A World in Flames: an Alternate World War II Timeline

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Chapter One: the Danish Campaign and Outbreak of War
  • Chapter One: the Danish Campaign and Outbreak of War

    Following the escalation of tensions in Western Europe it comes as no surprise, in hindsight of course, that the German invasion of Denmark would act as the match that set flame to Europe and beyond but on May 6th, 1939, it did not appear so to some within the Oberkommando der Wehrmacht, especially to Adolf Hitler and his cronies. Hitler, it has been recorded to have stated, that the Entente would not dare rouse the fear and anger within their populations that a war would bring, especially over a country so insignificant as Denmark.

    And if Fall Weserübung had been carried out prior to the German annexation of the Sudetenland in late 1938 and the occupation of Czechoslovakia in March 1939 then that might have been true. However Neville’s Britain and Daladier’s France had forever lost faith in Hitler’s promises of peace, seeing them for the lies they were, and were ready to halt the spread of Nazism with military force if need be.

    Germany, however, had marshaled some four divisions (40,000 soldiers) plus strong Luftwaffe elements and naval assistance from the Kriegsmarine.[1]

    On May 7th, 1939, Nazi Germany invaded the Kingdom of Denmark, under the prelude that commandos of the French Foreign Legion were secreting themselves in Denmark to prepare a raid of sabotage against the Kiel Naval Base. The Germans broadcasted to the world that the invasion was merely an attempt to interrupt the warmongering French efforts and preserve Danish sovereignty.[2]

    Artillery boomed, planes roared overhead, dropping bombs, strafing airfields and Danish defense positions, while German panzers grinded forward, infantry following on foot or in trucks, though the former was much more frequent as Germany’s rearmament was still far from complete.[3] The Danes, despite putting up a brave defense, were doomed the moment German troops crossed the border. They were outnumbered, outgunned, and caught out of position, despite forewarning by anti-Nazi Germans who managed to smuggle out confirmation of the impending invasion.[4]

    Within fourteen hours it was all over. Denmark had fallen to the German Reich, the first but unfortunately not last victim of Nazi tyranny and thirst for war. Hitler, pleased with the rapid conquest of Denmark, went to bed believing the Entente would be too hesitant and afraid to intervene outside of verbal and written condemnation.

    He was wrong.

    Weserübung-Süd_Panzers.png

    [German Panzer Is moving north through a Danish town, May 7th, 1939. Resistance in much of Denmark was non-existent, which would prove to aid the Danes as their Nazi occupation was far less oppressive than what befell other countries in the years that followed.]

    On May 9th, 1939, after two days of intense and heated debate within their countries, both the British and French parliaments voted for a declaration of war against Nazi Germany and the Slovak People’s Republic (the small Slovakian state forever condemned to be known as a German client state and a puppet to Berlin’s strings).

    This came as a somewhat of a surprise to Hitler as the Nazi dictator truly believed his Danish acquisition was not serious enough to push the Entente into war. In this, he vastly underestimated the will of the Entente governments. Though, and it must be said, he correctly did identity that a large portion of the populations of both France and Britain would be noticeably anti-war and this would cause social strife within those countries for years.

    With war now existing between Germany and the Entente (Italy had wisely not committed to the conflict and merely supported Hitler with lip service rather than soldiers and another frontline) the eyes of the world became locked onto Belgium for all knew it would be there that the Germans struck for the Maginot Line was too well-crafted and entrenched. Any assault on the Maginot might very well break the German Wehrmacht in a useless offensive and both sides knew it.

    However, before we delve right into the Benelux Campaigns, first we must look at Spain.


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    [1] For the sake of numerical simplicity all divisions, unless otherwise stated, start off as 10,000 man units. If need be, I will edit to reflect a more realistic size as it appears to fluctuate from 10,000 to 15,000 for the German Army at this point in time.

    [2] This TL’s version of the Gleiwitz Incident, a false flag operation that the Nazis used to legitimize their invasion of Poland in OTL.

    [3] In OTL the Wehrmacht was not the fully mechanized force it desired to be. Horses were used extensively throughout WW2. With the war starting four months earlier this would be a bit more pronounced, and will result in a less powerful Wehrmacht initially.

    [4] Wilhelm Canaris’ doing, as per OTL as well.
     
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    Chapter Two: the Spanish Civil War
  • Chapter Two: the Spanish Civil War

    Since 1936 the Spanish Civil War had raged throughout much of Iberia, hundreds of thousands dying in the years since and much of the country left in ruin and rubble. The Republican forces, once controlling much of mainland Spain at the civil war’s outbreak, had suffered several major defeats throughout 1937 and early 1938. As the Republican position waned and the Nationalist waxed, especially after the Nationalist offensive that severed Republican-held Catalonia from the bulk of Republican forces in central and southern Spain in early 1938, the reaction of the world was largely one of acceptance. Much of the world believed that the Republican situation was doomed and, whether it be in six months or sixteen, the elected government would succumb to Franco's military opposition.

    And that likely would have been the case, if not for the French resumption of arms, ammunition, and other material necessary to maintain a flagging war effort in March 1938. Daladier, worried of having a Fascist state to the south of France (which would make it the third Fascist country to share a border with France), ordered that the supplies would not cease this time. This greatly bolstered the morale of the Spanish Republicans, and was a major reason why the International Brigades remained despite there being whispers of the Brigades being withdrawn and sent back to their home countries. The Republicans, freshly bolstered by the vast influx of war material, were able to take the fight back to the Nationalists in early June, breaking through the Nationalist cordon isolating Catalonia and bringing it back into the Republican fold.[1] This led to another stalemate in Spain, but this led to greater confidence in the Spanish government and its fight to defeat Franco and his conglomerate of rebelling fascists and monarchists. Other nations began to support Republican Spain financially and materially once again but this was a mere drop in the bucket to what the French Third Republic provided, though it did show that many countries across the world held more confidence in the Republican government and ideology, which was a major boon to morale.

    Spain.png

    [Map of Spain on the outbreak of the Second Great War, May 7th, 1939. Shades of yellow = Nationalist controlled territory, shades of pink = Republican controlled territory]

    For a year the war became largely static, both sides having exhausted themselves in several offensives and counter-offensives. By May 1939 the Nationalists ruled roughly half of Spain while the Republicans controlled the other half, including Madrid. The armies fielded by both sides were comparable. The Republicans were more divided but fielded more soldiers while the Nationalists had a smaller army but was more centralized and unified. When World War 2 started on May 7th, 1939 with the German invasion and subjugation of Denmark, the British cut off their aid, redirecting it to accelerate their rearmament. The French, facing a hostile Germany on their border and a potentially hostile Italy, reduced their flow of supplies to a fraction of what it once was, but so too did the Germans as they needed every plane, vehicle and bullet for their upcoming western offensives. Only the Italians continued to contribute close to their pre-WW2 levels of material but even they reduced the amount of supplies given to their chosen faction as Benito Mussolini began to hoard war material in case Italy was brought into conflict or if it saw an opportunity to advance Italy’s place in the world. The withdrawal of Italian soldiers was a major blow to the Nationalists, though Italian air crews and military instructors continued to fight alongside their Fascist allies though for how long this would last no one knew.

