Catconqueror: There’s usually a plot twist… Although right now I’d prefer a cinnamon twist myself.
ImperatorAlexander: Theodor’s with the army during active campaigning (during the winter he’s usually back up in the home front). Because it’s a coalition force, Theodor is the de jure commander because of his imperial status. After all, why should a king (Casimir) take orders from a not-king? That said, Blucher is the de facto commander and the brains and everyone knows it, but Theodor’s presence is a way of saving face diplomatically for Casimir and the more pretentious Imperial princes.
Hungary and Bohemia are both considering options, but with the bulk of their armies right there with the field army in Bulgaria, their options are limited. If they try to withdraw their forces and botch it, there’s every chance Blucher could smash them right there (at which point Michael could then smash Blucher, but that’s cold comfort to Ottokar and Andrew).
Khaine: Theodor’s too invested to call it quits so ‘easily’.
HanEmpire: “never got past the starting line” is a bit harsh. I picture it as Belgrade-starting line and Ruse-halfway mark (that’s where he’d have to break away from the Danube and take the highway to Varna). So not even ‘halfway’ there.
Regarding Rome, that’s going to be coming up shortly.
I don’t know what each party’s exact interest rate would be; I need OTL figures for comparisons which I don’t currently have. But a lot of Fugger-equivalents and Imperial Free Cities are screwed. Interestingly, in one way this actually helps Theodor. He owes Ottokar a lot of money, which is one incentive for Ottokar not to stab Theodor in the back.
And Henri II is rubbing his hands with glee. This is why he’s willing to back Theodor so heavily. Henri might lose 10,000 men, but it’s worth it if Theodor loses 100,000 at the same time. Henri still comes out ahead.
Lascaris: Yeah, you’re right. Still like the idea though. Might save it for a coastal defense vessel fifty years down the road.
I didn’t think about the Swedish fleet; thanks for the suggestion. Based on that, I’ve rewritten the section as follows:
There are also five new ships included amongst the regular designs. Three-mast vessels with oar banks in-between broadside gun-ports, they run much more heavily armed than is usual amongst the riverine galleys. The two largest mount twenty ten-pounders and twelve three-pounder cannons. Given the Allied practice of festooning their river ships with lots of heavy muskets shooting a pound-ball, to protect the crews of the deck bow guns thick wood-plank mantlets are placed surrounding the guns, with an opening through which the weapons can be aimed and fired. From the side these are said to look somewhat like rhino horns, from which comes their name- rhino galleys.
So essentially a gun-pram.
Curtain Jerker: [Responding to your posts in order of appearance in thread]
Second Ruse goes to the Allies because they held the field at the end of the ‘day’, which is the textbook definition of battlefield victory going back into ancient times. Laskaris withdrew because it doesn’t matter how many casualties he inflicted on Blucher. At the end of the day Blucher was maneuvering so he’d have a better chance of outflanking him and pinning him against the Danube. Even if Blucher has only a 2% chance of pulling that out, Michael can’t risk it. Better to lose this battle than risk losing the army out of stubborn attachment to this field.
As for the retreat, retreating armies are usually faster than pursuing armies. They’re more highly motivated to move and can abandon stuff on the road, lightening their load while also creating obstacles for the pursuers. Furthermore Laskaris was trying to destroy Blucher; the rearguard took 135% casualties. But it’s hard to pin and destroy an army; there’s a reason effective pursuits in battle are rare.
And focusing on Third Ruse, Blucher retreated but his force was obviously unbroken with honors and casualties both even. Not the best condition for a pursuit, and Romans are painfully aware of the effectiveness of the ‘feigned retreat’ tactic. And why risk a major and bloody battle if he’s expecting to annihilate the enemy logistics soon? Casualties at Third Ruse were even percent-wise; casualties during the retreat from Ruse to Nikopolis were, provided one includes the soldiers-turned-brigands which one should, were massively lopsided in the Romans’ favor.
And Fourth Ruse was deliberately timed to be a distraction so that the Romans could sneak warships past the Allies in the night. I made it quite clear he was in close communication with the garrison and that he made this attack after hearing news “for which he has been waiting since before Second Ruse.” Yes, it failed to break the Allied lines. But it wasn’t meant to do so; it was a giant feint.
Regarding Laskaris’ comment on Blucher, he’s a professional remarking on the conduct of another professional. He’s probably saying this in a report to the Emperor, where accurate intelligence is needed. We’re approaching the period IOTL where a French king looking at enemy soldiers attacking his own lines would point at them and say “look, those are brave men!” and the enemy soldiers in question would then take that line and adopt it as their motto. Your opponent respecting you doesn’t make you a Mary Sue. By your argument, Rommel is a Mary Sue because his British adversaries respected his capabilities as a general.
