A Very Reactionary World: A USA-Nazi Alliance Wikibox 'Timeline'

United States Presidential Election (1924)
A VERY REACTIONARY WORLD

Hello all, and welcome to 'A Very Reactionary World'.

This will be a dumping ground for wikiboxes devoted to a world in which the United States and Nazi Germany (and its associated states) are aligned against Trotsky's USSR.

This is of course a pretty ludicrous scenario (and fairly evil considering the circumstances), but it's been ringing in my ears for weeks to post this, so here it is.

I'll try to supply supplemental information regarding the scenario, but because this is a dumping ground for basic information there may be some scant details.

1924 (UNITED STATES) ELECTION
In spite of considerable opposition to his re-election in 1923-24, Warren G. Harding was destined to again be President of the United States. Corruption scandals or no, the congressional inquests led by characters such as Burton K. Wheeler were unable to (or were persuaded not to) find definitive evidence of Harding's ties to the Teapot Dome scandal and associated federal deceptions. Despite the circumstances, the Democratic Candidate - John W. Davis - managed a respectable campaign to break the Republican dominance that arose from the anti-interventionist campaign for 'normalcy' which materialized in the wake of 1920. His controversial accension as the compromise Democratic candidate after a hundred intra-party ballots indicated the disaster that was to come for that years' party faithful, and despite the clear failures of the overall campaign it was clear that the Solid South would hold for another generation...if the party could hold itself together that is.

The clear problem for both the Harding and Davis campaigns however was the rising tide of the leftist 'progressive movement'. Spearheaded by the Bullmoose Robert M. La Follette (a scion Theodore Roosevelt's campaign of 1912), the 'party of the people' made considerable gains in 1924's election despite its poorer starting place. Gaining almost a fifth of the popular vote, the new organization (tied with the rising Farmer-Labor and Socialist movements) cut heavy inroads into the western states - struggling due to the economic depression that affected the farmers of the region. As the Republicans and Democrats campaigned on the familiar platforms on 'rational taxation', high-or-low tariffs, and agriculture intervention, the Progressives of La Follette marched in favor of greater government intervention all around, with support for the struggling masses which ached under the oppression of the two 'capitalist parties'.

Nonetheless, the election appeared to be a foregone conclusion from the start; the only consolation from the left being the substantial pull it got in public support. The victorious Republicans and envious Democrats seemingly consolidating their positions as masters of the American political domain. In spite of this, future events would reveal that their dominance would be less complete than first thought...

US Election (1924).png
 
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Vladimir Lenin (1924-29)
THE FOUNDER: VLADIMIR LENIN

The founding of the Russian Socialist Federative Soviet Republic (the forerunner to the USSR) in 1917 promised the birth of a new society. Unshackled from the chains of privilege, feudalism, and capitalism, the new Soviet state was perceived by many as the shining example of what could be achieved in the 20th century. But all was not perfect in the workers paradise.

From the start, the new Soviet State was far from amenable to its working population. Brutally crushing the anarchist-inspired revolts of 1919-22 (including the infamous Kronstadt Rebellion of 1921), the nominally socialist 'Soviet Union' found itself in a mire of declining wages and rising commodity prices. Migration of the rural populace to the urban centers resulted in a ballooning 'new proletariat' that was opposed to the authoritarian nature of Lenin's USSR, and with the failure to fully break from the capitalist past came a deluge of new issues the state was ill-equipped to tackle.

Known as the 'scissor crisis' (after one of Leon Trotsky's famous exhibits), the growing issue of monetary disparity in the Soviet Union came to the forefront of Comrade Lenin's agenda during the latter-half of his administration. Amidst a sea of starving peasants and disgruntled urban workers, the 'hero of the masses' was seemingly ill-equipped to tackle the primary issue of his day. Even in spite of organizational overturn (evidenced in his displacement of party leaders like Joseph Stalin in 1925), his ill-fated 'new economic policy' of the 1920s proved incapable of overcoming the inherent incapacity of the state of balance the needs of the rural and urban sectors. It would appear that the burning flame of the revolution would fade away at the coming of the new decade.

Ultimately, it would be in his latter days that the beloved founder of the 'new state' would find his own liberation. Giving up his commission to his most trusted advisor Leon Trotsky in mid-1928, Comrade Lenin would pass into history in early-1929 aged only 58; his death by a stroke being mourned by millions of socialist hopefuls worldwide. Many would claim what came in following years was a grievous crime that only bared his name; the followers of Trotsky would in turn proclaim it as the birth of a new era of the 'shackled nations' - the liberation from the scissors crisis; the liberation from injustice; and the liberation from all capitalism.

