A New Alexiad: Tarkhaneiotes Triumphant

Which Would Genoa Rather Give Up?


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Character Portraits
  • Eparkhos

    Banned
    So as I may have mentioned, my interest in the Eastern Roman Empire was sparked by General_BT's Rome Aarisen AAR on the Crusader Kings forums. I was re-reading said AAR this weekend when it dawned on me that there have been no pictures of characters as of now. So I fired up CK2 and used the character creator to create portraits of the dramatis personae of our tale:

    Alexios VI
    Alexios VI.png


    Nikephoros Tarkhaneiotes (claimant to the title Tsar Consort of Bulgaria by way of marriage)
    Tsar Nikephoros the Greek.png


    Sofiya Asen, claimant to the title Tsarina of Bulgaria
    Tsarina Sofiya of Bulgaria.png


    Mesazon Manouel Planoudes
    Manouel Planoudes.png


    Megas Papioi Khizr the Vainakh
    Khizr the Vainakh.png


    Megas Logathete Glen of Frei
    Glen of Frei.png


    Exarch Nikolaos Glabas
    Nikolaos Glabas.png


    And finally, a mystery character who will be relevant in a few weeks:
    Basilia Çağrı.png
     
    1306, pt. 1
  • Eparkhos

    Banned
    1306:

    Winter:

    Yuri, Grand Prince of Ruthenia, emerges from mediation in Kiev with his council in February. He sends a rider to Tarnovo and the court of Bulgaria, saying that if Tsar Alejsi would be willing to join the Ruthenians in avenging the voluntary kidnapping of Anastasiya Rjúrikoviči then the two states would invade Rhomanion together. However, when they arrive, they find no Tsar Alejsi. He had been overthrown and killed in a palace coup in January 1306, and replaced with his younger brother Samuil II. Whilst Alejsi had been a cautious ruler, Samuil was a warmonger, and he gladly agreed to war against the Romans.

    A messenger from Jaime II of Aragon arrives in Alexios’ camp in Megara on 5 March. Jaime is offering his niece Sancia’s hand in marriage to secure an alliance against the Angevins. Alexios agrees, on the condition that Sancia convert to Orthodox Christianity before marriage. The Basileus then sends a messenger to Arsenios II, reminding him that third marriages were technically legal if penance was taken by both partners after the ceremony.

    Khizr the Vainakh keels over from a stroke on 28 February, at the age of 81.


    Spring:

    The three-pronged invasion of Achaea begins on 7 April. Isaakios Kaballarios and 2,000 men cross into the Morea from Naupaktos. Timotheos Sgouros and 2,000 infantry march east from Argos intent on taking the fortified city of Damala, which was the site of a major Achaean supply depot. Alexios himself pushes across the Hexamilion easily, and on 9 April arrives outside of Akrokorinthos and lays siege to the great fortress. Akrokorinthos was unprepared for such a siege as the Achaeans had believed that the Hexamilion would have held Alexios until Florent of Hainault arrived from Patras.

    On 11 April, Florent of Hainault and 5,000 infantry plus about 30 knights surprise Kaballarios in a night attack on his camp. Most of the force is killed, including Kaballarios himself, but 500 Tourkopoloui light cavalry camped nearby escape and flee east along the coast. Hainault gives chase, and over the next three days the two forces fight a running battle along the southern shore of the Gulf of Korinthos. Finally, on 15 April, the Achaeans catch up with the Romans, but as they do the forces come within visual range of Alexios’ siege works outside of Akrokorinthos. The Salonan cavalry, about 20 knights and 600 light cavalry, sally out of the siege works and slam into Hainault’s side. The lightly armored infantry that had kept pace with the cavalry were slaughtered by the unexpected attack and the Achaean knights retreat north. Alexios orders the exhausted Tourkopoloui not to pursue, and for the Salonans to fall back to the siege works. The visible defeat demoralizes the defenders and they capitulate the next day.

    Hainault’s cavalry regroups on the 17th with the slower moving infantry and they advance south-west, intentionally coming within sight of Alexios’ army as they march south. The Basileus, suspecting an ambush, refuses to pursue and instead marches south towards Argos, believing that Hainault was trying to provoke him into an unreasoned attack by raiding Lakonia. Hainault instead swings west to Argyrokastra, arriving on 9 May. There he begins digging in for a siege, planning to use the central location of Argyrokastra to force Alexios to attack the city to subdue the threat in his side. But more importantly, he dispatches Pietro di Amicae to raid Lakonia and attempt to draw the Romans into a chase. Di Amicae barrels into Lakonia and takes the small fortress of Sparta, about 3 miles northwest of the provincial capital of Mystras, on 30 May.

    Meanwhile, Damala falls to Sgouros on the 2nd of June, freeing the besieging force to make its way west to join Alexios’ army at Argos. The reinforcements arrive on the 10th, which leads Alexios to decide to break off half his army, 3,500 men under Andronikos Asen, to sweep along the western coast and secure the major port cities to deny any Angevin reinforcements a landing point. He himself marches on Argyrokastra.

    On 11 June, the garrison at Mystras sees di Amicae’s army withdrawing north. They sally out and retake Sparta, but the parties that were sent after the Frangopole find no army, only a large herd of sheep travelling on the road towards Gardiki. When the bewildered garrison returns to Mystras, they find the gates barred, though they only have a few minutes to curse their stupidity before they were driven off by polybolos fire. The Mystras garrison find the fields around Sparta stripped of food, whilst there were two years’ worth left in the citadel.

    Meanwhile, Yuri and Samuil II link up at Varna in late April. Their combined army number 45,000; 15,000 Tartar cavalry, 20,000 Bulgarian infantry and 10,000 Russian foot. They are screened by a fleet of 80 Halychian ships. They leave the city on 3 May. The Papioi were in turmoil as Alexios had yet to appoint a successor, and as such didn’t pick up on the massive Slavic force marching south. However, Jacopo Gagić, a Ragusan merchant based in Varna, sends a ship to Konstantinopolis warning of the oncoming horde. By the time the ship arrives the Slavs are a week and a half from Konstantinopolis. Planoudes actually reacts rather calmly, ordering Nikephoros Tarkhaneiotes out of retirement to command a defense of the capital. The garrison of the Theodosian and Nikephorean walls totaled 8,000 men under Ioannes Akropolites; Nikephoros calls up 3,000 veterans from Thrake to bolster the defense. Grain is brought in from Paphlagonia and Bithynia whilst the fields of Thrake are scoured for anything edible. The defenses are barely in place before the combined army arrives outside of the city on 27 May.

    The invaders survey the walls, and identify the Nikephorean walls as the weakest section. There had been continuous additions since 1302, but the walls around Galata were still visibly shorter and thinner. On 31 May the Russians attempt to storm them, but are driven back by shot and naphtha with heavy losses. A similar attack is launched two days later, and then on the 8th of June a joint assault is launched, with Samuil attacking the Triton district on the Marmara whilst the Russians attack the Nikephorean Walls. The Bulgarian push goes the way of all attempts to storm the Theodosian Walls, but the Russians manage to force their way onto the wall. A fierce battle insues, with arquebus and pike abandoned in favor of axe and mace. Dmitry, Yuri’s youngest son, was killed in the struggle as was David Psaramarkos, Spyridon’s brother. After an hour the Russian siege ladders are cut down or burned, trapping a group of besiegers on the walls, all of whom are either killed or taken prisoner. Among the prisoners is Andriy, the Crown Prince of Halychia, and a sworn enemy of Vaclav-Wenceslaus. Surprisingly, this just makes Yuri even more determined to take Konstantinopolis, and he orders his fleet into a blockade around the city. Before the ring is complete, however, Planoudes dispatches a note on a ship bound for Thessalonika and the court of Nikolaos Glabas.
     
    1306, pt. 2
  • Eparkhos

    Banned
    Summer:

    Duke Robert of Taranto launches from Lecce with 12,000 men on 26 June.

    Planoudes’ message arrives in Thessalonika on 29 June, but Glabas wasn’t there. When word of Alexios’ victories in the Morea arrived in his court in late April, Glabas had raised 6,000 Armanj cavalry and crossed the Albanian frontier. By late June they had reconquered most of the Angevin client and were outside the walls of Durres. However, this left only his 18-year old son, Mikhael Glabas the Younger, and 3,000 infantry in Thessalonika. The Younger is smart enough to know that attacking ~40,000 men with 3,000 would be suicide, and instead marches north-west to harass the supply lines between Konstantinopolis and Tarnovo. The message is passed on to Nikolaos himself, but instead of seeing this as a reason to pull back and defend the capital, he instead marches on Epirus, intending to secure his flank before he marches to retake the city from the Russians and install himself as emperor. With Durres taken on 7 July, he crosses the frontier on 11 July, and twelve days later Arta is taken by storm, effectively ending the Despotate of Epirus, though resistance continues in the hills for over a decade.