    The Spanish for their part were frustrated that their war, which had been named a “dress rehearsal” for World War II, became an ignored theater of the conflict sweeping the world. While frustrating in 1939, it would not be long until Spain once again took center-stage as the Spanish Civil War merged with the Second Great War.

    But that is a tale for another time. Now, my dear readers, we return to Western Europe in the summer of 1939.


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    [1] As a result of Daladier’s fictionalized promise and the successful campaign that saw Catalonia reunited overland to the rest of Republican Spain ensured the French (and to a far lesser degree Britain, the United States and the Soviet Union) continue to provide money, supplies and even volunteers to Republican Spain. This has allowed the Spanish Civil War to continue with full steam into early 1939 rather than a Nationalist victory just over the horizon like OTL.
     
    Chapter Three: the Saar Offensive
  • Chapter Three: the Saar Offensive
    Though a state of war existed between the Third Reich and the Entente since May 9th, very little occurred throughout the rest of the month. Several border skirmishes and artillery exchanges were the norm, as were interceptions of recon aircraft, with several German and French plans shot down throughout May but these were minuscule engagements to what would come later.

    Entente Command, mainly the British, argued for an offensive into the border provinces of Germany, something that the French were hesitant to do. France’s military doctrine revolved around conducting a defensive war on its own ground. Many within the French Army and government were hesitant to take the war into the Reich, believing to do so would see their casualties skyrocket to levels comparable to that of the First Great War.

    The German Westwall, or at least the idea of it, terrified the French. While it is common knowledge today that the Westwall of 1939 was a paper tiger more than anything else, as much of the fortification and defense lines were incomplete and with significant stretches of it being nothing more than razor wire fencing and a trench, it was still the potential threat it posed. The idea of French soldiers storming German positions made French High Command very nervous as memories of World War I were still fresh in their minds.

    The British, though lacking much of a ground element on the Continent by mid-May as the British Expeditionary Force would not be fully mobilized and deployed to France until later that month, still pushed for an offensive to be sent into Germany’s “soft flank.”[1]

    To make up for a lack of troops on the ground, the British offered to provide a significant amount of the air cover, as hundreds of RAF planes had been transferred to northern France over the past few weeks. The French, rife with indecision, were finally convinced to take the fight to the enemy after General Maxime Weygand vocalized his support for the operation.

    Named the Saar Offensive, some 30 French divisions plus two British divisions were to be sent into western Germany. The overarching objective was to secure the Saarland and the Rhineland, including the key industries of the Ruhr Valley, therefore crippling German war production. However, this was the only clearly stated objective of the whole offensive as Entente planners argued over the steps leading up to the overall strategic objective.

    The Saar Offensive’s force, despite numbering over 320,000 soldiers with significant armor and air support, was lethargic in the advance, overly hesitant of the Westwall. Even when on the sight evidence revealed to the Entente that the German defenses were far from complete, Entente Command did not take advantage of the situation.

    The offensive began on June 4th, 1939, the Entente Invasion force was under the command of General Maurice Gamelin. It began with a sixteen hour artillery barrage, done so in the same vein as World War I artillery bombardments, and had hundreds of Entente planes providing air cover, though few flew ahead of the Anglo-French army, primarily deploying as aerial defense rather attempting to establish air superiority over western Germany.

    The German forces facing them, under the command of Colonel General Erwin von Witzleben, numbered some 200,000 and fought a fluid defense, falling back to pre-planned defensive lines. These proved successful deterrents to the Entente who only advanced in fits and starts. Though casualties were relatively light, Entente Command at the insistence of the French ordered a halt to the offensive while it was only twenty kilometers into Germany, much to the frustration of frontline commanders.

    The Saar Bulge as it became to be known was to be a fortified beachhead for the Entente so larger and better planned offensives could be carried out on German soil. Modern historians recognize the Saar Offensive as a failure that easily could have been successful if the Entente had the drive to push on with it. Records accessed after the war in British military archives show that the Germans fielded very few panzer units in the area, with the local Heer forces having been cannibalized of their heavy equipment to provide for the upcoming German operations further north. Only the Luftwaffe in the area fought well and at relative full strength. Only the bombers and dive bombers had been withdrawn from the region, deployed in northwest Germany, but well over a thousand German fighters protected their territory, shooting down dozens of Entente aircraft in the first few days.

    It was known that Hitler wished to pull more Luftwaffe squadrons from the border but the Luftwaffe’s new commander-in-chief following Göring’s death was Walther Wever, who was adamant in not doing so and diplomatically worked around the Führer’s orders, dispatching several squadrons of fighters to the German-Benelux borders but these were aircraft were not frontline units but rather aircraft in various stages of maintenance and repair or with pilots sporting limited flight time and zero combat experience fit for air patrol in areas of tertiary importance.

    Entente forces had ceased offensive operations on June 13th, remaining on German territory until June 29th when they were pulled back to France following Germany’s invasion of the Low Countries: Case Yellow.


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    [1] This TL's version of the "soft underbelly"
     
    Chapter Four: Case Yellow
  • Chapter Four: Case Yellow
    The German invasion of the Low Countries began on June 22nd, 1939 with a “short” two hour artillery barrage beginning at 0500 local time. Overhead bomber wings escorted by fighter squadrons penetrated Benelux airspace, heading towards predetermined targets of military and morale importance.

    Transport aircraft carrying Fallschirmjäger were deployed in both Belgium and the Netherlands, but it was the former that received the bulk of paratrooper forces. Glider troops of the 1st Fallschirmjäger division captured Eben-Emael after an entire day of close quarters fighting. The Belgians, despite being taken by surprise, reaped a heavy toll on the German paratroopers, killing or wounding over two-thirds of the German soldiers in the attack. When 0700 arrived, nearly one and a half million men of the Wehrmacht marched into the Benelux. Luxembourg fell within a day but the Netherlands and Belgium would take longer.

    Progress in the Netherlands was fairly swift, limited more by lack of sizable roads and flooding of plains by Dutch forces than by Dutch military resistance.

    However by June 30th Dutch forces were assailed relentlessly on the ground and by air. The Royal Netherlands Navy was being shielded by Britain’s Royal Navy, making the Kriegsmarine hesitant to engage after losing two destroyers due to Royal Navy carrier fighter-bombers. Only U-boats were used thereafter, with three lost in a single day, though a dozen merchant vessels and a British destroyer were sunk, with a British cruiser heavily damaged, forced to limp back to the Home Islands.

    After the mass bombing of Amsterdam (the Amsterdam Blitz) on June 29th, the Dutch government asked for an armistice and it was quickly answered.[1] As the sun set and night ruled over the Netherlands the country surrendered to Nazi Germany, the third country to do so since the war started seven weeks ago (Denmark and Luxembourg were the first and second respectively).

    Belgium, unlike the Germans’ previous conquests, was far more ready for war. Within two hours of the Germans invading eastern Belgium, the Belgian government authorized Anglo-French forces to cross the Belgian-French border as well as officially joining the Entente. British and French infantry, supported by tanks, rushed to eastern Belgium to stop the Germans in their tracks. Though not able to stop the Germans completely it did stall the Reich’s offensive long enough for the frontline to stabilize alongside the Meuse River. Following the Dutch surrender, Entente forces bolstered Belgium’s northern border though significant segments of the borderland were lost to the Wehrmacht, such as Antwerp and Ghent yet by by July 1st, 1939 the frontline began to stagnate.