However, the victorious powers of the 20th century would only remember the name 'Lenin' as the apotheosis of the dastardly beginning of the most criminal enterprise in human history; and their story in 1929 was only just being written.

Vladimir Lenin (1870-1929).png
 
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National Revolution of China
THE CHINESE NATIONAL REVOLUTION

China in the early-20th century was a land of war.

Following successive national defeats at the hands of Japan in 1894-95 and the Eight-Nation Alliance in 1899-01, the Qing Dynasty lost all prestige and legitimacy in the eyes of its populace. In spite of flailing reform attempts in the 1900s, the strongest institutions in the decaying regime (the modernized Beiyang and New Armies) would rise against the monarchy when a massive revolutionary movement arose in the Wangchung Uprising of 1911. By the dawn of the following year, the ancient line of Chinese monarchies would be broken when the Republic of China was proclaimed, with the famous nationalist revolutionary Sun Yat-sen being proclaimed its first president.

Sun's position would not last however, and within months he would resign his position in favor of Yuan Shikai, the leader of the dominating Beiyang Army. What followed was almost two decades of low-level internal conflict between rising and falling politicians, military cliques, revolutionaries, separatists, and colonial powers. When the victorious Allied Powers declined to rescind the 'unequal treaties' and roll-back their colonial efforts at the Versailles Conference of 1919, the growing revolutionary movement to overthrow the corrupt 'Beiyang Government' took on a more socialistic veneer. At the same time anti-Beiyang agitators began flocking to Sun Yat-sen's Kuomintang Party at the beginning of the 1920s, the Chinese Communist Party took form, inspired by the progressive allure of the Soviet Union.

Whilst early relations between the KMT and CCP were mired by suspicions of 'reactionary nationalism' and 'treasonous internationalism', the efforts of party leaders brought the competing visions of a reborn, democratic China together. Even after the death of Sun Yat-sen in early-1925 and the rise of his anti-communist de facto successor Chiang Kai-shek, the so-called 'United Front' held together, and procured the military and diplomatic support of its fellow revolutionary state in the Soviet Union. The following year was launched the first volley in what became the Chinese Civil War; the Northern Campaign.

Known later at the 'National Revolution' by the leadership of the Chinese Socialist Republic, the military campaign sought to end the reign of the warlords and unify the republic under the joint-banner of the Nationalists and Communists. It was here the efforts of the two parties leadership was most tested. Factional infighting between left-and right-wing members of the KMT as well as inter-party disputes over revolutionary policy threatened to break the United Front amidst their push on Beijing. The formation of the competing 'Wuhan Government' by left-nationalist leader Wang Jingwei almost led to a violent split in the movement, and it was around this period (mid-1927) that Chiang Kai-shek proposed a betrayal of his communist allies and the 'liquidation' of their members.

Cooler heads prevailed in the end; the Pact of Nanjing that May brought the fraying elements of the United Front back together, with Wang being named KMT First Deputy Chairman and Premier of China in exchange for recognizing Chiang as the 'Chairman of the United Front' and future president. CCP leader Chen Duxiu too was given high honors; being proclaimed as Second Deputy Chairman. He was additionally brought into the revolutionary council to serve alongside his KMT counterparts where he became the questionable ally of Wang Jingwei.

Despite the significant setbacks and almost disastrous collapse of the coalition during the campaign, the swelling National Revolutionary Army (bolstered by defecting warlords) found itself marching through Beijing in December 1927. By July of the following year, the last major obstacle to the reunification of the republic was overcome when Zhang Xueliang - the new successor-leader of the Fengtian Clique - acknowledged Chiang and the United Front as the de jure leaders of China. At a public ceremony held in the former capital, the 'National United Government of China' was proclaimed by the leaders of the KMT and CCP (now joined by several smaller parties). Moscow - grateful that its investment in the movement had paid-off - was quick to officially recognize the new administration, with incoming Soviet leader Leon Trotsky proclaiming it as "a great victory for the democratic cause of all oppressed peoples" and "another dagger into the heart of capitalistic colonialism that shackles the world".