    Meanwhile, on 3 July, the defenders of Konstantinopolis feel a rumble as the ground shakes beneath them. Thankfully, it’s not strong enough to damage the walls. Instead, these are the shockwaves from a massive (7.8) earthquake with its epicenter in the Gulf of Taranto. The earthquake generates a wall of tsunamis that sweep over southern Italy and the western coast of Greece. The tsunamis, some as tall as ~45 feet, kill an estimated 450,000 people, among them King Charles II, his sons Robert and Philip and 30,000 Angevin soldiers in Italy alone, not counting the entirety of the expeditionary force, which was swallowed by the sea off of Zakynthos. This leaves the 13-year old John King of Naples with his cousin Charles of Valois as regent. Of Valois frantically sues for peace with both the Aragonese and Romans, as the Angevin army had lost upwards of 80% of its strength. A peace messenger arrives in Alexios’ camp outside of Argyrokastra on the 14th of July. Alexios agrees to a twenty-year peace with the Angevins in exchange for acknowledgement of the Roman gains in the Morea and the ceding of Albania (Alexios was unaware of Nikolaos’ campaign at the time). Charles agrees, and in early August (6 August) a messenger crosses the lines into Argyrokastra with a message to Florent of Hainault, signed by King John, that can be summed up as “You’re on your own.”

    Alexios sends a messenger the next day to demand surrender from the Franks. The messenger was Konstantin Asen, who was sent in an effort to mollify Hainault. (Like how the King of Saxony asked the King of Prussia to come to the German Diet in the 1850s, Alexios sent the exiled King of Bulgaria to ask the “King” of Achaea.) But Hainault refuses, executes Asen and then chucks his head over the walls. Andronikos Asen, who had rejoined the army in July, leads his ~1,000 men against the Franks and manages to breach the walls. Asen kills Hainault in a chaotic battlefield duel, but is himself killed when the Franks throw bundles of flaming straw into the lower courtyard before retreating into the citadel. Alexios orders the citadel destroyed, and over the next three days volley after volley of ballistae and cannon fire hammer away at the fortress. Finally, on 10 August, the eastern wall crumbles and the Romans fire blindly into the void, cutting down the few survivors as they attempt to escape. On 11 August Alexios orders the fortress be torn down, brick by brick, and the prisoners from the summer’s campaigns are set to work doing so. What few survivors remain in the ruined fortress are all executed, and Alexios leaves a small force behind to oversee the destruction before marching east with his main army on the 19th. He himself breaks away from the column and rides south into Lakonia, where Philip di Amicae still holds Mystras. Alexios rides up outside the fortress under a flag of truce on 27 August, where he offers di Amicae a pronoia in Euboea and a command in the Imperial Army if he would swear fealty to the Emperor. Di Amicae, seeing the walls closing in, agrees and surrenders Mystras. The two return to Argos on the 2nd of September, where they are greeted by a ship from Thessalonika with the news of the Siege. Alexios commandeers every ship in Naupolis and sails, with 3,000 men, for Kalliopolis.

    In the Thrakesion, a young Christian Turkish officer in the local command named Mensur Targan raises an army of 2,000 Tourkopoloui cavalry and 5,000 Roman and Turkish infantry, uses said force to depose his superiors, and then marches north gathering reinforcements from the veterans living in Eastern Anatolia. By the time he crosses into Europe in late July, his force numbers 15,000. He camps at Selymbria in early August, and his cavalry begins harassing the Bulgarian rear.

    Meanwhile, yet another Roman force moves against the allies. Remember how Manouel Planoudes was planning on recalling Manouel Tarkhaneiotes in May? Well he didn’t, mostly due to the giant invasion and all. As the siege progressed, reports of the death of Dmitry and the capture of Andriy filter out to Kherson. There, Manouel, believing that Andriy would likely have been executed or blinded, does some calculations and comes up with his wife being second in line to the throne of Halychia-Ruthenia. He convinces Tügä Khan, the Khan of the Nogai Horde, to invade the Golden Horde to distract them, and then on 1 August he sails from Kherson with 4,000 men, leaving Anastasiya and his two month old son Nikephoros/Nikifor in the city. He lands in Bilgorod on 8 August, where the locals recognize Anastasiya as Grand Princess of Halychia-Ruthenia. Lev, Yuri’s second son, learns of this a week later and marshals 5,000 infantry and 5,000 Tartar auxiliaries in Halych and marches south. Manouel marches north from Bilgorod, burning the fields of villages that refused to recognize Anastasiya. This makes him easy to track, and Lev zeroes in on his location in late August. But just as he closes in Manouel’s track disappears. Manouel’s scouts had spotted Lev’s army, and he had stopped raiding and quick-marched west. He crossed into Transylvania in Early September, where he finds Siemowit of Dobyrzyn, the former leader of the exiled Poles in Halychia and enemy of Lev II. Siemowit and his ~5,000 hussars (Not winged, wingless) join forces with Manouel and the combined army re-invades Halychia and marches on Halych. Lev rushes back and attempts to block the march. At the fateful Battle of Halych on 21 September, the Halychians are routed and Lev is captured. He is executed, and his head hoisted on a pike in front of Halych’s gate. The city surrenders, and Manouel sends word to Kherson that it is safe for Anastasiya and Nikifor to sail for Bilgorod.


    Fall:

    Yuri learns of the turmoil in Halychia in Early October, and he abandons camp and marches north with the 15,000 remaining Russian men and the fleet. However, he dies of a heart attack on October 17th at age 55. His second-in-command, Mikhail Gorbachev, orders the army to continue north, but sends a messenger north to Halych recognizing Anastasiya as the Grand Princess. Samuil II is left alone with 15,000 men beneath the Theodosian Walls.

    A week after the Russians withdraw, Mensur decamps Selymbria and marches against the Bulgarians. On 23 October Mensur’s standards come into view and Samuil turns his army to face the incoming threat. But as he does so, Nikephoros sallies out from the walls and charges into the Bulgarian rear as the Anatolian army presses into the front. The Bulgarian right dissolves and flees, but the center and left are slaughtered. Samuil II’s head is stuck on a pike above the Golden Gate, and Mensur’s cavalry wheels north and pursues the Russian force.

    Alexios lands at Kalliopolis on the 27th and marches north. He is greeted at Selymbria by messengers from the city, who inform him of the collapse of the invasion. Alexios re-enters the city on the 29th of October. Sancia of Aragon arrives on 2 November, and as such there is a dual triumph, one each for Alexios and Mensur, and an Imperial wedding on the 7th of November. Sancia’s dowry is Malta, and on 28 November the Romans reoccupy Malta for the first time since 870.

    --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

    Before anyone says anything, the tsunami was not a deus ex machina. I had plans for the Angevins to counter-invade the Morea with the same results as in the current version, I just thought the tsunami was badass more creative.
     
    Last edited:
    Map of 1306 & More Portraits
  • Eparkhos

    Banned
    Europe 1306.png


    More characters:
    Grand Prince Manouel.png

    Grand Prince Manouel of Halychia-Ruthenia

    Grand Princess Anastasiya.png

    Grand Princess Anastasiya of Halychia-Ruthenia

    Mensur Targan.png

    Mensur Targan

    Philip di Amicae.png

    Philip di Amicae

    Sancia of Aragon.png

    Sancia of Aragon
     
    1307
  • Eparkhos

    Banned
    1307:

    Winter:

    Reliable news of Samuil II’s death arrives back in Tarnovo in mid-January, resulting in the elevation of Ignat, Samuil and Alejsi’s first cousin. Ignat takes the regnal name of Simeon II. The news of Samuil’s death at the hands of a Roman army leads to an uprising in Wallachia. The Wallachian voivodes elect one of their own, Iancu de Tîrgoviște, as Grand Prince of Românească.


    Spring:

    Alexios begins preparing for an invasion of Bulgaria. He designates the three provinces closest to the Bulgarian frontier for the operation:

    · The Oghurikon, with a total strength of 4,000 foot and 2,000 cavalry in the pre-Nikephorean style. Capital at Traiditza (Sofia), commanded by Mikhael Philanthropenos, Alexios’ maternal uncle.

    · The Paristrion, with a total strength of 2,000 foot and 3,000 horse, reinforced by 5,000 infantry from Paphlagonia, all pre-Nikephorian. Capital at Mesembria, commanded by Konstantinos Palaiologos, the second son of Andronikos II.

    (Konstantinos had governed the province since 1294; He had kept his position by swearing fealty to Alexios and turning over Palaiologian revanchists who approached him for a coup)

    · The Neothrakion, with a total strength of 5,000 pre-Nikephorian, commanded by Nikephoros Strategopoulos. Capital at Philipopolis.

    In April he transfers 5,000 men from the Paphlagonian highlands by ship to Mesembria.

