Chapter 81: Hispania in the Post-War (1820-1830)
Ironically, the reforms of Solanelles in Aragon-Occitània were to spark revolution outside its borders. The Republic of Hispania was still recovering from the breakup of the nation. Thirty years later, it's severe negative effects on the Hipanic economic development were still felt, mainly caused by the lost of population and of harbours that severely hampered the Hispanic trade, The over-stressed harbour of Santander could not cope with the Hispanic trade and, eventually, its neighbours had begun to take profit of the situation, severely taxing the Hispanic goods that were exported through their harbours. Severe poverty became widespread, reducing market demand, while the disruption of local and international trade, and the shortages of critical inputs, seriously hurt industry and services. The loss of the colonial empire reduced the already poor overall wealth, and by 1820 Hispania had become one of Europe's poorest and least-developed societies; three-fourths of the people were illiterate. There was little industry beyond the production centers around Santander. Natural resources, such as coal and iron, were available for exploitation, but the reduced transportation system was rudimentary, with few canals or navigable rivers, and road travel was slow and expensive. British railroad builders were pessimistic and did not invest. Eventually a small railway system was built, radiating from Madrid.
The government, nearly bankrupt, resorted to desperate measures, such as selling the last remnants of its Empire. Florida was sold to the United States for $5 million in 1815, followed by Puerto Rico to the British Empire in 1818 for £10 million. Thus, only Cuba remained. However, it was not enough and in 1820 the government, led by Manuel González Salmón, considered selling Cuba to Germany. When this was leaked, the popular uproar could be heard around the world. On January, 18, 1822, González Salmón was deposed by a coup d'etat led by General Francisco Tadeo Calomarde y Arría, 1st Duke of Santa Isabel. However, there was little change. Cuba was to remain Hispanic, but the economic crisis was still in place, worsened by the corruption that helped the old nobility, the rural landowners, and the emerging middle class to control the nation. The unpopular Income Tax introduced by the preceding governments were removed and replaced by a policy of laissez-faire, low-spend governance under the Government led by Pedro de Alcántara y Álvarez de Toledo, 13th Duke of the Infantado. With this change in regime, the government was committed to restrict the growth of the national debt and the protection of property, to keep the status-quo and the institutions of power, like the Nobility, the Armed Forces and the Landowners, something that was deeply resented by the growing bourgeoisie
The refusal to introduce a much needed emergency measure caused a bleeding in the revenues of the state. To replace it, Infantado was forced to take on bonds and print money. This soon led to an open war in the Parliament between the Conservative Party, supported by the Nobility and the Landowners, and the Liberal Party, which was centered mainly about the needs of the Bourgeoisie. Outside of the plans and institutions, the mass of the workers and farmers that were alienated from such a regime as they felt that they were facing the brunt of the crisis. Reformers like Rafael del Riego attracted a massive following with his demands for the restoration of the Poor Law Relief, one of the first victims of the crisis, Lack of relief and the economic conditions caused farmers in León and Salamanca to riot demanding bread in April 1821. The riots would repeat again in 1822. This time the demands were not only for bread, but also for constitutional reform. By then the Reformists had been replaced by the Radical Party led by Evaristo Pérez de Castro y Colomera. In Santander rises a Provisional Government, which calls for a General Strike, The army crushes the strikers. Dozens were killed and hundreds deported to Cuba.
Despite the economic panic and the widespread repression, the small electorate elected José María Pando in 1826, and the Liberals returned to power. Despite their promises, the Liberals continued the previous policy with little changes. The strikes of 1828 forced Pando's resignation, and its replacement, José Luyando y Díez, only enjoyed a spell of calm thanks to the Conservative split between the so-called Traditionalist branch led by Antonio de Saavedra, who stood for a nostalgic vision of Spain that traced back to El Cid and the Catholic Kings, and those led by Francisco de Paula de Cea, who many considered a pawn of the Duke of the Infantado, who represented the reformer faction of the Conservatives. Thanks to this, Pando was able to introduce a series of small reforms, free trade and a reduced Relief for the Poor System, but, after his death in 1828, the reforms did not outlive him. His successor, Pedro de Alcántara Álvarez de Toledo, would stop the reforms and return to the policy of laissez-faire. In 1830, the strikes returned in May 1830 with the workers demanding higher wages. Only the lack of an organised leadership kept the strike from becoming a revolution. Álvarez de Toledo resorted, once more, to repression: 250 strikers were killed, 640 were jailed and 740 deported to Cuba.
However, the strike proved to be the bane of Álvarez de Toledo, who resigned in November 1830 and was replaced by Francisco Martínez de la Rosa, which had no better luck. His proposed "Reform Act" was voted down in the Parliament in March 1831, and Martínez de la Rosa dissolved the Parliament, hoping that another election would give him a majority that would push for the planned reforms. However, he was defeated by a vote of no confidence. His successor, José María Queipo de Llano, had no better luck, with an uncooperative Parliament and the angered mass of angered farmers and workers. The revolution was only nine months away.