In much of the country, however, there were less optimistic reactions. Reactionary landowners, horrified capitalists, and wounded warlords eyed the revolutionary government with suspicion, with the defeated generals formerly-aligned to the Beiyang Government rejecting its authority. Even erstwhile allies such as Yan Xishan and Li Zongren had grown weary of the ties between the KMT and CCP and its progressive 'Revolutionary Manifesto of 1928', and began plotting with the competing factions in a campaign to overthrow this 'communist regime'. Some Beiyang-loyalists even turned to the outraged Empire of Japan for support, with the premier colonial power of the region denouncing the United Front as a mere puppet of Comintern. Together, these forces would coalesce over the following years, and in time would plunge another dagger into the wounded nation's heart.

Chinese National Revolution.png
 
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I am interested to see how you got the USA and nazi Germany to align.
Whilst it's not entirely plausible, the ideal of a reactionary United States entering a (admittedly distant) alliance with Nazi Germany has intrigued me for a while now. Given the 'not-really-info-dense' nature of this timeline, this story errs more towards the ASB than some others on this site; however, despite the tough road to get there, I hope it's still an enjoyable and interesting read.
 
United States Elections (1926 & 1928)
1926 (UNITED STATES) HOUSE ELECTIONS

The second half of the Harding Administration was one of contrasts. As the United States slowly recovered from the economic and social chaos of the early-1920s, the public perception of the president himself dimmed. After two overwhelming electoral victories in 1920 and 1924, the growing disenchantment with the American head-of-state came mostly from two sources; his laissez-faire government policy, and his connection to corruption scandals in Washington. The first saw substantial criticism throughout the entirety of his presidency; with the handling of strike waves, his vetoing of military bonuses, and the rejection of farm support bills tarnishing his glowing personal popularity. The second was perhaps more defining; after successfully navigating Congressional inquests and investigations into his Cabinet's financial dealings (most prominently Teapot Dome) in his first term, continued pressure brought the scandals back to life in 1925.

Spearheaded by Senator Burton K. Wheeler, further inquests were held in the capital after evidence surfaced tying the President's appointees more definitively to Teapot Dome, with further evidence of a vast conspiracy of kickbacks and bribes. More damningly, the Wheeler Commission (as it came to be known) discovered what appeared to be memorandums which tied Harding himself to a coverup of the first investigation in 1923-24; implying the President was aware of the extent of the corruption and sought to sweep it under the rug. Unsuccessful in these efforts, a complete investigation was launched in 1925-27 to uncover "what the president knew, and when he knew it".

US House Election (1926).png

In spite of the now booming economy and advances in middle-class quality of life, the torrential storm that became the Harding Scandals was impossible to ignore. For Republicans, the 1926 midterms were an ominous portent of elections to come, with elections to the House of Representatives being apropos of the president (and party's) diminished standing. Despite retaining the majority of votes nationwide the GOP fell under the seat majority threshold, ceding the lower house to the resurgent Democrats. A similar tale was woven in the Senate, except the Democrats extra two seats (taking them to 48) was not enough to gain the upper house; the left-wing populist Farmer-Labor Party retaining its one Minnesota seat.

In fact - after the lurid corruption scandals - the 1926 midterms were perhaps most prominently the tale of the rising tide of the left-wing in America. After most members of the 1924 Progressive Party folded back into the mainstream, a substantial number flocked to the FLP and its urban counterpart, the Socialist Party. Both gaining in the election, the Farmer-Laborites were aided substantially by the progressive tide two years earlier, and the growing agricultural debt crisis in the western states. The Socialists too were aided by the leftist campaign of Robert La Follette, as well as the industrial, working-class disenchantment which arose from Teapot Dome and the Harding Administration's aggressive, capitalistic policies. Despite the gains being minor, they nevertheless were prominent; and with the FLP making headway into states like Oklahoma, Idaho, Iowa, and the Dakotas, the left-wing of the United States looked primed to maintain their electoral momentum.

1928 (UNITED STATES) PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION

Rather than burning through Washington DC as its proponents initially hoped, the Wheeler Commission would ultimately fade away like a snuffed fire. With the alleged perpetrators successfully covering the potential tracks that definitively tied the White House to the executive-branch coverups, Harding and his closest advisors remained untouched. The damage to the President's reputation was done, however; many of his closest advisors and cabinet members would be prosecuted (but not suffer serious punishment) for their crimes, and the smell of corruption lingered about the president to his final days. In addition to Republican scandals involving the Ku Klux Klan, foreign relations bungles (like the Disarmament Debates), and the ever-present mob violence of bootlegging, the Democrats were primed to retake the highest office in the land.

