Eudokia Komnene who married the lord of Montpellier IOTL could aim at a Capetian prince instead, perhaps even the crown heir or the king himself), then you get a further layer to this proxy conflict, still on a purely dynastic logics.
I wonder if this will be the moment for the Muslim nations to attack.
 
The Kipchaks are not exactly a cohesive force, politically, but they are on the record of attacking Poland and Hungary at this time.
Not really familiar with them. Regardless, they’re likely not powerful enough to fight even a weakened ERE seeing as how they couldn’t beat the Polish and Hungarians. Plus the empire had beaten and incorporated the Cumans and Pechenegs despite the recent (and devastating) war with the normans, the loss of Anatolia to the Turks, and civil war.
 
I want to ask will we have a kingdom in Iberia that uses Arabic as its main language since the reconquista will be different as the Almohads aren't going to conquer Muslim Spain right?
 
I want to ask will we have a kingdom in Iberia that uses Arabic as its main language since the reconquista will be different as the Almohads aren't going to conquer Muslim Spain right?
Doubt. Arabic was the tongue of the Muslim invader, the language of the moorish opressor. Arabic is also almost a holy language to Islam, which is why it today spreads from mauretania to Iraq. The most I could see is mozarabic, but I still don't see it happening.
 
Doubt. Arabic was the tongue of the Muslim invader, the language of the moorish opressor. Arabic is also almost a holy language to Islam, which is why it today spreads from mauretania to Iraq. The most I could see is mozarabic, but I still don't see it happening.
True. I'd like to see how would Arabic evolve with Latin script and Iberian influences tho, which is why I asked that.
 
Doubt. Arabic was the tongue of the Muslim invader, the language of the moorish opressor. Arabic is also almost a holy language to Islam, which is why it today spreads from mauretania to Iraq. The most I could see is mozarabic, but I still don't see it happening.
^ This, given what we know IOTL, should Islam be driven out of Spain, Arabic and Mozarabic will be driven out with it, as Arabic is Islam's liturgical language and Mozarabic is the language of those who collaborated with the Islamic invader. If anything, the language of Spain will probably be based on whomever will claim the largest territory out of the deal in Iberia. If anything, the language I could see that will most likely evolve with Latin script and Iberian influences, assuming it gets to that point, will most likely be the Berber languages, perhaps even a fairly minor revival of the African Romance language. (which was still around in the North African Coast and littoral at the time of the PoD and beyond, but was beginning it's decline to extinction at this current point IOTL)
 
Could an earlier Reconquista perhaps lead to a African Romance or Berber-Latin-creole speaking community in Grenada?
I don't see it happening unless it becomes a Crusader state, but that would almost certainly put proto-Spain (idk the political situation) at odds with the Papacy.
 
  1. I wonder if the Rhomanians might go for Crimea sometime? Or at this point it's no longer worth it.
  2. Does the Norman Kingdom of Naples manage to survive without being forcibly assimilated? Or will its Norman character fade away soon enough?
  3. Does Kievan Rus play a bigger part in Rhomanian politics and/or vice versa?
  4. Will France or England consider invading each other?
 
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