If Blucher can do no wrong, why did he launch a flank attack that got ambushed and mauled, and then launch a center attack that also got blasted back, taking heavy casualties in the process? Yes, he held the field at the end because Laskaris withdrew to prevent a risk of being pinned against the Danube (which is a rather important detail that you seem to be completely ignoring), but that’s not ‘doing no wrong’.
Regarding First Ruse, that is based off an OTL battle between 5000 Confederates and 15000 Union soldiers, which the Confederates won. That’s because the Union troops were too far apart to support each other properly and got beaten in detail. This was in 1865, near or at the end of the siege of Petersburg, meaning that the Union troops were part of the army commanded directly by Grant. Good generals can still have incapable subordinates, or bad luck, or face skilled opponents.
Laskaris did pursue Blucher; he mauled the rearguard. But close pursuits are easily said than done, and I detailed the reasons why he wasn’t able to keep up a close pursuit and destroy Blucher on his retreat. None of those reasons seem extraordinary or unrealistic to me.
I don’t want to get back into Iskandar since I admit I messed up with him, but he was also holding the crown prince of Rhomania captive during the whole negotiations. Rather large bargaining chip, that is.
Demetrios’ Empress is Jahzara, and she is having an affair with Andreas III’s commander of the Vigla, who carried over the position into Demetrios III’s reign. Demetrios knows about it but feels it’s only fair since he has his own affair.
Regarding coalition armies at Nikopolis, at that point Laskaris is attacking Allies defending an entrenched camp that is supported by the guns of a major fortress. The Allies have a Roman army barreling down on them; right then it’s ‘stick together or die’.
You criticized Laskaris for “not attacking the night of Sept 6 when Blucher retreats under cover of darkness because he was wary of a non-existent ambush) and aggressive when he should be more cautious (launching a full frontal assault in tandem with the naval action which lost him twice as many men, all for a feint).”
How in the world was Laskaris to know that there was no ambush?
The full frontal assault was supposed to distract the Allies from the fleet slipping by them. He needs to be loud and distracting; light skirmishing might not cut it. Considering how important it is to retake the Danube, better safe than sorry.
Evilprodigy: I am planning at least two, maybe three, narrative scenes that have Blucher in it, the first of which will be set in autumn 1633, probably just a few weeks after this one ended, a couple of months later at most.
Demetrios did say that to get the Latins to stop invading, the Romans need to make the Latins pay in blood, a lot of it. A good analogy might be Anglo-Saxon England and the Vikings. Paying a Danegeld is all well and good, but at some point you need to prove that you can stab them in the face too, otherwise the Viking will just keep extorting you and extorting you some more. Gold AND Iron, not just one. Demetrios’ argument is that the Latins are well acquainted with Roman gold, but need some serious reminders of Roman iron.
Viciosodiego: Yeah, the Romans are taking heavy losses. The Allies are too numerous and powerful to go down cheaply.
JSC: “Welcome to the Imperial Museum of Art. This wing, the largest of our exhibitions, is dedicated to the Papacy for its generous-cough-donations…”
The Ethiopians have been fighting mostly rebels or other African states; they’re not used to going toe-to-toe with major powers on land, not since the Mamelukes fell. Although blaming them for Aabdeh when they made up less than 1/5 of the army seems unfair.
Boa: It’s a quarter of the Danube river valley population, not Bulgaria in its entirety. Sorry for not making that clear. I’ve edited that bit.
The Byzantines IOTL were very much not down with holy warriors or the like, so ‘battle nuns’ would be ASB. That said, I do like the idea of Roman women getting renown for their valor in battle.
Hungary and religion could be very interesting. It went largely Protestant during the Reformation and only went back to heavily Catholic under Hapsburg rule.
JohnSmith: Yeah, Germany’s going to be regretting this for a while…
More advanced/bigger armies mean that the war can be more destructive, but if that pushes things to a conclusion more quickly, that may very well lessen the overall devastation. A big reason why the Thirty Years War was so bad was because it lasted for thirty years before finally exhausting the Imperials. (And it turns out Evilprodigy said this in the next post.)
Kimo: Demetrios and Odysseus definitely could be another Theodoros and Andreas, the great administrator followed by the great general.
SirOmega: I’ve been using the OTL Ottomans as a guideline for what the TTL Romans are capable of. Going with that, I consider that basing from the Balkans, the Romans have the potential to take Vienna and hold it, but that’d be the farthest limit of territory they could hold. The amount of time it takes for an army based in Bulgaria/Macedonia/Thrace just to march to Vienna means that grabbing territory further away just isn’t feasible.
Note that this is different from a ‘raiding distance’. If you’re only there to break things rather than take and hold, you can range further afield.
Minifidel: I’m having fun with the Archbishop too. Regarding defections, remember that he is the Archbishop of a city on the west side of the Rhine, so the Triunes are a big concern of his.
Aristomenes: Venetia is going to be important down the road.