Amidst a wide crowd of potential contenders, a number arose to the forefront prior to the Democratic National Convention that election year. Most prominently stood Al Smith (Governor of New York), Cordell Hull (Representative from Tennessee), and Burton K. Wheeler (Senator from Montana). Whilst the urbane, moderate Smith took an early lead going into the convention, opposition from nativist elements (such as the still prominent KKK) over his Catholicism prevented him from seizing the required 2/3 majority. Hull too unable to seize the opportunity (his Southern heritage being deemed undesirable to a national electorate), and as the dozens of ballots were cast, he would establish himself as a potential compromise candidate. Wheeler - a late entrant - attempted to use the national goodwill he had garnered from his investigations into the Harding Scandals to launch a unified progressive campaign for the White House. Despite his credentials however, conservative and moderate opposition, as well as lingering resentment over his bolting four year earlier, led to another stalemate in Democrats balloting, and growing fears of yet another 'Klanbake'.

In stepped William Gibbs McAdoo. Being unsure whether to campaign after his failures of 1924 and his loose ties to Teapot Dome, the son-in-law to the late-President Wilson was only reluctantly persuaded to declare his candidacy after balloting began. A 'progressive' in the mold of William Jennings Bryan/Woodrow Wilson, McAdoo appeared primed to retake the Western states away from the Republicans, and his status as a moderate on the issues of race and prohibition would allow the Democrats to regain the urban, ethnic vote in the North and Midwest. Despite initial trepidation over his earlier 'implied complicity' in the President's scandals, it was Burton K. Wheeler himself who concluded in 1925 that the former-Secretary of the Treasury was not a party to the Republican corruption. As a result, many Democrats swallowed their misgivings and nominated the 'heir of Wilson' as party nominee on the 33rd ballot. Arkansas Senator Joseph T. Robinson was named vice presidential candidate.

The Republicans had a far easier time working out their candidate. Despite early fleeting attempts by moderates (like Frank Lowden) and stalwart conservatives (like James E. Watson) to seize the nomination, the inter-party vote came down to two clear choices; Vice President Calvin Coolidge, and Commerce Secretary Herbert Hoover. Both had their strengths and weaknesses; Coolidge was perceived as the more prominent, clear, conservative successor to the embattled Harding, but was damaged by his ties to the corrupt members of Cabinet. Hoover, a more moderate figure, stood a chance to retain the West and campaign off his personal popularity; but too was damaged by Teapot Dome and opposition by party hardliners. Ultimately, a compromise was made very early into the convention; Coolidge would be named nominee, with Hoover as his running-mate.

With the stage set, McAdoo launched a whirlwind tour of several states, taking advantage of the public's antipathy to 'Republican misconduct and autocracy'. On the agenda was a referendum on prohibition, government intervention in favor of farmers and (White) workers, elimination of waste and corruption, and a lowered tariff to facilitate trade. Despite suspicion over his progressive credentials, many who were of the La Follette camp in 1924 favored McAdoo in 1928; and of the left-wing parties, only the Socialist Party would campaign on their own platform.

Calvin Coolidge remained in Washington to oversee a 'front porch campaign' funded by industrialist-supporters, with Herbert Hoover being tasked with much of the public advocacy. This policy, whilst not as a successful as McAdoo's so-called 'national tour', allowed the Republicans to be identified more with the well-liked Commerce Secretary than the silent, stained Vice President. Additionally, the booming American economy of the late-20s did much to overcome the disparity between the Democrats and Republicans; with the seeming abundance of the industrial United States smoothing the disasters of the Harding Administration. By October, it appeared that the election - hitherto seen as a 'whitewash' by the Democrats - would come down to the wire.

"It's all over except for the election!" proclaimed the Columbus Commercial Dispatch, as Ohio (the tipping-point state) took three days to return a final result - it would ultimately go to McAdoo by 0.27%. With that result, the resurgent 'Party of Jackson' would come out victorious, but just barely. The campaign to rip away the Western farming states made-up the difference with Coolidge in the end; and despite clear gains in the Midwest and urban Northeast, the only state that flipped in that region was the all-important Ohio. President-elect McAdoo would inherit the seemingly unstoppable economic prosperity that almost won the Republican's re-election; and in 1929 the nation was looking forward to a renewed time of peace. It was a new era, with a new president and party; where the social chaos, scandals, and conflicts of the past would fade into history.