    Protected by entrenchments along the Meuse in the east and significant Anglo-French forces to the north, the Belgians figured they had stopped the Hun in its tracks. In this they would be proven wrong.

    On July 3rd (two days were taken for emergency repairs and resupply) the German Heer, supported by sizable Luftwaffe elements, crossed the Meuse River in rafts, capturing a half-dozen bridges, as well as establishing beachheads on the western side of the river (this allowing pontoon bridges to be created to ferry more men, supplies and vehicles over. Though nearly half of these beachheads would be repulsed, and three of the six bridges recaptured (causing German casualties to number over fourteen thousand in one day) the result was the same.

    An Entente attempt to repulse the German breakthrough failed at the Battle of Hannut, the largest armored engagement of the war thus far, which saw the Entente losing three times as many tanks than the Germans, despite fielding equivalent, and in some cases superior tanks. This showed the high level of German communication via radio and the concentrated blitzkrieg tactics the Wehrmacht was using to conquer Western Europe. The close air support, particularly the Stukas, wrecked a heavy toll on the Entente forces.

    It would take a further three weeks but Belgium would join the list of countries conquered by the Third Reich. On July 19th, 1939 the Belgian government surrendered against the objections of King Leopold III who had managed to escape with his family to France. The Belgian monarch would later be sent to Britain to lead a Belgian government-in-exile, forming a resistance government that was adamant in continuing the fight against the Germans and their puppets in Brussels.[2] Prime Minister Huber Pierlot would be forced to sign Belgium’s surrender and would be considered a cowardly defeatist by royalist circles for many years. Pierlot, to his credit, only surrendered after being captured by forward elements of German armored divisions that had swept past Belgian defenses and surrounded the area he resided in. Pierlot, though labelled derogatory things in the days and months to follow, would stand by his decision as he believed it prevented innocent civilians from being caught in the crossfire, and in this he was correct.

    PanzerIAWes.png

    [German Panzer I hours before the Battle of Hannut. This panzer and its crew would not live to see the battle end in victory for the Reich]

    By July 23rd, 1939 the Germans had crossed the French border in several locations, attempting to seize advantageous ground, usually already occupied by Entente troops and had to pay the butcher’s bill to take or were repulsed. Britain and France, though saddened by the quick fall of the Benelux, were highly confident of their ability to hold the Wehrmacht in northern France.

    The Anglo-French armies began to dig precautionary trenches and foxholes, razorwire erected throughout the front, and tanks were spread out to support the infantry. Short to mid-range artillery was moved forward quickly , while the heavy long range artillery took several days to relocate from positions in eastern France. They were deemed not necessary with the Maginot being considered impregnable and imposing. The Entente believed they could hold the Germans along the French-Belgian border while the Germans hoped they could break through and capture Paris by December so as to end the war by Christmas.

    In this they were both wrong.


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    [1] This timeline's version of the Rotterdam Blitz.

    [2] The opposite of OTL as Leopold III surrendered and the government declared it unconstitutional.
     
    Chapter Five: Case Red
  • Chapter Five: Case Red
    Following the German halt order on July 23rd, the rest of the month proceeded with little more than minor engagements, trench raids, skirmishes and aerial dogfights between fighter squadrons, but even these were few and far between.

    August similarly came and went with few events of note occurring in Europe. In fact the most significant headline circulating around world newspapers was of American President John Nance Garner swearing a policy of adamant non-interference in European and Asian affairs during a national radio broadcast, highlighting the heightened isolationism of the United States that had begun near the end of his first presidential term.

    President Garner, fully committed to righting the stuttering American economy, had no desire to see his beloved money-strapped country become entangled in another “European War” like the First World War. This lack of American involvement is odd to consider in a modern perspective, but alas the United States of the late 1930s was altogether a different beast than our United States of the early 2000s.[1]

    Such was the lack of active combat on the Western Front (a leftover name from the last war that stuck) that the term Phoney War (Sitzkrieg) became commonly used for the five and a half weeks of late July to early September of relative inaction.[2] The war in Western Europe had, for all intents and purposes, de-escalated to border clashes and minor assaults both on the air and the ground, a far cry from the large offensives that had preceded it.

    This change came about as Hitler had ordered the Wehrmacht and Luftwaffe units to not be overly-aggressive, but rather passive in the weeks since Case Yellow’s successful conclusion and the lead up to Case Red so as not to antagonize the Entente, and to make them feel vulnerable in a sense of false safety. The Germans had used the near-six week lull to overcome the logistical situation they found themselves in. Three countries and slivers of French territory had been conquered by the Germans in a short amount of time, highlighting the effectiveness of blitzkrieg. Yet it also created logistical issues as the Germans had begun to outpace their supply lines by late July, so a halt order was looking likely by that time regardless of campaign progress, but what accelerated the halt order’s issuing were the calls for immediate intensive maintenance on thousands of panzers, vehicles and aircraft as many had gone weeks without anything more than routine and superficial maintenance. Fuel and ammo reserves had also been greatly depleted and in those five and a half weeks were quickly replenished to amounts needed for a large scale offensive in northern France.

    On September 3rd, 1939, Case Red began with the thunder of artillery, the roar of panzers, the screaming sirens of Stukas, and the buzzing drone of bombers and fighters.

    The Germans concentrated their armored divisions in the northwest, striking towards Lille, Dunkirk and Calais, with the goal of sweeping south and eastward to take Amiens, a mere 157 kilometers from Paris. Hitler, knowing that France’s survival depended on British manpower and support, wished to overrun the coastal ports and eliminate the easy access the British would have to northern France to deploy fresh divisions and equipment from the Home Islands. The Entente, not expecting an attack from this section of the front as they had believed the lion’s share of the German Army was further southeast near Charleville-Mézières, were initially ill-prepared to combat the armored divisions of the Wehrmacht.

    The Entente, unlike the Germans, preferred to spread their armored units across the width and breadth of their frontline to bolster their infantry divisions. So while the Entente fielded more tanks across the frontline, it was the Germans tactic of concentrating their forces in a schwerpunkt to enact their devastating lightning war led to a steady advance in northern France, overrunning Anglo-French positions.

    This was not to last.

    German tactics, strategy and communication were more advanced than the Entente but their actual lethality when compared to Entente tanks were lacking. The dominant German panzers, the Panzer IIs, Panzer IIIs and Panzer 38(t)s, faced off against Renault R35s, Somua S35 and Char B1, with the Char proving to be a terrifying panzer-killer. The British, fielding heavily armored though under-gunned tanks, were more suited as infantry support and did so quite well in this regard… until a German panzer outflanked them and fired a few cannon shells into the rear compartment. Initially the Germans were well on their way to taking Amiens when they were stopped just outside the city

    Colonel Charles de Gaulle of the French Army had mustered an ad-hoc armored force from remnants of a half-dozen armored regiments, as well as substantial infantry and artillery. For three days north and west of Amiens the French and British soldiers under de Gaulle’s command fought the Germans, bloodying them and blunting the German attack. By September 14th, the Germans had mustered sizable reserves and after one large scale panzer assault the city of Amiens was encircled. Another three days passed before Amiens surrendered on September 17th, allowing the German offensive to continue south and eastward but it was noticeably slower, over two hundred panzers either damaged or destroyed in the battle.