    In May he reaches out to Stefan Milutin and proposes a betrothal between the now 11-year old Despotes Theodoros and the 13-year old Jelena Nemanijic, Milutin’s granddaughter. Milutin, seeing this as an out from his trapped-in-a-vice-of-enemies predicament, practically tripping over himself to agree. The wedding is set for 1310, and the Serbian lands south of the Drin River are given to the Empire as a dowry.


    Summer:

    Pietro Gradenigo, the Doge of Venice, approaches Alexios and offers to sell him the Ionian Islands (Kerkyra, Zakynthos & Kephalonia) and the Cretan Fortresses for 50,000 hyperpyron. The Basileus agrees on the spot, as the Romans already had ~40,000 hyperpyron sitting around waiting to be melted down, and the mint in Argyropolis still had some of the old casts.

    Venice, her treasuries dried by almost a decade of deficits, military campaigns against the rising power of Ragusa and massive funds embezzled to pay Pisan and Anconan traders for opium, was nearly broke in 1306. And as always in Medieval Europe, Venice’s neighbors could smell weakness. In early 1306 Duke Matteo of Milan, King Albert of Germany, King Wenceslaus-Vaclav and the Venetian exile Bajamonte Tiepolo met at Albert’s capital in Wien, and agreed to divide Venice between them, with Wenceslaus-Vaclav taking Istria, Matteo taking the Venetian borderlands and Albert and Bajamonte splitting the remaining land north-south between them. The Venetians had lost a series of battles, and needed the hyperpyron to hire mercenaries for one last campaign. Unfortunately for that nest of traitors, it failed, and by 1308 the Republic of Venice was finished.

    On another Italian note, Clement V’s move to Avignon had opened a power vacuum in the northern Papal States. This resulted in many neighboring city-states (especially Bologna, San Marino and Ancona) slowly creeping onto Papal lands and absorbing it.


    Fall:

    Patriarch Arsenios II dies in Konstantinopolis on 30 September. Invitations for a Church council are sent out.

    Sancia of Aragon gives birth to a son, who is named Ioannes, in mid-October.

    Europe 1307.png
     
    Last edited:
    1308
  • Eparkhos

    Banned
    1308:

    Winter:

    The Church Synod elects Alejsi Krycek, the Bishop of Varna, as Patriarch Nikolaos V on 28 January, whom I’m going to call Krycek as to avoid confusion with Nikolaos Glabas. The next day, Krycek issues a bull stating that due to some tiny error in Arsenios II’s papers regarding Alexios’ penance after marrying Sancia of Aragon the whole thing was worthless. As such, the new penance is to not lead an army in the field for three years, because, third wife and all.

    Alexios’ initial reaction is to KILL THE BLASPHEMOUS, SIMONIOUS MOTHERBLEEPER AND ALL OF CONSPIRATORS, but Sancia and Planoudes calm him down before he does something stupid and he spends the next few days sulking in the palace. Instead of bringing over an additional 5,000 Trapezuntines to act as a reserve in that year’s campaigns, he instead orders Demetrios Bryennios, the governor of the Optimatoi, to raise his army and cross into Europe as a reserve. Bryennios was a vainglorious man, always eager to add proverbial feathers to his cap and prone to rushing unprepared into battle, but Alexios had little choice as he was the only commander available for the spring push.


    Spring:

    The invasion of Bulgaria begins. Mikhael Philanthropenos decamps Traiditza on April 14, following the Isikos River north through the Haemus. Riding with him is the now eight-year old Despotes Sabbas. The Oghurikon encounters little resistance as it marches, and lays siege to Vidin on May 7 without having fought once.

    Palaiologos’ campaign is similar. He leaves Mesembria on 29 March and advances due north-west across the Bulgarian plains to the fortress of Cherven, which he finds unguarded and stripped of supplies on 17 April. He occupies it and continues the march north to the Danube where he links up with Iancu. Their combined force, 20,000 strong, marches on Tarnovo, arriving outside the city on 16 May. The Bulgarian capital is unguarded, but otherwise seems intact. The city is garrisoned and the army camps outside its walls.

    Strategopoulos and the Neothrakion cross the Haemus in early April and march due north against the fortress of Pleven. On 21 April, Strategopoulos set up siegeworks around the fortress of Hisarya, about twenty miles south of Pleven. On the 23rd, Simeon II and 3,000 infantry storm the camp in a night attack and slaughter most of the Neothrakion, with less than a thousand Romans escaping in the chaos. Simeon then disappears back into the Danubian lowlands, leaving the remains of the Neothrakion to flee back south.

    The survivors of the Battle of Hisarya arrive at the Optimatoi camp at Anevsko on 1 May. Bryennios, seeing an opportunity to end the war right there, abandons Anevsko and marches north, seeking decisive battle with the Bulgarians. Instead, a week after he leaves on the 3rd Simeon and his “army” take the fortress and demolish it via undermining before moving west along the Haemus. On the 11th of May, the same day that Bryennios reaches Pleven, Simeon crashes through Trajan’s Gates and dismisses his army, riding west with a small bodyguard to the fortress of Bansko. There he lin ks up with 4,000 Armanj cavalry and turns south towards Thessalonika.

    Vidin falls on 18 May after an eleven-day siege and Philanthropenos reverses his position and marches south, intending to re-garrison Trajan’s Gates and prevent another Bulgarian army from crossing the Haemus. The Romans retake the pass in early June.

    The Tsar and his new force marches south raiding along the Struma valley, however, his scouts fail badly and on 18 June he is cornered against the Aegean by Nikolaos Glabas, 6,000 cavalry and 6,000 infantry.

    Summer:

    News of Simeon II’s trapping arrives in Konstantinopolis in early July, resulting in Alexios forcing Patriarch Nikolaos V (at literal sword point) to crown Sofiya Asen as Tsarina of Bulgaria on 4 July. Preparations for a triumph celebrating Glabas and Palaiologos and starring Simeon as a prisoner begin. But on 9 July a messenger rides into the city through the Golden Gate and deliver to Alexios a message from Glabas.

    As you may remember from 1301, Glabas had been given all land west of the Strymon and Neothrakion in exchange for surrendering his claim to the throne. However, after Alexios had retaken the throne in late 1304, Glabas’ domain had been cut down. The new borders of his territory were the Axios in the east and the Aliakmon in the south. But now that he had Simeon II as a bargaining chip, he was pushing for his territory to be expanded to the Strymonas in the east and the Salambaras in the south. This was insane, because the lion’s share of the empire’s gold mines were in the territory between the Axios and the Strymonas.

    Negotiations between Thessalonika and Konstantinopolis continue on over the summer whilst the Romans continue to take Bulgarian cities. Palaiologos conquers the Black Sea coast by the end of August, whilst Bryennios and Philanthropenos continue campaigning.


    Fall:

    An agreement between Glabas and Alexios is reached in October. The central government will retain control of the Khalkidhiki, sans the western coast, whilst Thessalonika gains control of the aforementioned borders and receives the title of Exarch.

    Simeon II is turned over to the Papioi, but whilst being transported to Konstantinopolis his ship sinks and he escapes, disappearing into the Haemus.

    Europe 1308.png
     
    Last edited:
    1309
  • Eparkhos

    Banned
    1309

    Winter:

    In February, Patriarch Nikolaos delivers a sermon criticizing the entire population of Konstantinopolis for living in a city founded by an unbaptized man. A drunken mob attempts to storm the Agia Sophia and lynch him that night. Alexios and Despotes Theodoros both refuse to authorize the Imperial Guards to defend the church, resulting in the eleven-year old Despotes Sabbas being shaken awake and asked to authorize the guards to keep the mob from tearing the Patriarch limb from limb. He agrees, and not only authorizes it but leads one of the Turkish contingents of the guard in person. The mob is dispersed, but Sabbas’ usage of the Turkish Guard will become important later.

    On 7 March, a young Turkish sailor, Abdülkadir of Sinope, stages a mutiny on one of the merchant ships travelling between Trapezous and Kherson. He sails to Mesembria and storms it whilst Palaiologos is in Tarnovo.

    Speaking of Palaiologos, on 19 March a fight breaks out in the ranks between the Wallachians and the Romans. Iancu and the Wallachian officers join in the fight, resulting in a full-blown battle in the camp. The Romans are forced to retreat inside Tarnovo, resulting in a siege.


    Spring:

    Alexios finishes his penance then rides north to take command of Philanthropenos’ army in Traiditza. He arrives in the city on 4 April and marches east, combing the Haemus for Simeon. In late April they find Simeon holed up in the fortress of Stipon. Alexios sets down for a siege, but on 1 May a rider from Mesembria arrives in the camp and asks the emperor to send an army to retake the city. He passes the messenger on to Palaiologos, but the rider returns on the eighth with several arrow-holes in his cloak. Alexios mutters something rude under his breath and decamps Stipon, leaving 500 men behind to continue the siege while he marches to relieve Palaiologos.