US Election (1928).png
 
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General Wood would make sense as a reactionary president that aligns with nazi Germany.
Robert Wood will definitely play his role here, don't worry about that. For the time period, he's one of the most prominent politicians in the 'shoot-labor-into-submission' mold.

The person I'm thinking of to get the US-Nazi ball rolling is probably a more obvious choice, but not one I often see in alt-history.
Very much appreciated! Thanks to tuning into this story of growing, man-made horrors.
 
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1926 (UNITED STATES) HOUSE ELECTIONS

The second half of the Harding Administration was one of contrasts. As the United States slowly recovered from the economic and social chaos of the early-1920s, the public perception of the president himself dimmed. After two overwhelming electoral victories in 1920 and 1924, the growing disenchantment with the American head-of-state came mostly from two sources; his laissez-faire government policy, and his connection to corruption scandals in Washington. The first saw substantial criticism throughout the entirety of his presidency; with the handling of strike waves, his vetoing of military bonuses, and the rejection of farm support bills tarnished his glowing personal popularity. The second was perhaps more defining; after successfully navigating Congressional inquests and investigations into his Cabinet's financial dealings (most prominently Teapot Dome) in his first term, continued pressure brought the scandals back to life in 1925.

Spearheaded by Senator Burton K. Wheeler, further inquests were held in the capital after evidence surfaced tying the President's appointees more definitively to Teapot Dome, with further evidence of a vast conspiracy of kickbacks and bribes. More damningly, the Wheeler Commission (as it came to be known) discovered what appeared to be memorandums which tied Harding himself to a coverup of the first investigation in 1923-24; implying the President was aware of the extent of the corruption and sought to sweep it under the rug. Unsuccessful in these efforts, a complete investigation was launched in 1925-27 to uncover "what the president knew, and when he knew it".


In spite of the now booming economy and advances in middle-class quality of life, the torrential storm that became the Harding Scandals was impossible to ignore. For Republicans, the 1926 midterms were an ominous portent of elections to come, with elections to the House of Representatives being apropos of the president (and party's) diminished standing. Despite retaining the majority of votes nationwide the GOP fell under the seat majority threshold, ceding the lower house to the resurgent Democrats. A similar tale was woven in the Senate, except the Democrats extra two seats (taking them to 48) was not enough to gain the upper house; the left-wing populist Farmer-Labor Party retaining its one Minnesota seat.

In fact - after the lurid corruption scandals - the 1926 midterms were perhaps most prominently the tale of the rising tide of the left-wing in America. After most members of the 1924 Progressive Party folded back into the mainstream, a substantial number flocked to the FLP and its urban counterpart, the Socialist Party. Both gaining in the election, the Farmer-Laborites were aided substantially by the progressive tide two years earlier, and the growing agricultural debt crisis in the western states. The Socialists too were aided by the leftist campaign of Robert La Follette, as well as the industrial, working-class disenchantment which arose from Teapot Dome and the Harding Administration's aggressive, capitalistic policies. Despite the gains being minor, they nevertheless were prominent; and with the FLP making headway into states like Oklahoma, Idaho, Iowa, and the Dakotas, the left-wing of the United States looked primed to maintain their electoral momentum.

1928 (UNITED STATES) PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION

Rather than burning through Washington DC as its proponents initially hoped, the Wheeler Commission would ultimately fade away like a snuffed fire. With the alleged perpetrators successfully covering the potential tracks that definitively tied the White House to the executive-branch coverups, Harding and his closest advisors remained untouched. The damage to the President's reputation was done, however; many of his closest advisors and cabinet members would be prosecuted (but not suffer serious punishment) for their crimes, and the smell of corruption lingered about the president to his final days. In addition to Republican scandals involving the Ku Klux Klan, foreign relations bungles (like the Disarmament Debates), and the ever-present mob violence of bootlegging, the Democrats were primed to retake the highest office in the land.