    De Gaulle would go on to become a French national hero following the Battle of Amiens, as well as one of its greatest and first martyrs of the Second Great War. De Gaulle, just hours before the French surrender, had led an armored spearhead into German lines, wrecking rear echelons of local Wehrmacht forces , only to be killed by a flak shell fired from the infamous 88mm flak cannon, an anti-air weapon that the Germans found worked just as well as anti-tank.

    Despite the German victory at Amiens, it had drastically affected their ability to carry out offensive operations in northwest France, especially once Entente reserves were redeployed to stiffen their lines. Not even the secondary German advance from Charleville-Mézières (launched on September 8th to tie down Entente forces), which made significant progress didn’t have the proper firepower to breakthrough Entente lines and drive towards Paris. The German General Staff had hoped either the primary or the secondary offensive lunge would reach the outskirts of the French capital, preferably both, but neither did and both were over a hundred kilometers away. The closest German forces to Paris were ninety kilometers away, south of the city of Beauvais.

    Case Red continued for another three weeks, putting more French territory under German occupation. From Metz to Châlons-sur-Marne to Reims to Beauvais to Rouen the Nazi Swastika reigned supreme. Much of northern France had been conquered, far more than the Kaiser ever had in the last war, yet Paris still flew the tricolor and the Entente were far from a defeated or demoralized foe. Hitler had gambled and he had lost. Case Red was officially halted on October 11th, 1939. The Führer, despite France defying his will and not surrendering as the Benelux countries or Denmark had, was in good spirits nevertheless as he believed that the coming year would spell great fortune for the Reich. Already the German General Staff had begun to write up plans for an offensive in the spring of 1940 that Hitler believed, and that his generals desperately hoped, would defeat France and force the British to the negotiations table after the fall of their ally on the Continent.

    Hitler hoped that within six to eight months of rest and resupply, the Reich would be ready to deliver France’s death knell. The offensive was code-named Fall Karlmann (Case Carloman), named after the Medieval German king. All Hitler needed was six months minimum to build up his forces and ready for the killing strike to France's jugular. This ambitious hope was soon dashed when radio chatter flooded into Berlin on the cold morning of October 18th: the British had landed in Norway. A new theatre had opened.


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    [1] This ATL is written from the perspective of an as of yet unnamed author from the 2000s.

    [2] Instead of it being 8 months long like OTL, its nearly 6 weeks here and covers the Belgian-French borders as well as the Franco-German borders. Has a lot more border conflict and minor skirmishes than OTL Phoeny War though.
     
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    Chapter Six : A Fair Shake
  • Chapter Six: A Fair Shake and America Forward

    The presidential election of 1932 was one of the most one-sided in American electoral history. Franklin Delano Roosevelt, the former New York City Governor and effective American aristocratic, was the Democratic nominee that faced off against Republican Party incumbent Herbert Hoover.

    Roosevelt won forty-two of forty-eight States, being clearly the hope of the American people, many who had lost their life savings and employment during the Great Depression. Roosevelt, being a Northern Democrat, chose John Nance Garner of Texas to secure Southern Democrat support, though the two differed greatly on economic and foreign policy but the two cut a deal, believing party solidarity was more important than personal views.

    The future was bright, people were filled with hope, but that all came crashing down on February 15th, 1933 in Miami, Florida when Giuseppe Zangara shot President-elect Roosevelt and Chicago Mayor Anton Cermak, firing five shots, before several bystanders were able to apprehend the assassin. Roosevelt would die on the way to the hospital, as would Cermak several weeks later. This would put John Nance Garner as President-elect and on March 4th was sworn in as the 32nd President of the United States.

    Garner, riding on a wave of sympathetic mourning for Roosevelt, had a prime opportunity to pass legislation to stimulate the economy and ease the economic struggles many Americans were facing. Garner, unlike the beloved Roosevelt, was a fiscal conservative and not in favor of executive orders. In Garner’s first hundred days only four pieces significant legislation were passed:

    1. The 21st Amendment was passed, ending Prohibition at the Federal level (several States would still carry out and enforce the law to various degrees), though implementing a substantial tax on alcoholic beverages to help pay for many of Garner’s reforms during his four years in office.
    2. An income tax was implemented and tariffs were lowered generally across the board except on several agricultural products (a favor to his rural supporters, both in Texas and nationwide). This would shore up rural and agricultural support for the Democratic Party, especially in the Midwest though would irk many industrial groups, causing many to begin supporting the Republicans in greater numbers throughout Garner’s term.
    3. Farm Security Administration Act to safeguard rural farmers, buy back indebted farms to be overseen by the Federal Government (returned ones their debts and loans had been repaid and had undergone mandatory educational courses where they learned better financial strategies to stretch their dollar and maximize profit and decrease loss).
    4. Bank Security Act, a bill that propped up failing banks, pouring Federal money in them to keep them afloat until the economy as a whole stabilized. This put faith back into the banks, eventually allowing Americans to once again put their savings in banks and take out loans, though it was less than pre-1929 figures.[1]
    Garner’s Fair Shake Program, coined from the president saying at a press conference in mid-1933 on wanting to give the common American man a “fair shake,” alleviated the Great Depression’s stranglehold on the American economy by a significant degree. By 1936 the unemployment rate hovered around 14% having dropped 11% under Garner’s presidency. Garner proved hesit at and selective in enacting Federal deficit spending tendencies, preferring to employ a balanced budget, a practice subsequent presidents would attempt with regularity.

    Further reforms proposed and carried out during the 1933-1937 period included, but not limited to, several systems of check on the Stock Market to delay another Crash whenever the economy looked fragile. This would allow economic growth to occur, though far slower than some Americans had hoped, particularly those in industrial cities where Democratic power began to wane and Republican power rose. Further checks and other safety net measures slowed production and flow of products and goods, slowing the economic recovery, but allowing things to develop steadily.

    Due to the progress President Garner had been able to achieve the1936 Presidential Election saw the Democratic Party secure a subsequent four years in the Oval Office with Garner at the helm. The Republicans had backed presidential candidate Alf Landon but the poor public speaker and mediocre campaign organizer proved unable to rally Americans to the Republican banner. Garner, despite showing a firm unwillingness to deviate the Democratic Party too far from its conservative roots to the more liberal platform spouted by Franklin D. Roosevelt before his death, nonetheless held the support of the American people as he had greatly lessened the economic pains that had wracked America’s industry and finances since the Crash.

    The election itself proved quite one-sided, though not a landslide on the scale of the ‘32 election. Garner won all but six states (Maine, Vermont, Indiana, Kansas, North Dakota and South Dakota). The popular vote was Garner 52%, Landon 40% with the other 8% voting for other presidential candidates across the political spectrum, from the Communist Party of the United States, to the New Deal Coalition, to the fascist-leaning Christian Party).

    President Garner‘s foreign policy had undergone a change during his second term. Once a calming voice who called for international cooperation, Garner quickly became an isolationist, something that proved appealing to a populace worried with dread over events unfolding across the world, especially after Hitler’s remilitarization of the Rhineland. Garner, knowing the American people were unwilling to become entangled in European affairs, made isolationism a major feature of his second term policy.