    Simeon and his men attempt to breakout on the 11th, but the attempt fails and the Romans are able to counterattack into the city. Simeon jumps off of the walls…

    …and lands in a well. He hauls himself over the rim and crawls away with a broken hand and leg. He’s taken in by a local peasant woman, Desislava, and nursed back to health.

    Alexios and his army arrives outside of Tarnovo on May 16th. Iancu had dug a defensive trench behind his lines and when the Romans attempt to assault the Wallachians they are repulsed and Alexios sets up another round of siege works behind the Wallachians. On 28 May Alexios again tries to storm the Wallachian lines but fails. The Romans settle in for a long siege.

    Summer:

    In early July, Alexios offers Iancu safe passage back to Wallachia. The voivode, knowing that even if he takes Tarnovo he will be besieged without hope of relief, agrees and withdraws. Alexios then turns and marches east against Mesembria. Abdülkadir evacuates the port on 23 July and flees up the coast to Varna, which he takes in a night attack. When the emperor arrives in Mesembria the locals give him the name of the pirate.

    Gazi Çelebi.

    Alexios refortifies the city and marches south, eager to retire for the year as the Roman treasury was strained by the expense of keeping so many men in the field. He arrives in Konstantinopolis on August 9 after dismissing most of the army. The next day Nikolaos V publically denounces him as a coward. The large chunk of the city’s population that had served directly under him at some point in the last fifteen years riots, and Sabbas has to lead out the Turkish Guard to keep the Patriarch from being lynched again.

    On 12 August Sancia gives birth to another son, Isaakios. He is baptized in the Agia Irene as the Patriarch refuses the Imperial family access to the Agia Sophia.


    Autumn:

    Gazi Çelebi attacks Kherson and burns it to the ground on 24 September. Alexios dispatches Nikephoros Bryennios to retake the city, but his fleet is ambushed and destroyed whilst sailing across the Black Sea. The Imperial Navy sets sail from Konstantinopolis, but is unable to find the Gazi. While the Navy is searching for him, Gazi runs the Bosporos at the dead of night and begins raiding the Marmara. The Nikomedian fleet wighs anchor and pursues, forcing him to flee into the Aegean.


    Europe 1309.png
     
    Last edited:
    Voyage of Alexios Tarkhaneiotes
  • Eparkhos

    Banned
    1313 may as well be a non-year. So here's foreshadowing:

    (From Manuel Planoudes' Ho Autokrator, 1369)

    "...If I were able to go back and change anything in my life, I would unwrite the aforementioned note in 1313...."


    ALEXIOS TARKHANEIOTES: THE OTHER ONE

    The Alexios Tarkhaneiotes I refer to is not the emperor, but instead his first cousin. Alexios Tarkhaneiotes was born to Andronikos Tarkhaneiotes and Helene Angelos in Larissa in 1283. He was fourth in line to the Thessalian throne, but showed no interest in power, instead spending his time reading and developed an early fascination with languages, learning French, Latin and Aromanian before the age of 15, when he moved to Konstantinopolis and accompanied the emperor on the Paphlagonian Campaign.

    He commanded a ship during the Siege of Sinope and carried Parwana back to the capital after its fall and was permanently promoted to captain. He lost his left eye three years later during the Civil Wars of 1301, in which he supported Kourkouas and by merit of being the only captain who didn't immediately flee in the aftermath of the Coup of 10 June was promoted to admiral and sent with five ships to track down Planoudes. He was anchored off of Antikythera when news of Konstantinos XII's coup and counter-purge reached him. His squadron sailed to Kriti and joined Alexios VIII's armada. When Nikephoros overthrew Alexios VIII he exiled him and told him never to return.

    Alexios winds up in Florence with Planoudes and Dante, joining the clergy in 1303 and taking the clerical name Bonifacius. By 1307 he had worked his way up to priest and convinced Clement V to appoint him Bishop of Vinland. He traveled north to Bjørgvin and from there to Reykjavik, Herjolfsnes and Vinland proper. He spent a year as Bishop before appointing a local deacon as his replacement in 1309 and leading a group of 20 Vinlanders on a self-proclaimed Crusade against the Mississippians, whom he had only vaguely heard of through Algonquin traders. They found the Mississippians far stronger than they expected and were taken to Cahokia for human sacrifice. Alexios-Bonifacius escapes with a bagful of copper ritual plates and is chased back to Vinland. He then launches a second expedition that sails down the coast to Florida and then across to the Antilles. He lands in the Yucatan, steals a few bags of tomato and cacao seeds before most of his group are killed and he and two men flee back to Vinland. He is almost lynched upon his return but escapes and flags down a Basque fisherman and returns to Europe in 1312. He then resigns from the priesthood and is rebaptized into the Orthodox Church in Serbia.

    Stefan Milutin grants him a small tract of land in Kosovo so he can use him to support an invasion of the Empire. In 1316 he petitions Alexios VI to rejoin Imperial service. The emperor agrees and Alexios joins the Papioi.

    At this point he could speak (in order of learning) Greek, Latin, French, Aromanian, Hebrew, Italian, Bulgarian, Turkish, Arabic, Romani, Norwegian, Vinland Norse, Algonquian, Mississippian, Nahuatl, Basque, Serbian, Albanian and Bosnian. The Papioi recognized the potential of such a polyglot, and as such was forcibly circumcised and sent on a mission to infiltrate the major Islamic schools of the Middle East. He was the first European to enter Mecca in 1321 and spent the next eight years crisscrossing the Middle East taking notes on the prevailing theologies of the area. In 1330 he was assigned to explore the Coast of Africa (the last reliable accounts were from the 3rd Century) and spent the next two years sailing, riding and hiking as far south as Great Zimbabwe. From there it was to India in 1332 and China in 1336. He returned to the Empire in 1338 and went into retirement in Konstantinopolis.
     
    Advisory #4
  • Eparkhos

    Banned
    Sorry, 1315 has run long and as such I have not been able to complete it. It will be up tomorrow.
     
    Revival Anouncement
  • Eparkhos

    Banned
    A-hem.

    Alright, so the laptop that I wrote most of A New Alexiad on broke badly last week. While I was trying to recover at least part of its contents, I stumbled upon an old draft of 1310 from July. This prompted me to start thinking about ANA, and within a few days I had come up with a basic draft of the period after 1310.

    As such, A New Alexiad is coming back from hiatus. Updates will not be daily, but there will be several per week.​
     
    1310 (Cannonical)
  • Eparkhos

    Banned
    1310


    Winter


    Gazi Çelebi, unwilling to risk destruction at the hands of rough winter currents in the Aegean, anchors on the eastern side of the Hekatonesoi Archipelago, south-west along the coast from Adrymittion in mid-January. The Nikomedian fleet loses track of him and turns for home, leaving a 6-squadron fleet under the command of the Italian-trained Roman mariner Demetrios Akakios at Tenedos.


    On 21 January, a fisherman from Kydonies sails directly into Çelebi’s fleet. Its captain manages to wheel around and streaks for land, dodging the pursuing pirates in the dense island cluster and safely reaching the port. The city’s garrison commander sends a rider to Adrymittion, whose commander then sends two further on; one to Nikomedia and one to Kalliopolis, both to succor aid. Akakios somehow catches wind of this and sails after Çelebi, eager for glory and irreverent of the climactic dangers..


    Çelebi had believed that he still had time to leave before a Roman fleet arrived, and as such had remained in place while waiting for the weather to clear. As such, he and his men were taken by surprise when Akakios and his flotilla burst out of the Hekatonesoi Strait on the south-west face of the archipelago, a fierce easterly at their backs on 27 January. The Roman ships are able to take the pirates while they are at anchor, setting several unmanned ships alight and stranding their crews on the island. Çelebi is able to board his ship, turning north with 4 of his 17 ships and circling around the island to run south-west in Lesbos’ shadow. Akakios is unable to track him down, and as so turns back to Adrymittion on the 29th.


    Simeon II shows up outside the gates of Vratsa, alone and unarmed, on 7 February.. He shouts up to the guards that, “If you wish to be the hounds of the Roman, then slay me. May he who has the heart slay the Tsar!”. Most of the soldiers, dismissing him as an imposter, ignore him; However, a group of Bulgarian auxiliaries had been left unattended in one of the gatehouses and they admitted him. Vratsa was a major training center, and there were upwards of 1,500 armed Bulgarians within its walls. Simeon rallies them against the Romans and they massacre the few dozen Romans within the city before leading 1,200 south towards Traiditza. They are joined by several hundred (~600) militiamen armed with farming implements and tools.


    They descend into the plains surrounding Traiditza on the 9th, appearing beneath the walls at dawn on the 10th. The city was held only by two hundred Armanj auxiliaries, many of whom when confronted by how screwed they are quickly defect to Simeon; the few that don’t are killed. The new cavalry are dispatched south-east with light infantry accompaniment to occupy the abandoned defenses at Stipon.