Amidst a wide crowd of potential contenders, a number arose to the forefront prior to the Democratic National Convention that election year. Most prominently stood Al Smith (Governor of New York), Cordell Hull (Representative from Tennessee), and Burton K. Wheeler (Senator from Montana). Whilst the urbane, moderate Smith took an early lead going into the convention, opposition from nativist elements (such as the still prominent KKK) over his Catholicism prevented him from seizing the required 2/3 majority. Hull too unable to seize the opportunity (his Southern heritage being deemed undesirable to a national electorate), and as the dozens of ballots were cast, he would himself as a potential compromise in same vein as John W. Davis in 1924. Wheeler - a late entrant - attempted to use the national goodwill he had garnered from his investigations into the Harding Scandals to launch a unified progressive campaign for the White House. Despite his credentials however, conservative and moderate opposition, as well as lingering resentment over his bolting four year earlier, led to another stalemate in Democrats balloting, and growing fears of yet another 'Klanbake'.

In stepped William Gibbs McAdoo. Being unsure whether to campaign after his failures of 1924 and his loose ties to Teapot Dome, the son-in-law to the late-President Wilson was only reluctantly persuaded to declare his candidacy after balloting began. A 'progressive' in the mold of William Jennings Bryan/Woodrow Wilson, McAdoo appeared primed to retake the Western states away from the Republicans, and his status as a moderate on the issues of race and prohibition would allow the Democrats to regain the urban, ethnic vote in the North and Midwest. Despite initial trepidation over his earlier 'implied complicity' in the President's scandals, it was Burton K. Wheeler himself who concluded in 1925 that the former-Secretary of the Treasury was not a party to the Republican corruption. As a result, many Democrats swallowed their misgivings and nominated the 'heir of Wilson' as party nominee on the 33rd ballot. Arkansas Senator Joseph T. Robinson was named vice presidential candidate.

The Republicans had a far easier time working out their candidate. Despite early fleeting attempts by moderates (like Frank Lowden) and stalwart conservatives (like James E. Watson) to seize the nomination, the inter-party vote came down to two clear choices; Vice President Calvin Coolidge, and Commerce Secretary Herbert Hoover. Both had their strengths and weaknesses; Coolidge was perceived as the more prominent, clear, conservative successor to the embattled Harding, but was damaged by his ties to the corrupt members of Cabinet. Hoover, a more moderate figure, stood a chance to retain the West and campaign off his personal popularity; but too was damaged by Teapot Dome and opposition by party hardliners. Ultimately, a compromise was made very early into the convention; Coolidge would be named nominee, with Hoover as his running-mate.

With the stage set, McAdoo launched a whirlwind tour of several state, taking advantage of the public's antipathy to 'Republican misconduct and autocracy'. On the agenda was a referendum on prohibition, government intervention in favor of farmers and (White) workers, elimination of waste and corruption, and a lowered tariff to facilitate trade. Despite suspicion over his progressive credentials, many who were of the La Follette camp in 1924 favored McAdoo in 1928; and of the left-wing parties, only the Socialist Party would campaign on their own platform.

Calvin Coolidge himself remained in Washington to oversee a 'front porch campaign' funded by industrialist-supporters, with Herbert Hoover being tasked with much of the public advocacy. This policy, whilst not as a successful as McAdoo's so-called 'national tour', allowed the Republicans to be identified more with the well-liked Commerce Secretary than the silent, stained Vice President. Additionally, the booming American economy of the late-20s did much to overcome the disparity between the Democrats and Republicans; with the seeming abundance of the industrial United States smoothing the disasters of the Harding Administration. By October, it appeared that the election - hitherto seen as a 'whitewash' by the Democrats - would come down to the wire.

"It's all over except for the election!" proclaimed the Columbus Commercial Dispatch, as Ohio (the tipping-point state) took three days to return a final result - it would ultimately go to McAdoo by 0.27%. With that result, the resurgent 'Party of Jackson' would come out victorious, but just barely. The campaign to rip away the Western farming states made-up the difference with Coolidge in the end; and despite clear gains in the Midwest and urban Northeast, the only state that flipped in that region was the all-important Ohio. President-elect McAdoo would inherit the seemingly unstoppable economic prosperity that almost won the Republican's re-election; and in 1929 the nation was looking forward to a renewed time of peace. It was a new era, with a new president and party; where the social chaos, scandals, and conflicts of the past would fade into history.

In OTL 1928 Election Democratic candidate Smith openly spokes against Prohibition. Would McAdoo do so (and abolish Prohibition 5 years early, than TTL)?
 