    While Garner and his Administration cling to a “middle of the road” approach economically and socially, many liberal Democrats left the Democratic Party during the mid to late 1930s, creating the New Deal Coalition alongside moderate Socialists and other independent and/or left-leaning political parties, spouting that Garner’s Fair Shake was not sufficient enough and that Roosevelt’s proposed but unfortunately shelved New Deal ideas were the way to go). Likewise many right-leaning Democrats, unhappy with Garner’s Fair Shake as it “reeked of socialism and communism” according to one uninformed biased Republican Senator left the Party to join the Republican Party. With industrialists and states’ rights cementing itself as Republican ideologies, and social welfare programs and other leftist ideas cementing among the New Deal Coalition (renamed the Social Liberal Progressive Party in 1938), Garner cemented Democratic support among the middle class and farmers, though across the spectrum (left, middle and right) isolationism and balanced budget systems became popular and integral to party ideology.

    Garner continued his Fair Shake programs from his first term, as well as adding onto them in the form of the Public Works Construction Act under the newly created federal agency: the Public Works Progress Administration. [3] This new agency oversaw the reconstructions of thousands of public buildings and roads in various states of disrepair but more fully focused on the construction of brand new roads, bridges, hospitals and schools. Another major factor of the highway construction segment of the Fair Shake Program was the creation of toll roads, spreading across the country alongside the more common freeway, largely limited to major cities and other areas of high-density populations. The revenue from this would prove substantial and help pay for much of the Fair Shake programs, as well as being a mainstay in the Federal Government's income stream and is still heavily used in all fifty-one States as of today. [4]

    With domestic issues front and center of the Garner Administration’s policies, the president was dismayed by the rising crime rate and severity of crimes wracking the country since the Depression had pushed people into desperation to eat and provide for their families. Some were simple car thefts all the way to black market organizations, with the rise of organized crime syndicates such as the Mafia in all its myriad of sub-divisions a worrying thorn in public safety and law and order. This, plus the rise of political extremism and racial nationalism in the 1930s United States (though admittedly far smaller than in Europe) convinced Garner to drastically step up domestic security, surveillance, and intelligence in the form of a very generous budget increase to the Bureau of Investigation which was subsequently renamed to the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI), still kept under the tutelage of Director J. Edgar Hoover.

    This massive public works directive, paid predominantly by revenue from the moderate tariffs, alcohol tax and toll roads, would continue for many years and employ millions of Americans, lowering unemployment from 14% to just under 10% by 1939. A brief recession in early 1939 that lasted for the entirety of that year and several months into 1940 greatly dampered the Democrats' popularity and their next presidential candidate's electability, the Secretary of State Cordell Hull. The Second World War breaking out in May 1939 pushed droves of voters to the Republican camp as they were more vocally adamant about isolationism and non-interference. This, plus Party fatigue and unhappiness with Garner’s lukewarm leadership and middling handling of his second term, saw the Republican candidate, Robert A. Taft, rise in popularity. Many Americans took comfort in Taft’s iron-clad stance on isolationism and promise to lower taxes and corporate restrictions as well as raise tariffs to protect American industrial concerns. The presidential election of 1940 between Hull and Taft was neck-in-neck in the early stages but by the end it became clear Robert A. Taft had won, becoming the 33rd President of the United States. It is notable to mention that it was the 1940 election that saw just over ten percent of the American populace vote for a political party not Republican or Democrat, with the Social Liberal Progressive Party (formerly the New Deal Coalition) taking nearly 7% on their own as more and more liberal Democrats, and even some moderates, left their party to bolster this up and coming movement.

    Garner, feeling that he had lost the election for Hull by having his name attached to the campaign, retired from public office, never to return. Hull would go on to return to the U.S. Senate to represent his home state of Tennessee. Taft, though refusing to entangle the United States in “European and Asian affairs” nonetheless allowed American industrialists to sell vast amounts of quality war material (as well as a host of other essential supplies and products needed for a modern nation to sustain its industry) at low cost to any country that wished to buy it and could afford to do so, whether it be the United Kingdom of Great Britain, Poland and its Baltic allies, or even Nazi Germany (only the Soviet Union was exempt from this open sell of arms and munitions). This caused a substantial economic boom in the United States during the early 1940s that coincided with lower taxes (especially on the deserted alcohol tax) which saw many Americans have money in their pockets in amounts not seen in over ten years. Repeatedly Taft re-stated that the United States would not become entangled in any foreign war to relieve the country, but as a precaution he did authorize the expansion of the Army, Army Air Force, Navy, Marine Corps, and the Coast Guard, in that order of priority. With Japan flexing its imperialist muscles in Asia once again and the Nazis having conquered several countries, Taft would not risk his country and its interests being caught unprepared.


    --------------------
    [1] People will still be putting wads of cash under their beds as a emergency fund for decades to come
    [2] Washington State and Oregon having voted for the New Deal Coalition
    [3] This is a combination of the Public Works Administration and the Works Progress Administrations from OTL
    [4] Puerto Rico is a State of the United States of America in this TL by the year 2000
     
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    Chapter Seven: Intermarium
  • Chapter Seven: Intermarium

    As the 1930s were coming to a close the Second Polish Republic found itself surrounded by hostile powers. To the west and south were the Third Reich and its client state of Slovakia, as well as pro-German Hungary who began to mirror German irridentism more and more with each passing day. To the east resided the USSR, a nation whose expansionist revolutionary ambitions were humbled by Poland in the Soviet-Polish War and was ever eager to seek revenge and spread communism across Eastern Europe, creating a buffer space between the Motherland and its enemies. [1] France and Britain, supposedly the strong advocates of the Polish Republic, were lukewarm with their support, especially once relations with Nazi Germany improved following the German-Polish Non-Aggression Pact of 1934. For a time, it seemed Germany and Poland would ally over their shared distrust of the Soviet Union and the inability of the Entente to formulate an effective response to the rising communist threat and their own domestic focus rather than international.

    This potential alliance died in its infancy following the Sudeten Crisis and subsequent Munich Agreement as Poland became the next target of Hitler's diplomatic expansionism alongside the rest of Czechoslovakia, with references to the lost German territories and the need to take them back seeing a substantial rise in usage in Nazi newspapers and radio broadcasts. The Nazis felt that the Free City of Danzig should be annexed directly into the Reich and that transit rights over the Polish Corridor be given to the Wehrmacht, both terms being abhorrent to the Polish government. For several months Entente-Polish relations warmed somewhat (though the Entente were notably displeased with the Polish occupation and annexation of Zaolzie) but when the Second World War broke out over Denmark in May 1939 the Polish government was quick to declare its neutrality from the conflict, tentatively renewing its Non-Aggression Pacts with both the Soviet Union and the Third Reich for a period of five years.