    Spring


    Iancu raids across the Hungarian frontier, burning several towns and laying siege to the county capital of Deva in the third week of March. He retreats before the local counts can respond, but has made a fatal mistake in assaulting the lands of Vaclav the Iron-Willed.


    Simeon’s makeshift army continues to advance east along the northern slope of the Haemus, relieving the garrison of Anevsko on the 23rd, and pushing on to lay siege to the lightly-defended fortress of Hisarya on the 30th.


    News of the Tsar’s return reach Konstantinoupoli on 2 April. The Emperor is irate. Rhomaion had suffered under Bulgarian raids for the last thirty year, and he was determined that he would end it. He orders Nikephoros to gather what few surviving retainers the Asens have and to prepare them for war. He then sends a rider to the Thrakesion; He will end this war and will do so with the best men he has, his veterans from before his rise to the throne. He also raises the men of the Thrakian Khersonese, 3,000 Nikephorian soldiers.


    Simeon spends April criss-crossing western Bulgaria, calling the peasants to arms and trapping the Roman garrisons within the few fortresses scattered across the plain. He manages to mass an army of 9,000 foot and 1,500 cavalry, mostly militia. In Eastern Bulgaria, the Cuman nobleman Georgi Terter raises a pro-Asenist army of 4,000 foot and marches on Tarnovo in preparation for the Emperor’s coming. Terter reaches the city on 27 April, but decides to continue on to confront Simeon. However, upon learning of the size of the rebel army he changes his mind and falls back to the capital.


    The mounted infantry[1] of the Thrakesion, 4,000 strong, arrive outside of Konstantinoupoli on 6 May. Alexios combines them with the Thrakian Khersonesians and marches north, crossing the Haemusus in late May and arriving Lardea on 30 May.



    Summer



    The Imperial army, now 11,000 strong, advances west along the mountains in pursuit of Simeon. They relieve the garrisons of several of the besieged fortresses between the Yantra and Iskar but do not re-occupy them as Alexios is unwilling to reduce his slim numerical advantage. The fortresses are instead demolished, which slows their progress down. They finally arrive on the Iskar on 18 July.


    Simeon has not spent June idly, however, and has trained his militia into an effective fighting force. He positions his infantry, the heart of his force, in a small valley thirty miles north of Traiditza, called Skravina, while sending the cavalry north, across the mountains into the Danube plain. His plan was to use the cavalry to bait the Romans into the pass and then draw them directly into the rebel lines. By the time the Armanj descend onto the plain, it is 24 July.


    Alexios’ scouts misreport this as the entirety of Simeon’s army crossing the mountains to meet the Romans. The emperor detaches 2,000 mounted infantry to circle around through a secondary pass to sweep in and trap the Bulgarians from behind while he advances towards the pass to cork it. The cavalry fall back as planned, but upon the arrival of the mounted infantry in their rear they panic and barrel through the Romans before they can dismount. The mounted infantry


    Simeon is informed of the Roman advance, but as the Bulgarian cavalry had collapsed back into the camp the Tsar is unable to form his infantry into proper formation. He orders the auxiliaries to advance to the pass and fight a rearguard action against the Romans. The Tsar accompanies them, leaving the rest of the Bulgarian army to withdraw without a unified leadership.


    The two sides meet in the pass. Fighting is fierce and both sides take heavy losses, but the auxiliaries are able to hold the Romans off until sunset, when both sides retire. There is an apocryphal story of Alexios and Simeon fighting a duel on the field of battle, but the outcome is so similar to the eventual end of the war that it is usually discounted as a legend.


    Simeon rides for most of the night, reaching Traiditza before dawn. Knowing that the emperor is not far behind, he sleeps for an hour before taking command of the ~4,000 Bulgarians that had made it to the city and marching north-west on the 25th.


    Alexios does indeed pursue, detaching the mounted infantry from the rest of the Roman army and riding south after Simeon. The Khersonesians are left behind to besiege the city and the Asenites are ordered north-west to continue the push along the plain to the Serbian border.


    The two monarchs make northwest towards Serbia, Simeon just a few hours ahead of the Romans. In early August, Simeon crosses over the Serbian border, adding another layer to the pursuit. Serbian militia join the hunt, attempting to slow down the Bulgarians.


    Thus passes August.




    Autumn


    The pursuit continues over the rest of the fall, the Romans being unable to take the Bulgarians and the Bulgarians unwilling to risk battle. The flight wares on the Bulgarians, and in mid-November Simeon dismisses his men and rides alone across the border into Vlachia.


    Alexios, partially satisfied by Simeon’s flight, retires back to Konstantinoupli, arriving outside the city on 29 November. The Thrakesians escort Sofiya Asen across the mountains to Tarnovo, where she is coronated again on 11 December.

    Europe 1310.png
     
    Last edited:
    1311 (Cannonical)
  • Eparkhos

    Banned
    1311




    Winter


    Simeon stumbles into the court of Vaclav the Iron-Willed in Esztergom on 22 February. He begs for sanctuary, hurriedly explaining to the Thrice-Crowned that sheltering him would benefit them both by giving Vaclav the ability to disrupt Bulgaria at will and by giving Simeon shelter from pursuers. Vaclav agrees and allows the dethroned Tsar to join his court.




    Spring


    Iancu crosses the Danube and begins raiding the Bulgarian frontier in the third week of March. Nikephoros and Terter both rush to drive the Vlachs off. Terter seeks to undermine the legitimacy of the Asens and seize power for himself, his campaign against Simeon the year previous being only an attempt to destroy a rival. However, the division of the Bulgarian army allows the Vlachs to escape back across the river on 3 April.


    In the far east of the empire, a Lazic tribe called the Amytzantarioi go into revolt against the central government, hailing Manouel Megas Komnenos, the nephew of Ioannes II, as the Emperor of Trapezous on 14 April.. Manouel leads them down from the highlands to besiege the lightly-defended fortress of Rhizaion. The castle falls after a three-day siege, the small garrison fleeing by ship to Trapezous. The Amytzantarioi garrison it, then turn west and march on the former capital numbering 7,000.


    The provincial governor, Konstantinos Meliteniotes, raises 3,500 regular infantry and marches to meet them. Meliteniotes reaches Sourmana on 21 April, digging in to limit the numerical advantage that the Amytzantarioi hold. The rebels take the coastal city of Ophious on 24 April, hiring several merchantmen to scout along the coast. The merchants instead sail to Sourmana, inform Meliteniotes of Megas Komnenos’ position and then continue on their way.


    On the 29th, the Amytzantarioi reach the Roman lines. Manouel is unable to form them into a proper line, resulting in them charging pell-mell into the Roman trenches. They are predictably cut down with heavy losses, falling back into a camp two miles away. After nightfall, Meliteniotes surges forward and surrounds the camp before setting it alight. Among the dead is the would-be emperor.


    Meliteniotes then rounds up the few surviving Megas Komnenoi and imprisons them in the dungeons of Trapezous. The only survivor is Anna Anakhtoulou, the young daughter of Alexios II, who was on pilgrimage to Jerusalem at the time.




    Summer


    Stefan Milutin and his daughter Jelena arrive in Konstantinoupoli on 21 May. However, the patriarch refuses to officiate a marriage between the Crown Prince and Jelena, citing the age of the former. Alexios attempts to force him to do it anyway, but for once the decision is in line with official Church doctrine and the other clergy of the city back Nikolaos up. Given as he had taken great expense to haul the dowry overland across Bulgaria and Thrake Milutin decides to leave his daughter, the dowry and two hundred and fifty retainers in the city while he takes ship back to Serbia. Alexios swears a sacred oath not to touch any of it until the ceremony, which is set for 4 October 1313. On 29 May, the Serbian king departs the capital via boat back to Budva. The Serbians are housed in the Botaneiatioi Palace, which was still in usable shape as the Imperial family had only moved to the Monomakhid Palace seven years previous.


    On 3 June, Clement V gives a sermon in Avignon, calling for a crusade to “... reestablish the Christian states of Outremer…”. Philip IV of France and Jaime II both take the cross, so to speak, and begin preparing for an expedition. News of this arrives in Konstantinoupoli sometime in late June and Alexios begins ordering food and water stored in the cisterns underneath the city. Were the Crusaders to attack Rhomaion, they would be prepared.


    In late July, a Turkish raiding party has the misfortune to raid into the Il-Khanate five miles from the location of Nikolya and 10,000 mounted archers, returning from a successful campaign to Jerusalem. Nikolya runs them down and massacres them, then begins planning an invasion of Rum.


    On 17 August, Nikolaos Glabas issues an edict against the Patranites, starting the Great Persecution. Almost a thousand heretics are rounded up and hacked to death in Thessalonika. This forces the Patranites to go underground, starting their common practice of intense secrecy.