In OTL 1928 Election Democratic candidate Smith openly spokes against Prohibition. Would McAdoo do so (and abolish Prohibition 5 years early, than TTL)?
It's forgotten about now, but there were a number of different positions on the prohibition debate which spanned the spectrum between 'full legalization' to 'full criminalization'. There were those 'wets' that favored different degrees of legalization and regulation, as well as 'dries' that took similarly disparate positions. There were even 'dry-wets' that sought to decriminalize the possession of hard liquors but allow only the sale of weak alcohols (like 4% beers, ciders, and ales).

McAdoo in OTL was a 'dry' like many 'moderate progressives' of his era, and at times even favored the strong enforcement of the Volstead Act. However, major factions of the Democratic Party were beginning to turn against the practice by the late-20s (as evidenced by the nomination of Al Smith), and in TTL there would have to be some compromises on the party platform in 1928. One proposal (raised in OTL) was to hold a national referendum on prohibition and proceed on policy from there. The concept of referendums/ballot initiatives in the United States arose from the Progressive Era, and ITTL the 1928 DNC would adopt the platform of 'national referendums', with prohibition slated to be the first issue put before the people. However, any legislation on the matter would have to come before a Congress that - whilst having a small Democratic majority - would be dominated by conservatives of both parties.

Time will tell if McAdoo is able to pass the progressive reforms he embodies...and if the bickering 'wets' in Congress are able to roll back the worst elements of prohibition.
 
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United Kingdom Election (1929)
1929 (UNITED KINGDOM) ELECTION

The decade immediately after the Great War was burdensome on most great powers that contested that conflict. Arising from the ashes of the then-most bloody war in human history, the nations which fought in 1914-19 were gripped by social upheaval, industrial disputes, rising radicalism, and the emergence of a mass politics hitherto unseen. The British Empire - the largest in the world - was not unique in this regard, with the social and political dimensions that shaped the 1920s being reflected within the heartland of the United Kingdom. Bouncing from liberal to moderate to socialist to conservative governments during the interwar period, the UK was perhaps a great reflection of the dissatisfaction felt by the weaker nations towards the stronger, as well as the weaker classes towards their social betters.

In 1924, the Conservative Party won an overwhelming electoral majority, seemingly in part due to the fabricated 'Zinoviev Letter'. Despite the overall inaccuracy of this claim, the authenticity of its sentiments laid in the depth of Conservative dominance from 1918-32, as well as the upswell of proletarian resistance during that same period. Evidenced by the Great Strike of 1926, organized labor in Britain began to discover its own voice during the 1920s, and with that came the predictable conservative (and later fascist) response to their demands.

Much like their Republican Party contemporaries, the Conservatives of the UK were struck by allegations of corruption, waste, diplomatic bungling, and economic mismanagement. Guided by the stalwart imperialist Stanley Baldwin, the right-wing in Britain were led into the 1929 general election on the backfoot. Seen as increasingly outdated and dismissive of the concerns of the new, industrial, urban populace, the Conservatives were attacked on all fronts by the resurgent Labour and Liberal Parties. Led by the moderate Ramsay MacDonald and self-proclaimed visionary David Lloyd George respectively, the two alternative parties laid blow-after-blow on their seemingly old-fashioned opponents in the 1926-29 by-elections, and it appeared that the 'progressive' stride that returned in the US would make its way to the motherland.

Such thinking would be quashed rapidly.

To the dismay of the Labour faithful and their equally-embarrassed Liberal counterparts, the two leading non-conservative forces in Britain proved unable to overthrow the 'Baldwinocracy'. Advances in lower-class voting rights and political mobilization (now including women aged 21+) allowed MacDonald's Labour Party to gain a substantial number of votes and seats in 1929, but not enough to break the Conservative's hold on power. Public antipathy towards the concepts of socialism, and the party's ostensible connections to the USSR remained as a hangover from 1924; and the beginning of the Soviet 'Cultural Revolution' of 1928-33 did much to hamper the growing middle-class support for the Labour Party.

The Liberals - though not as damaged by the election - still felt themselves reeling from the final results. In spite of the reunification of the breakaway wings of the movement by the popular stalwart Lloyd George (as well as the majority opposition to the protectionist policy of Baldwin), the Liberals found themselves unable to regain the heralded position as 'leaders of the opposition'. That they (and Labour) did regain much in 1929 cannot be doubted; however, it was both their inability to eliminate the Conservative majority that left the two 'left-wing parties' in a temporary state of unease and soul-searching. If not for the tremendous upheaval that arose after October 1929, they both may have taken very different paths to power.