Ironically, the reforms of Solanelles in Aragon-Occitània were to spark revolution outside its borders. The Republic of Hispania was still recovering from the breakup of the nation. Thirty years later, it's severe negative effects on the Hipanic economic development were still felt, mainly caused by the lost of population and of harbours that severely hampered the Hispanic trade, The over-stressed harbour of Santander could not cope with the Hispanic trade and, eventually, its neighbours had begun to take profit of the situation, severely taxing the Hispanic goods that were exported through their harbours. Severe poverty became widespread, reducing market demand, while the disruption of local and international trade, and the shortages of critical inputs, seriously hurt industry and services. The loss of the colonial empire reduced the already poor overall wealth, and by 1820 Hispania had become one of Europe's poorest and least-developed societies; three-fourths of the people were illiterate. There was little industry beyond the production centers around Santander. Natural resources, such as coal and iron, were available for exploitation, but the reduced transportation system was rudimentary, with few canals or navigable rivers, and road travel was slow and expensive. British railroad builders were pessimistic and did not invest. Eventually a small railway system was built, radiating from Madrid.
The government, nearly bankrupt, resorted to desperate measures, such as selling the last remnants of its Empire. Florida was sold to the United States for $5 million in 1815, followed by Puerto Rico to the British Empire in 1818 for £10 million. Thus, only Cuba remained. However, it was not enough and in 1820 the government, led by Manuel González Salmón, considered selling Cuba to Germany. When this was leaked, the popular uproar could be heard around the world. On January, 18, 1822, González Salmón was deposed by a coup d'etat led by General Francisco Tadeo Calomarde y Arría, 1st Duke of Santa Isabel. However, there was little change. Cuba was to remain Hispanic, but the economic crisis was still in place, worsened by the corruption that helped the old nobility, the rural landowners, and the emerging middle class to control the nation. The unpopular Income Tax introduced by the preceding governments were removed and replaced by a policy of laissez-faire, low-spend governance under the Government led by Pedro de Alcántara y Álvarez de Toledo, 13th Duke of the Infantado. With this change in regime, the government was committed to restrict the growth of the national debt and the protection of property, to keep the status-quo and the institutions of power, like the Nobility, the Armed Forces and the Landowners, something that was deeply resented by the growing bourgeoisie
The refusal to introduce a much needed emergency measure caused a bleeding in the revenues of the state. To replace it, Infantado was forced to take on bonds and print money. This soon led to an open war in the Parliament between the Conservative Party, supported by the Nobility and the Landowners, and the Liberal Party, which was centered mainly about the needs of the Bourgeoisie. Outside of the plans and institutions, the mass of the workers and farmers that were alienated from such a regime as they felt that they were facing the brunt of the crisis. Reformers like Rafael del Riego attracted a massive following with his demands for the restoration of the Poor Law Relief, one of the first victims of the crisis, Lack of relief and the economic conditions caused farmers in León and Salamanca to riot demanding bread in April 1821. The riots would repeat again in 1822. This time the demands were not only for bread, but also for constitutional reform. By then the Reformists had been replaced by the Radical Party led by Evaristo Pérez de Castro y Colomera. In Santander rises a Provisional Government, which calls for a General Strike, The army crushes the strikers. Dozens were killed and hundreds deported to Cuba.
Despite the economic panic and the widespread repression, the small electorate elected José María Pando in 1826, and the Liberals returned to power. Despite their promises, the Liberals continued the previous policy with little changes. The strikes of 1828 forced Pando's resignation, and its replacement, José Luyando y Díez, only enjoyed a spell of calm thanks to the Conservative split between the so-called Traditionalist branch led by Antonio de Saavedra, who stood for a nostalgic vision of Spain that traced back to El Cid and the Catholic Kings, and those led by Francisco de Paula de Cea, who many considered a pawn of the Duke of the Infantado, who represented the reformer faction of the Conservatives. Thanks to this, Pando was able to introduce a series of small reforms, free trade and a reduced Relief for the Poor System, but, after his death in 1828, the reforms did not outlive him. His successor, Pedro de Alcántara Álvarez de Toledo, would stop the reforms and return to the policy of laissez-faire. In 1830, the strikes returned in May 1830 with the workers demanding higher wages. Only the lack of an organised leadership kept the strike from becoming a revolution. Álvarez de Toledo resorted, once more, to repression: 250 strikers were killed, 640 were jailed and 740 deported to Cuba.
However, the strike proved to be the bane of Álvarez de Toledo, who resigned in November 1830 and was replaced by Francisco Martínez de la Rosa, which had no better luck. His proposed "Reform Act" was voted down in the Parliament in March 1831, and Martínez de la Rosa dissolved the Parliament, hoping that another election would give him a majority that would push for the planned reforms. However, he was defeated by a vote of no confidence. His successor, José María Queipo de Llano, had no better luck, with an uncooperative Parliament and the angered mass of angered farmers and workers. The revolution was only nine months away.