    The Poles were not blind to both the Nazis and Soviets wanting their territory but the pacts were seen as a grace period for the Polish military to modernize and for the country to invest more in heavy industry to aid its defense and war armaments production. Both the French and British governments issued loans worth several million U.S. dollars to supplement Poland's military budget throughout April 1939 (the loans ceased following German's Case Yellow and Case Red), while American industrialists found the tariff free ports of Poland as too profitable to ignore. American merchant ships would sell all sorts of war materials and supplies to Axis, Entente and neutral nations (this increasing substantially once Robert Taft became sworn in as President in March 1941), with a stark warning that any nation that attempted to intercept or board American merchant vessels would see trade with the offending country severed immediately.[2]

    By October 1939 Poland could field nearly a million soldiers, supported by several hundred turret-less tankettes (used as armored reconnaissance) and around 150 7TP light tanks, the core of the Republic's armored forces. Despite the large size of the army, it lacked heavy equipment and fielded far fewer tank, artillery, and motorized/mechanized divisions than either Germany or the Soviet Union as the Poles had sold much of their modern equipment to fund industrialization in the mid- and late '30s. Polish Prime Minister Felicjan Sławoj Składkowski was informed by his General Staff that adequate expansion and modernization of the Army would not be completed until 1942, but the military felt that this was more than enough time as with the Germans bogged down in northern France and the Soviet Union soon to embarrass itself in Finland it was hoped that by the time either power turned their attention to Poland that they would then be ready to resist.

    However, this did not resolve Poland's alliance predicament as it was isolated from its semi-allies in Britain and France by the Third Reich, this proving to be a key reason why the Republic did not join the Entente and declare war on Germany alongside the poor state of the Armed Forces. If Poland had declared war on Germany there was no guarantee the Poles would succeed in an offensive war into Germany. With an aggressive USSR to the east, the Polish government felt that risking war with Germany would leave its eastern flank vulnerable to Soviet invasion. Better to stay neutral and ready for war than to jump into the war only half-ready, such was the Polish government's thinking, something the Republic's military leaders concurred with.

    Despite not joining the Entente following the German invasion of Denmark, Poland clinging to neutrality as it readied for war did tie down some twenty divisions of the Wehrmacht throughout the war's first six months, though following the opening of the Norwegian Front this number lowered to fifteen divisions and eventually twelve by January 1940.[3] Hitler, wary of Polish intervention in the war on the side of the Entente did authorize the construction of the Ostwall alongside the German-Polish border (including East Prussia). The Ostwall would be constructed in the same vein as the Westwall with fortified bunkers, trenches, and watchtowers but would be layered more extensively in the form of several overlapping zones so as to allow the much smaller German border garrison to delay then bleed any advancing army dearly while they withdrew slowly to the next set of defensive fortifications, buying time for reinforcements to be deployed. Beginning in late 1939 the Ostwall would see moderate resources and labor put into it, though Hitler's attention to the east spiked on several occasions throughout 1940 as the Soviet Union began to impose its will on other countries which led to temporary boost in allocated resources but these were temporary as the Nazi dictator's attention were principally focused on the west and north at the time.

    Despite Poland not predicting war with another power until 1942, they were very much aware of their geographical/strategic situation as being stuck between two great powers that despised their country's very existence. To alleviate this and to build an alliance of mutual military support and aid, diplomatic feelers were sent to the countries of Finland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Romania, with all but Lithuania responding with various degrees of warmth to these advances, however talks were slow to progress throughout mid and late 1939 due to a variety of issues. It appeared, for a time, that Poland's dream of a military-political-economic alliance between these countries would never reach fruition as diplomatic talks had devolved into a quagmire of proposals and counter-proposals.

    This all changed with the Soviet invasion of Finland on November 30th, 1939. The Winter War, as it became to be known, was the Soviet Union's first (but not last) foray into creating buffer space and establishing their will on countries around the world. While much of the world was focused on the stalemated Western Front and Northern Front that cold winter season, the Soviet Red Army became bogged down in Finland and would spend the next seven months subjugating the Finnish nation. The invasion of Finland saw to Estonia and Latvia quickly signing a Mutual Defense Pact with Poland on December 14th, 1939, called Międzymorze in Poland but internationally recognized as the Intermarium. Finland was not allowed to join, despite several quiet petitions as this would have led to the other pact-members becoming immediately embroiled in a war they were not able to fight just yet. The Intermarium did send thousands of "volunteers" and much in the way of equipment and money to bolster Finland's heroic and storied defiance of the Russian Bear but that was the extent of the Intermarium's involvement with the Winter War.

    Romania, despite promising initial talks, never formally joined the Intermarium for a host of reasons. It did not wish to antagonize the large Soviet army on its border, nor alienate its close ties with France and Britain. And unfortunately there was growing political and social unrest in Romania between the far-left and far-right, with King Carol II mired in the middle as his government and reign was laden with corruption and political intrigue, becoming increasingly unpopular as a result, his detractors lobbying for his abdication in favor of his son Crown Prince Michael.


    --------------------
    [1] this includes France, Britain, the United States, and Nazi Germany, alongside all the aforementioned lesser allies, satellite states, etc.
    [2] Poland removed tariff fees to invite foreign investment and trade.
    [3] If those twenty divisions had been on the Western Front, or even if ten of them were the Germans could have been on the outskirts of Paris.
     
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    Chapter Eight: the Winter War
  • Chapter Eight
    the Winter War


    On November 30th, 1939, the quiet morning was interrupted by an artillery bombardment from the Finnish side of the border to the Soviet side, killing four and wounding several others. The Union of Soviet Socialist Republic, intent on defending its territory from reactionary fascist-like government of Finland, invaded the former grand duchy with 450,000 men. The Motherland of Communism was to be protected and secured from any outside threat and while the invasion of Finland was regrettable it was nonetheless necessary.

    At least this is what the Soviet Union proclaimed to the world shortly before its soldiers crossed the Soviet-Finnish border. The border incident was quickly proven by Finnish and League of Nation observers to have been a false flag operation carried out by the NKVD to give the USSR a casus belli for the invasion of Finland. The Soviet claims were quickly deemed hollow and the USSR's international reputation nosedived as a result, with the invasion violating several established treaties and the Covenant of the League of Nations.

    Stalin, however, deemed the political relations fallout as an accepted casualty of the strategy he had crafted. He was intent on creating buffer space between the Soviet Union and its perceived enemies, that of the Imperialist Powers of France, Britain, Japan, and the United States, and the Fascist States of Germany and Italy. With Japanese ambitions temporarily checked as a result of the Soviet-Mongolian victory at Khalkhin Gol, Stalin turned his gaze westward. With the Germans stalled out in northern France and southern Norway, the General Secretary believed the time was ripe to create buffer states in eastern Europe so as to ensure the safety of the rodina, but also too to establish sympathetic governments in neighboring countries. His first target was to be Poland but Stavka, the Soviet General Staff, (those that were not browbeaten yes-men to the Boss) knew the Red Army and Red Air Force were still recovering from the Great Purge and that the Poles would put up a fierce fight that they did not wish to have the Soviet Union entangled with just yet, particularly not with the Polish government swaying several countries to their idea of a defense pact which would be realized as the Intermarium not long after the Soviet invasion of Finland.

    Stalin, accepting the current difficulties a massive invasion of Poland and the Baltic States would require, shelved the idea for a later date, and instead focused on the USSR's north-western border. For months throughout 1939 the Soviet government had stated, hinted, and threatened the Finnish government to cede land to the USSR to create a more "historically accurate border" but largely to protect Leningrad and to be the first step in subjugating the Finns to Moscow. These largely failed, miserably so. With the world locked in war, Stalin knew now was the time to strike and thus authorized the false flag operation and the subsequent ground assault.