The Conservatives of course were overjoyed by their electoral victory. Despite their divisive protectionist platform; despite their controversial suppression of workers' movements; and despite the ongoing scandals and relatively high unemployment (6%); the 'Party of Baldwin' reveled for a moment in another great victory. The losses of the campaign could be overlooked for the time being, and the infighting between the pro-imperial protectionists and internationalist free traders would be temporarily soothed by their return to government. However, the portents that arose in the 1920s, and the damage of ideological conflicts that arose in other countries would not escape the United Kingdom forever...they would just have to wait for the coming of the next terrible decade.

United Kingdom Election (1929).png
 
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Australia Elections (1928 & 1931)
Just a minor update whilst I'm struggling with the great writer's block regarding this timeline...

1928 & 1931 AUSTRALIAN ELECTIONS

Despite significant setbacks on domestic policy during the late-1920s, Stanley Bruce has his newly-formed Nationalist Party soared to re-election when Australians went to the polls in 1928. Despite the public's distaste for his anti-labor policies during his term (including the unpopular 'denationalization' of award negotiations), the incumbent Prime Minister and his coalition was overwhelmingly backed for another three-year-term at the end of 1928. Buoyed by the growing economy of the 1920s and the decline of overt displays of proletarian resistance (as exemplified by the IWW-inspired strikes of 1918-22), Australians had grown accustomed to the anti-ALP alliance which governed Canberra's politics. As a result - and despite their politics lying with the nativist Labor Party - the great majority of voters backed Stanley Bruce and his campaign of 'don't change horses midstream'.

Australia (1928).png

The decision would be one the Australian people would come to rue in retrospect.

The introduction of massive state tariffs by the United Kingdom in 1930 (and the United States in 1930-33) caused the Australian economy to implode. Formerly a globalized producer of primary products (particularly wool and coal), the beginning of the Great Depression rocked local manufacturers and their employees. The introduction and acceptance of the All-Empire Tariffs in 1930 by a narrow House majority deepened this disaster, as exports became both expensive to produce domestically as they were to export. As a result, mass layoffs in the primary sector intensified over the early-1930s, with an estimated 30% of Australian workers being unemployed by mid-1931.

Disgusted by what he saw as the 'kowtowing' of Australia to the All-Empire policy, former Nationalist leader Billy Hughes was the first to act when he laid his resignation in May 1931. After the party rejected his 'Manifesto for Recovery', the eclectic Hughes pulled a number of disgruntled Nationalists into his new 'Australia Party' which sought to reinforce the White Australia Policy, limit state autonomy, institute corporatist economic practices, and crack down on the 'communist-led laborites'. 'The Split' as it came to be called prompted the Bruce Government to dissolve in June 1931 with an election to be called immediately; and many in the middle-and-upper-classes feared it would be their undoing.

Indeed, despite the violent suppression of strikes during the latter-years of Stanley Bruce's Coalition Government, the Australian Labor Party proved as immovable as ever, and were clear favorites leading into the July polls. Divisions within the hitherto unbreakable Coalition proved to be its downfall in the end, for despite the ALP's tenuous factions (united only in hatred of Stanley Bruce), the Country Party caucus was torn between its coalition with the Nationalists, or a new alliance with Billy Hughes. It was party leader Earle Page who opted to break with either 'failing venture' and run a broad slate of candidates in as many electorates as possible. Thus, with the three-way split in the right-wing calcified, the anti-Labor vote came into 1931 heavily divided and outnumbered.

The results on that day spoke for themselves. Reigning in the great plurality and majority of the first preference and two-party-preferred votes (45.17% & 54.55%), the Australian Labor Party seized government without much issue. Their mortally divided opposition had much more to worry about, as Bruce's Nationalists, Page's Country Party, and Hughes' Australian Party split both primary and secondary preferences. In particular, the Australian Party (with its statist platform and rivalry with Bruce) saw many of its votes flow to James Scullin's party. As a result, both the House and the Senate went to the ALP with an overall majority, and the mandate to govern shifted from the damaged Nationalists to the admittedly-divided Labor Party.

As the Catholic moderate James Scullin promulgated a new, progressive era of Australian politics (to march alongside Ramsay MacDonald's majority of 1932), many in the middle-and-upper-classes felt their power slipping away. However, this state of affairs would not last long, as the bloodiest era of Australian politics would emerge from the fires of the late-1930s, and the strength of the new working-class majority would be tested by the ideological conflicts of that gripped the world.

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