    Autumn


    On 3 September, a group of Basque Crusaders attempt to pass through the Iberian straits en route to the Balearics. The local Moors sail out to attack them, but in the course of the fight the Basques turn the tide and pursue their attackers back to their moorings at Jabal Tariq. The Crusaders launch a makeshift amphibious assault and storm the rock, capturing it. Their leader, Luken de Aguirre, declares himself Count of Gibraltar the next day.


    A would-be assassin is captured by the Papioi while attempting to slip into the Imperial nursery on the night of 27 September. The man does not crack under several days of ‘intense interrogation’, leading to the belief that he was sent by one of the empire’s neighbors. No official action is taken, but Khagan Tügä of the Nogai Horde falls through his lattice on 13 October. He is succeeded by his brother Toraï.


    The harvest in Southern Italy fails for the third year in a row, especially hard in the lands under the Crown of Aragon. This triggers an exodus from Salento, with roughly two-thirds of the rural population either crossing into Sicily or, primarily amongst the Gkreko-speaking minorities of Kalabria, to the Empire. Of the roughly 40,000 Kalabrian Gkrekos, upwards of 15,000 risk a winter passage of the Adriatic to escape the hunger. Less than half of them make it, but those who do are resettled on the Paphlagonian coast, where they begin to form the insular communities that would preserve their customs into the modern day.

    Europe 1311.png

     
    Last edited:
    1312
  • Eparkhos

    Banned
    1312


    Winter

    A daughter is born to Sancia and Alexios, named Demetria. The girl is very ill on birth, but the Imperial doctors are able to stabilize her and she is able to pull through.



    Spring


    A peasant revolt begins in far-off Namen in mid-April, initially protesting the heavy taxes laid upon the march before devolving into a wandering mob with vague ideas of self-governance. They lay siege to Namen on the 26th of April, breaking down the gates on the 28th before storming into the city and killing almost everyone inside. A few dozen guards, mostly old retainers of Caterine, fall back with the few surviving de Courtenays to the fortified Abbey of Gembloux, on the border with the Duchy of Brabant. Calls for aid to the neighboring Counties of Loon and Hainaut go unanswered, but on 3 May Duke John of Brabant and Count Heinrich of Luxembourg both cross the border at the heads of large forces, 7,000 and 4,000, respectively. Brabant routes the peasant army on the 8th, but then the northern army then lays siege to Gembloux.


    All the way back in 1296, when Caterine had first departed for Rhomaion, the two lords had planned the partition of Namen along the Meuse, to be undertaken at the first opportunity. Why they did not move in 1301 or 1307 can most likely be chalked up to the irregularity of news from the east. However, now that their plan was in action, both lords moved quickly and overwhelmed what few pockets of resistance there were in the county by the 11th, bar only the embattled Gembloux.




    Summer


    A rossalia epidemic sweeps Konstantinoupoli in July, hitting unusually hard amongst the upper class. The despotoi Sabbas and Ioannes, eleven and four, both fall ill. Ioannes passes on 24 July and is buried in the mausoleum of the Church of Christ Pantokrator, alongside the former Empress Dowager, who had passed in 1303. Sabbas recovers with slight hearing damage.


    Word of the rising Namen reaches the capital on 29 July. Alexios calls up 1,500 infantry from Kriti and 500 Turkish auxiliaries for the purposes of putting down what was believed to be ‘only’ a peasant revolt. They launch from Monemvasia on 17 August, commanded by the young and eager Manouel Tagaris.

    Word of the follow-up invasion only reaches the Rhomans when Tagaris and his expedition land at Messina in Sicily on 30 August. The young general tries to press on, but a storm rises from the Italian coast and forces them back to the island, effectively ending the campaign for 1312.




    Autumn


    King Philippe IV camps at Montpellier with his sons Philippe and Charles, several of his dukes and a force of 7,000 knights and 16,000 infantry. They were the French section of the Tenth Crusade, and had intended to sail to Sicily to link up with the Iberians. However, they had been slowed by rough terrain and had been unable to sail before winter set in.
     
    Last edited:
    1313
  • Eparkhos

    Banned
    1313




    Winter


    Tagaris, hoping to reach Namen before Glemboux falls, decides to risk the early-spring crossing of the Mediterranean and sets out from Messina on 12 February. Nature is with the Rhomans, however, and they are not troubled by storms as they sail. The Rhomans sail west along the northern coast of the island before jumping across to Sardinia, landing there on 23 February. They then sail up the coast of that island and Corsica, pausing on Bastia on 14 March to ride out a storm before carrying on.


    On 25 February, the Brabanters use the coming of the local peasants to mass to attack Gembloux, briefly taking the vestibule before being driven back. This defiling of the local sanctuary only worsens the relations between the Brabanters and the local Namenese peasants.




    Spring


    King Phillippe departs Montpellier on 11 March, sailing east along the coast with his entire force. However, the same storm that forced Tagaris to hold on Bastia hits the French and drives them ashore on the Ile de Levant. Roughly a thousand of the Crusaders, mostly knights, drown and a good deal of the fleet is heavily damaged. While completing repairs, Tagaris’ fleet happens to pass by going the opposite way. The Rhoman commander briefly puts ashore, seeing an opportunity to shorten his voyage. He introduces himself as a representative of Alexios leading an army to put down a peasant revolt in Namen, playing up the likeliness of said rising spreading into France and offering the French king an opportunity to establish a Latin mission in Konstantinoupoli in exchange for access to the Rhone. Philippe accepts, issuing a decree allowing the Rhomans access to ‘...the rivers of western France..’. Tagaris then continues on, reaching the mouth of the river on the 15th.


    Jaime II lands on Sicily with 500 knights and 12,000 infantry on 17 March. However, wary of depleting the island’s foodstocks, he sends a message to Alexios asking for permission to land his army on Kriti and then travel to Konstantinoupoli with a small group of retainers. Alexios accepts as soon as he gets the message.


    Nikolya crosses the Tauruses with 15,000 horse archers and 20,000 infantry in mid-April. He quickly storms through the mountains, reaching Sivas on 21 April and taking it by storm two days later. He then sweeps down the left bank of the Kizilirmak River towards Konya, scattering the few militias that try to oppose him. Mesut, frantic to hold the Mongols off long enough for the populace of Konya to evacuate and having flashbacks to the last invasion, rides with the ~300 palace guards of the city and 4,000 light infantry to reinforce the primary fortress between the invaders and the capital; Kayseri. Sardar Orhan, the 35-year old crown prince, rides west to gather an army to repulse the invaders.


    The Turks arrive in the city on 26 April, only a day before Nikolya and his entire host arrives. An initial assault fails with heavy Mongolian losses, and the Il-Khan orders siege works to be set up. That night, Nikolya’s generals are able to convince him not to bypass the city and push on to Konya, reminding him of what happened the last time he bypassed a Turkish fortification. He reluctantly agrees to begin a siege, but orders daily assaults to speed up progress. During the first week, the Mongols almost break through the walls several times only to be driven back by desperate charges from the garrison, twice joined by the women and elderly of Kayseri. On the 5th of May, the Mongols prepare for a final assault and begin launching flaming projectiles over the walls directly across from the gate and undermine that section of the wall, hoping to divide the garrison’s efforts. Mesut swears the entire city’s populace to die before surrendering.


    But then, on the dawn of the 6th, a frantic rider enters the Mongolian camp. The governors of Azerbaijan, Khorasan, Dihistan, Gilan and Tabaristan had risen in a religious rebellion against the Il-Khan in late April and were currently beating down the gates of Tabriz. Nikolya flips out and turns and marches back to Eran, leaving his brother Khitai and 10,000 infantry behind to continue the siege.


    Khitai was very different from his elder brother; he was known in most of the Il-Khanate for his caution and timidity. Rather than assaulting the city on the 6th as Nikolya had planned, he instead orders more flamming objects chucked over the wall in an attempt to smoke the defenders out, encircling the city with 5,000 men and keeping the other half in reserve to jump on any breakout attempts. On the 8th, after two days with no-one emerging from the city, Khitai orders the reserves to enter the city through the gates, on the northern side of the city. A few minutes after they do, the population of the city, roughly 15,000 including the garrison, bursts out of the southern entrance and through the inattentive Mongols. The soldiers spread out and form a circular perimeter around the civilians, then start moving as quickly as they can for the nearby cave-riddled Mount Erciyas three miles to the south. Khitai barrels after him with what little cavalry he had, but they are almost all melee and are unable to close under heavy arrow fire. The infantry are unable to catch up with the fleeing Turks until they reach the lower slopes of the mountain, when Khitai orders them back in fear of an ambush.


    With the city in Mongolian hands, Khitai orders the few remaining buildings burned and the walls pulled down to avoid having a hostile fortress in his rear. He then marches north-east along the Kizilirmak towards Lake Tuz. They reach the lake on the 14th, freshly out of water. Khitai had ordered the army to carry little water to try to speed their advance across the plateau. Upon realizing that Lake Tuz was salt water and they could not replenish their reserves, the Mongolians turn and race back to the river. It was only a day’s march away, but with the high temperature and little shade of the plateau, several hundred men die of heatstroke before they are able to return.