    What was expected to be a two to three week campaign, a "short victorious war" attributed to having come from Stalin himself, instead became a meat-grinder for the unready, ill-equipped and poorly-led Red Army.[1] Casualties amongst men and armor skyrocketed, far exceeding those suffered by the Finnish defenders. Though outclassed in military technology, particularly in tanks, and sheer numbers the Finns nonetheless forced the Soviets to pay the butcher's bill for every meter of ground. The terrain of eastern Finland did not help, for it was mountainous, filled with marshes and lakes, lacking paved roads and frequent rail-lines. This all hampered an already hindered Red Army, slowing their advance to a painful crawl, frustrating the Boss and worrying the Stavka.

    Foreign volunteers, from Finnish-descended Americans to Swedish soldiers masquerading as volunteers, flooded into Finland, giving the defending country much needed skilled manpower. It was even rumored that several officers from German mountaineer divisions were dispatched by Hitler to the frontlines so to gauge the Soviet effectiveness and instill a sort of Nordic brotherhood in battle, though this rumor proved to be just that as German officers were sent but only as advisors and observers. For over two months the Finns held the Soviets at bay, limiting their conquests to paltry gains. The 1939-1940 winter was particularly harsh in that area of the world. The Finns were able to weather through it far better than their enemy, as the Red Army reported over sixty thousand casualties from frostbite alone.[3]

    From November to January the Red Army had been embarrassed militarily on the international stage and unless changes were made immediately, the Soviet Union would not advance far past the border. Marshal Kliment Voroshilov was replaced with Marshal Semyon Timoshenko who quickly instigated reforms and a more focused military strategy. Voroshilov, for his failures and ineptitude, was shot for "crimes against the workers and peasants of the Soviet Union" despite being a once-favored crony of Stalin.[4] It seemed that not even favoritism would carry far in Stalin's post-purged Russia.

    After a month of reformation and resupply, Timoshenko launched several coordinated and focused attacks on the so-called Mannerheim Line, piercing it in half a dozen places. Finnish commander-in-chief, Marshal Mannerheim, ordered Finnish Defense Forces to withdraw westward behind newly constructed defenses. This largely worked, though the Finns suffered dearly in the process. By March the Soviets had advanced steadily in south-eastern Finland and were poised to advance onward towards Helsinki. The Finns for their part were exhausted, their supplies and ammunition stores running critically low, yet they were as resolute as ever to deny the Soviets an easy victory.

    As the Spring Thaw turned roads and fields into mud, the Soviet offensive was halted, allowing both sides to resupply and ready itself for the next round of fighting. The Finns, unable to secure much more foreign aid as the war in Norway interfered with transportation, hesitantly approached the Soviets for a ceasefire. Stalin however rebuffed the peace feelers, determined to bring all of Finland under his domain rather than the slivers the Red Army had thus far secured.[5] He knew France and Britain would be unable to send troops or sufficient supplies as the battlefields of France and Norway required all they could field, while the League of Nations continuously proved itself toothless aside from several economic and trade sanctions, which did little other than being a slap on the wrist. The General Secretary authorized Timoshenko to continue offensive actions once the ground had sufficiently dried, which it did so in late May. The next seven weeks saw Finland become slowing consumed by the Red Army, the country crumbling in the face of overwhelming firepower and weight of numbers, though the Soviets would lose tens of thousands of soldiers over the following weeks from fierce resistance. Yet daring and bravery could only go so far in delaying the inevitable. Helsinki’s surrender on June 19th, 1940 sealed Finland’s fate. On June 24th, 1940 the Finnish government sued for peace, surrendering in the hope of preventing needless loss of life.

    For five days the Finns attempted to create a peace with honor by accepting pre-war Soviet terms but Soviet Foreign Minister Vyacheslav Molotov steadfastly refused. Following Red Air Force bombings of troop convoys and civilian columns evacuating to the Åland Islands and Sweden and northern Norway, the Finnish government agreed to the sign the peace treaty. The Treaty of Helsinki was harsh. Eleven percent of Finnish territory was annexed directly into the USSR, alongside thirty percent of their industry, as well as reparations to be paid for the next five years, stagnating Finnish economic growth. Four hundred and forty-two thousand Finnish men, women and children were relocated from their homes, deported westward into the USSR's newest client state. The Hanko Peninsula, an original pre-war claim, was leased to the Soviet military for a lease of at least fifty years, with an "option" of renewal. But worst of all was that the Finnish government would be forcibly replaced with the Soviet-backed Communist government of Otto Wille Kuusinen. [2] Kuusinen, following the "advice" of Stalin, banned all other political parties in the country, creating a one party totalitarian state mirroring the USSR. Thus was born the Finnish Democratic Republic (frequently referred to by its Finnish initials as SKT), a regime that has been noted in history for its brutality and hardline stance on Stalinist Communism in the years that followed, toeing Moscow's line to the letter, sometimes excessively so.

    To add insult to injury Finland was forced to agree to a Red Army garrison of 100,000 men for a period of at least ten years for their “protection from foreign intervention” but was also to ensure that no widespread rebellion erupted under the nose of the despised and unpopular Finnish Communist government. To aid in ensuring a compliant population, the Finnish Democratic Republic created the much feared and oppressive Security Crime Police (TRP in Finnish) that rooted out anti-Communist and reactionary elements in the Finnish populace. By 1944 it was estimated that the TRP had imprisoned and/or killed some 200,000 people. In a country with a population of three and a half million, this number was quite substantial (just over 5% of the population).

    Oddly enough, the Winter War did not birth just one nation but two, though the second was a surprise to nearly all.

    In the final weeks of the war, as Soviet forces surrounded and then moved into the outskirts of Helsinki, the Swedish military invaded the Åland Islands, landing several thousand soldiers over the course of several days, followed by small military units landing and securing dozens of inhabited islands, though none bore a land road connection with the mainland. The international response was outrage, particularly from the United States which held well over a hundred thousand Americans of Finnish descent. Strangely enough the Finnish government-in-exile, headed by Mannerheim and Foreign Minister Väinö Tanner, was quiet about the whole affair, dispatching a formal protest in writing but nothing more. Local reaction was largely of indifference, and even relief in many ways as the Finns preferred Swedish rule to Soviet. The Swedish rule, however, would be short. When the conference to discuss Finland's surrender and the subsequent treaty was announced, Sweden sent a delegation to partake. The Swedes argued that the Åland Islands (and the scattering of other islands they now occupied) had long been Swedish in culture, with many of the inhabitants ethnically and linguistically Swedish, dating all the way back to the Viking Age. The Swedes argued that these lands were now to be considered Swedish territory to be managed as they saw fit.

    Molotov, following orders from the Man of Steel, publicly stated the the Swedes could "do whatever they wished" with the Åland Islands and the other occupied islands. Stalin, with the urging of Stavka and many within the Politburo, did not wish to heighten international tension higher than it already was. A war with Sweden, which would have reciprocated an Entente response of some kind, possibly militarily, would have been ill-advised due to the worn state of the Red Army and Red Air Force in mid-1940. Better for the Soviet military to replenish itself and learn from its mistakes than to tackle on the Entente nations that had thus far kept Germany stalemated in two different campaign theaters. Stalin did envision bringing Sweden under the Comintern's sphere of influence, its strategic positioning to Norway and Denmark were seen as most tempting (not to mention its vast iron ore deposits) which would almost certainly spark a war but one that would be at a later date of his choosing. A scattering of a few hundred sparsely inhabited rocks of little value were deemed not worth the effort. As a result, the Soviet Union recognized Swedish authority over the Åland Islands and other Swedish-occupied islands.

    But Sweden had not done all this posturing to expand its territory, but rather something else entirely. Days after the Treaty of Helsinki was signed, the Swedish government announced that it was rescinding its claims on the occupied Finnish territory, returning them to the government-in-exile. Mannerheim and Tanner, the only two aside the Swedish King and a select handful of Swedish ministers, knew of the proclamation, they in fact helped arranged it. It turned out the Åland Affair (as it became to be known) was an elaborate ruse to circumvent the Soviet Union's attempt to conquer and subjugate all of Finland. While the mainland and the islands in the Gulf of Finland became Soviet/SKT controlled, a sliver of Finnish territory in the form of the Åland Islands and hundreds of other islands (less than half were even inhabited year-round) were granted back to the Finnish government-in-exile.

    At an official ceremony that took place a day later on Fasta Åland (July 8th, 1940) the Swedish Crown Prince Gustaf Adolf, the Duke of Västerbotten, oversaw the official transfer of territory to the Finnish delegation, which was the cause of much celebration and subsequent hangovers the following day. In a speech by Mannerheim, the Republic of Finland was reborn, the newly-returned islands representing a continuation of the old government rather than a successor. As a result, Väinö Tanner became the President of the Republic of Finland (as well as remaining Foreign Minister) while the rest of the cabinet was filled by several government officials that had been able to escape the mainland before the Soviets had sufficiently closed the borders and coastlines. The Åland Republic, a popular nickname to differentiate it from the pre-Winter War Finnish Republic, was beset by a host of challenges, as the islands (particularly the Åland Islands, notably Fasta Åland) were flooded with refugees from the mainland and lacked sufficient food, water and medicine. Sweden, whose reputation was restored once the Åland Affair occurred (also bolstering the nation's international prestige with most nations barring those that belonged to the Comintern), was generous in aid, further supplemented by the United States through the Finnish Republic Restoration Package (FRRP). It was a thirty million dollar relief and aid package that would be renewed three times over the next five years at varying amounts, bringing the total to just under sixty-five million American dollars.[6]

    Mannerheim remained as the Marshal of Finland, though he would gain the presidency at a later date. Mannerheim would reform and reinvent the Republic of Finland's military. Due to a much smaller recruitable population (estimates place the number of Finnish citizens living under Åland Republic rule as around one hundred and sixty thousand people, though many Finnish people abroad would return to help rebuild their country though many others emigrated, never to return) Mannerheim advocated very stringent conscription laws. After several months of debate in the rebuilt Parliament, these measures would be approved. A sampling of these new laws was the enforced mandatory conscription from both the male and female halves of the population. Conscription began at the age of 16 (used in tertiary and non-combat roles) up until 20 when the conscript was put on Active Reserve until he/she was 50. Once on Active Reserve the reservist would participate once a month in training (either a week or weekend depending on their specialty and national need) to ensure familiarity with military equipment and protocol. The United States, as part of the FRRP donated significant amounts of military-grade equipment, particularly Jeeps, trucks, aircraft (two hundred of which were Brewster F2A Buffalo fighters), and hundreds of thousands of Springfield M1903 rifles.[7] The Finnish Army and Finnish Air Force were greatly replenished and modernized by the United States. The branch of the Finnish Defense Forces that saw the least attention was that of the Finnish Navy. During the Winter War the Finnish Navy had largely patrolled the waters of south-western by western waters of Finland as icy seas made navigation and combat largely ineffective. Prior to the official surrender of Finland, the Finnish Navy had been ordered by Mannerheim to withdraw to ports in eastern Sweden and 'surrender' them to Swedish authorities. This was quickly overturned following the Åland Affair and the ships were returned to the Finns. The United States did bolster the Finnish Navy with four torpedo boats as well as the Porter-class destroyer the USS Selfridge which was subsequently renamed to the Vellamo.[8]

    Mannerheim's reforms, as well as the generous and life-saving aid from Sweden and the United States (as well as a dozen other countries though in far smaller amounts), made the Republic of Finland the most militarized and military-first countries in the world. The Republic's first official declaration soon after re-formation was the liberation of the mainland from the Communists and would be a mainstay of national policy for years to come.[9]

    Stalin, furious with the farce that was the Åland Affair and how the Winter War as a whole developed, kept a critical eye on the Red Army, ordering political commissars to keep a watchful eye on any officers who might be defeatist or not sufficiently loyal to the Motherland, i.e. Stalin himself. This would ensure the Soviet military was kept on a short leash, subservient to the will of the party and of the dictatorial General Secretary.[10]


    Next Chapter: the Norwegian Campaign


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    [1] - I do not believe Stalin ever said this. It is a saying I like the ring of however and is the title of one of my favorite books, The Short Victorious War by David Weber.
    [2] - In universe Kuusinen's official title is First Citizen of the Democratic Republic and Chairman of the Finnish Communist Party.
    [3] - Historically accurate, which is crazy considering how knowledgeable the Russians are at fighting in terrible winter conditions. Guess this taught them a lesson they used against the Germans in '41/'42.
    [4] - Stalin maintains a bit of a Purge mentality going forward.
    [5] - In OTL the Winter War ended just prior to the French and British sending forces to Finland. Stalin doesn't want the war to spread. But with France and Britain tied down in France and Norway they can't spare anything but diplomatic disapproval.
    [6] - Nearly $1,200,000,000 in today's money, or as I like to think of it, about 12 F-35s...
    [7] - The Finns actually used the F2As to incredible effect in OTL's Continuation War, it felt right to include them. The M1903 becomes the official rifle of the Finnish Defense Forces of the Åland Republic as the previous mainstay, the M/27, was a Finnish modified Mosin-Nagant. With the mainland lost, the Finns don't have the industry to build more and replenish their ammunition reserves. So the U.S. gives the Finns a bunch to start with as well as machine tools and money to create factories to build more and to maintain what they have alongside creating sufficient amounts of spare ammo.
    [8] - Named after the goddess of the sea, lakes and storms in Finnish mythology. It is not the flagship of the Finnish Navy. That honor belongs to the coastal defense ship Ilmarinen. I was going to go with the Farragut-class rather than the Porter but after some research it was mentioned to be a very top heavy ship which would not do well in eastern Baltic/Bothnian Sea waters. The U.S. FRRP would help build a naval base on Fasta Åland (or possibly elsewhere) to house and maintain the Navy.
    [9] - And thus the Republic of Finland, aka the Åland Republic, becomes a mix of OTL Republic of China (Taiwan) and OTL Israel.
    [10] - The disastrous display of the Red army in the first month of the Winter War actually saw the loosening of the leash and the reduced influence of commissars. In TTL, the commissar keep their amount of power and influence and the Red Army and Red Air Force are not allowed to be too intuitive or independent, because obviously independent intuition is treason against the people.
     
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