    This delay in movement allows Mesut and his men to book it for Konya, arriving on the 18th. The Sultan expels the civilians of the city and orders them to march west to the mountains, then gathers up the garrisons and militia of the surrounding cities and countryside into the city. The buildings outside the walls are torn down and the materials dragged inside to reinforce the gates and walls. There were 7,000 men within the walls, and enough food to hold out for five months, more than long enough for Orhan to arrive with a relief force.


    The Sardar, meanwhile, had sent riders to the garrison commanders of all of the south-west to gather every man they could and meet at Saporda (Isparta). He himself carried on to the Rhoman border, where he sent a frantic messenger to Konstantinoupoli begging for aid, dated 1st of May. In said message, he offered a quarter of the Sultanate’s annual revenue in exchange for sending help. This may seem unusual, but keep in mind that Orhan was unaware of Nikolya turning away and still believed that 35,000 Mongolian fanatics were bearing down on the capital. Alexios sees the message but dismisses it, remembering what happened the last time he helped the Turks against an invading Mongolian horde. After waiting a month for a response, Orhan turns and rides back to Saporda, where an army of 18,000 had gathered. However, rather than marching west to assault the Mongols, he instead chose to hold at the city. He justified this to his men as trying to trap the invaders between a rock (Konya) and a hard place (the army), but this did not stop rumors of cowardice from spreading through the ranks.


    Meanwhile, Khitai brought more water on his second march on Konya, arriving outside the city on 22 May. He sends a message to the Sultan, offering to spare his life and that of his family if he surrenders. Mesut returns the man via catapult. Rather than attempting to batter down the walls, Khitai sets up for a siege.






    Summer


    Jaime II and his entourage, 20 knights and ~125 servants, arrive in Konstantinoupoli on 11 June. They are housed in the Mangana Palace with the Imperial family, as the only other non-ruined palace in the city was occupied by the Serbians. The Aragonese settle in fairly well, and with some persuasion by Jaime Alexios agrees to allow the Crusader lords to stay in the capital, if they are willing to leave their armies on Kriti. The emperor also pointed out that Jerusalem was held by a (demi-)Christian, so Egypt would probably be a better target.


    Philippe reaches Kriti in late June, following after Jaime. However, he suspects a trap and refuses to move on to Konstantinoupoli, staying on Kriti with his army. He is unwilling to let the Aragonese king have sole access to the Emperor, however, so he dispatches his son Philippe the Tall to the capital with a small group of retainers. The Prince arrives on 7 July.


    On 11 July, Khitai and his men are woken by Orhan’s army just outside their camp. The Mongolian camp was semi-fortified, but even with these defenses they were soon overwhelmed. Khitai orders his men to retreat towards a nearby creek-bed, setting fire to their tents to slow down the Turkish advance. However, the Turkish light horse are able to swing out from the city walls and into the creek bed, dividing the retreating Mongolian line in two. The leading edge, roughly 300 men, are able to continue their flight; the ~1500 other men of the retreating group are massacred, Khitai among them. The Mongolian defense quickly dissolves, the soldiers scattering across the land around Konya. Over the next week, many are ridden down or die of thirst, but a group of 800, mostly Vainakhs and Azeris, are able to regroup on the Kizilirmak. They elect a commander, a minor Vainakh noble named Ramzan khant Axmad-Xazi. Knowing that they would likely be punished for the expedition’s failure, the survivors instead begin moving north along the river’s left bank, hoping to reach the Empire and a refuge from the Turks.


    In far-off Bulgaria, the Tsarina gives birth to a son, named Ivan, on 27 July. This is a proverbial shock to the system, as it had been believed that Sofiya Asen was infertile since 1301. There is, of course, speculation that the actual issues were on the Tsar’s part and the new heir was the product of an affair, but these are pointedly ignored by the government. The birth of an heir also destabilizes the domestic political situation, as there was an unspoken agreement that Georgi Terter’s son Todor would ascend the throne after Sofiya’s death. Both pro-Asen and pro-Terter noble factions begin to form.


    In early August, a group of Mamluk slavers raid Kypros. The island’s small garrison isn’t able to drive them off, and they withdraw after a week with roughly 1,000 captives.


    The Empress gives birth to another son on 27 August. He is, like Sabbas, named after an Anatolian folk hero, the supercentenarian saint Kharalampos of Magnesia. Patriarch Nikolaos is cajoled into allowing Jaime to stand as godfather, and the christening is set for 4 October.




    Autumn


    Over the course of late summer and early to mid-autumn a slow trickle of Crusader knights arrives in Konstantinoupoli. Most are landowners at the heads of Crusader armies, which are left on Kriti. Food on the island begins to run low, and in late August grain ships begin to travel from the fertile western coast to the island, feeding Rhoman and Latin alike.


    On 14 September, Tagaris lands at Pairelle, a half-mile south of the city of Namen. The landing occurs at night, and the Rhomans quickly advance up the left bank of the river towards the city. Three cannons had been brought with the expedition, and these were set up on the heights across the Sambre from Namen. At dawn they open fire, raining large balls of led down on the city. They are targeted at the walls, as Tagaris was unwilling to damage the city’s weaving facilities. However, the destruction of the walls demoralizes the Brabanter garrison enough to surrender. The Rhomans occupy it, then Tagaris detaches the Turkish auxiliaries and rides for Gembloux. Duke John, suspecting that these were only the front riders of a much larger force, withdraws from Gembloux on the 15th and asks to treat with Tagaris. In exchange for surrendering his claim to Namen, the border between Brabant and Rhomaion would be redrawn along the Burdinal Creek, giving Brabant an extra ½ mile of land. Even though Tagaris has no authority, John agrees and withdraws back across the border.


    Tagaris then turns back and crosses the Meuse, attacking the Louxembourgish in their camp. The Rhomans route them, which is enough to discourage Heinrich from further fighting. Tagaris cedes the land south of Boreuville to Louxembourg before retiring to Namen on the 21st.

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    1314
  • Eparkhos

    Banned
    1314



    Winter


    1314 marks the end of the 10-year truce between Rum and Rhomaion, and both parties spend the winter of 1313-1314 drawing up battle plans. Tentative peace feelers are sent between Konya and Konstantinoupoli, but Alexios is eager to test the new, larger Rhoman army against the Turks, especially as it has been bolstered by Serbian and Latin volunteers.


    The total Rhoman troop figures are roughly 80,000, of which 50,000 are Rhomans. This force can be fairly accurately divided by type, with their being ~40,000 infantry (~25,000 Rhomans), ~35,000 light cavalry (~25,000 Rhomans), and ~5,000 knights and kataphraktoi. The Turkish men number ~50,000 all together, of which ~15,000 are infantry and ~35,000 are light cavalry.


    Despite their numerical inferiority, Mesut wished to strike quickly and break the morale of the Rhoman army so he can turn and face Nikolya with the full strength of Rum. As such, he divided his army into three groups: His personal army, numbering 10,000 infantry and 15,000 light cavalry, was kept at Konya, as he and his advisors would be going for a knockout blow against the capital. The Sardar leads a force of 5,000 infantry and 10,000 light horse, positioned at Kara Hissar near the western border. The remainder, 10,000 ghazi infantry led by a mujahideen named Qara Ümit, are positioned at Ankyra. Given that the Basileus could not march with the entirety of the Rhoman military against Rum, Mesut believed that the invading army would be composed primary of light horse, and thus would be invading via the plateau. As such, these two armies were positioned so as that were Alexios to invade from that direction he would have to either face them combined in the field or lay siege to one’s base city while the other two converged on him. It was the same in the west, where he would either have to strike at Kara Hissar or Konya.


    The Rhoman plan, however, was decidedly more aggressive. There were to be four army groups, two large, two small (Although this is relative; the size of the smallest group was the same as the entire army during the reign of Andronikos II). Alexios would lead the northern large group, based in Dorylaion, across the plateau to Ankyra, while the southern large group, under the command of the young but experienced general Isaakios Abranetzis, would march south-east from Laodikea to the port city of Attaleia. After taking those cities, the armies were to march on Konya and envelop any defenders there. The smallest group, operating from Proussa, would intercept any Turkish armies moving west while the fourth group, based in Amisos, would close the passes into Paphlagonia.


    But as always, no plan survives contact with the enemy.



    Spring


    The Crusaders in Konstantinoupoli split into three camps in mid-March; One, led by Jaime of Aragon, wishes to change course to Egypt as Jerusalem was already held by a Christian, albeit by an Oriental one. The second, led by Prince Philippe, wish to continue on to Jerusalem; The third, led by Raoul of Brienne, a claimant to the throne of the Latin Empire, wishes to go all Fourth Crusade. The latter group are executed en masse in the city square on 28 March.


    On 21 March, word of the passing of Stefan Dragutin, Stefan Milutin’s rival brother, reaches Konstantinoupoli. The Serbian monarch departs the next day, wanting to return to his lands and annex his brother’s domains before Vaclav beat him to it. He leaves behind his younger son, Urosh Dechanski, to represent him in the court and possibly lead the Serbian section of the combined army.


    In spring, both the Rumites and the Rhomans gathered their forces and formed up their armies. Alexios and his advisors decamp Konstantinoupoli on 21 April and move to the border, bringing the 1,000 Serbian cavalry with them to Dorylaion and sending the Crusaders to their designated position at Laodikea. The Turks do the same.




    Summer



    The peace expires on June 29.


    Alexios and his army, 25,000 horsemen strong, depart Dorylaion on the same day. They ride east out of the city, encountering only minimal resistance from small warrior bands along the border. These are overrun within an hour, and the force continues on into the Plateau. They spend two nights camped uneventfully in the desert, but as the sun sets on 2 July they run headlong into the ghazis. Ümit, eager to die in the service of Allah, had abandoned his post and marched west to meet the Rhomans. However, the dim light on the 2nd confuses their scouts and they stumble directly into Alexios and his army. The battle is brief and bloody, with the cavalry quickly setting the ghazis to route and driving them away to the north. The ghazis loose 2,000 dead and wounded, while the Rhomans lose less than a hundred dead. However, rather than pursuing them and finishing them off, Alexios instead decides to camp. On the 3rd, the proceed to Ankyra, which they find almost abandoned, the city’s populace having fled as the Rhomans came into view. Alexios repairs the holes in the walls that the ghazis had made, establishes a garrison of 500 and prepares to move on to Konya.


    However, things are not going nearly as well in the south. The infantry was divided in roughly two parts, half Rhoman and half Latin. This naturally leads to a disunity of command, with Jaime, who was leading the Crusader section, repeatedly trying to pull rank over Abranetzis. Progress towards Attaleia is slow, with the column stopping for no apparent reason at several points at the road. Many of the Crusaders desert and disappear off into the hills, presumably after attempting to murder/steal/rape the locals and then being lynched. Several honour duels occur between Rhoman and Latin officers, two of which dissolve into sectarian riots within the camp. The cavalry, almost all Turks, are able to stay apart and keep their own camp apart from the others.


    This slow-moving trail of disaster and murder moving across Karia obviously sticks out like a sore thumb and both Mesut and Orhan move to intercept. By the time they hobble into the ruined fort of Isinda on 7 July, five day’s march from Attaleia at the group’s pace, tensions are at an all-time high. There are only 13,000 infantry left, a third of the force either defected or dead. Mesut was closing in on Attaleia from the east and Orhan was only five miles to the west of Isinda, and the watchfires of both armies were visible to the combined force. Abranetzis and Jaime quarrel again, this time over what to do. Jaime wishes to hole up inside the fortress and wait for a relief army, while Abranetzis believes that the only way for them to survive was to make a mad dash for Attaleia, where they could be evacuated by a fleet from Kypros. This too escalates into partisan fighting, the cavalry quietly leaving at some point during the night. By dawn, it has become apparent that the Rhomans have won this fight, but Abranetzis orders everyone who listens to him to run for Attaleia, every man for himself. The Crusaders, roughly 4,000 strong, set about fortifying Isinda, in spite of the lack of food and the only source of water in the harsh Anatolian summer being a half mile from the walls. Orhan arrives the next day and detaches a section to besiege the Latins and carry on in pursuit of the Rhomans.


    The Rhomans reach Attaleia in a strung-out group, with the few officers with horses reaching the city first. They barrel through the gates, which had been left open as no one in the city had thought that the collapsing column would actually reach the city. They quickly make their way to the harbor and barricade themselves within one of the sea-wall towers. The Attaleians quickly close the gates, trapping almost all of the Rhomans outside. They are quickly rounded up by Mesut, who cuts their left hands off to limit their ability to take up arms against him and leaves them to wander around the Attaleian plain. Abranetzis and his companions, less than thirty men, manage to bribe a fisherman to ferry them across to Kypros, escaping on 12 July.


    As for the Latins, after four days of bloody assaults Orhan’s subcommander tires of the siege and just sets fire to the ruins. What few Latins aren’t driven out to be killed die of burns or smoke inhalation. Among the dead is Jaime II. Word of his death eventually filters back to Sicily a few months later, resulting in the coronation of his 14-year old son as King Alfonso IV of Aragon, Valencia, Sardinia, Corsica and as Count Alfonso III of Barcelona in early 1315.


    The cavalry make their way north through the valleys of Karia, avoiding detection by any major force. On 21 July, they stumble into Isparta and, finding it held by only a skeleton garrison, quickly occupy it. The group’s commander, Alaeddin Ertgrulolgu, declares himself the Beylik of Isparta, in subordination to the Emperor in Konstantinoupoli. This obviously gets attention, and before the month is out Orhan and his army are at the gates.


    Meanwhile, Alexios has decamped Ankyra and marched south across the desert towards Konya. However, the rough terrain and the harsh sun slows his advance, and as he approaches Lake Tuz the column comes under attack from Turkish horse archers. These raids only further lower morale, and many of the Turkish auxiliaries begin to desert and disappear off into the night. Water eventually starts to run low, and the men threaten to mutiny if they do not turn back. Alexios tries to refuse and order them forward, but his soldier refuse. Reluctantly, three day’s ride from Konya, the Rhomans turn and march west towards Ilgin. They stumble into the town on 18 July, exhausted and out of water. Many of the soldiers drink themselves to death, and the officers are too exhausted to restrain them.


    The remains of the First Army drag themselves to Akshehir, where they fortify and refuse to decamp and continue on to Konya. The force that numbered 25,000 at outset was now only 14,000. Alexios collapses into a funk and refuses to give orders, spending his days accompanied by his guard pacing back and forth across the old battlefield outside the city. The emperor is unable to form them into units to return to the empire, so he instead orders the force to dig in.


    On a somewhat lighter note, the secondary army groups functioned must better; The army operating in Paphlagonia was successfully able to push to Amisos and capture it, then create a makeshift perimeter along the passes between the Plateau and the coast, sealing Pontos away from Turkish raiders. The Proussa army group was also able to fulfil their mission, driving away raiding parties several times.
     
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    Mesut III: A Profile in Pragmatism
  • Eparkhos

    Banned
    Mesut III: A Profile in Pragmatism
    Mesut_II Apocryphal Portrait.jpg

    A painting of Mesut, created by the Nekayan court painter Konstantin Kapıdağlı in 1807.

    Mesut III Menteshid is one of the great figures of both Turkish and Nekayan history, ranking alongside Alp Arslan and Kayqubad I. During his remarkable life, he raised himself from the co-ruler of a minor tribe in Karia to the resurrector of the Sultanate of Rum as a cohesive political state. He also reformed the Rumite military into a fighting force capable of fighting the Il-Khanate on equal footing and fending off the Eleventh Crusade, leading to the re-emergence of Rum as a force to be reckoned with on the geo-political stage.

    He was born the sixth of seven sons to Menteshe, the Bey of Karia. However, through a combination of guile and a willingness to reach out to outside forces, he was able to dethrone his brothers and rise from Governor of Finike in 1282 to Bey of Karia in 1292. Twice during the civil wars, he allied himself with the future Alexios VI, in his role as Strategos of the Thrakesion, and used Genoese converts to create a small fleet, but still one strong enough to defend his port cities.

    Between 1292 and 1296, he used his famous charisma and guile to convince the Oghuz peasants of much of the south-west to revolt against and drive out their Turkmen overlords, inviting Mesut in in their place. With such a power-base secured, he was able to compete on an equal footing with the Karamanid and Canikid Beyliks during the civil war following the death of Mesut II and the extinction of the Seljuk dynasty in 1296.

    Mesut is as cagey as ever, striking quickly overland and sweeping aside the two armies sent against him before reaching the Canikid capital. Then, when both a Canikid army and a force of Turkmen exiles trap him a few miles to the west, he is able to play them off each other and escape with few casualties. Mesut is then able to use this disaster to gain a level of Rhoman support, ceding a small strip of land in Karia in exchange for being able to use the Rhoman border to circumnavigate the defenses of the other warring beyliks. He then turns and drives the Karamanids back over the border before beating both the Canikids and Karamanids into submission by the end of 1299, securing his position as the chief power broker in Anatolia. He is crowned Sultan Mesut III of Rum before that year is out.

    When the Il-Khan invades in 1301 to install his own man upon the throne of Rum, Mesut is able to conserve Rumite strength by bringing the Rhomans to fight his battles for him. Even after his capture, he is able to convince the Il-Khan to spare him by showing himself as the only thing holding Rum together, resulting in him avoiding the executioner's blade and instead being imprisoned longitude Tarkhaneiotes in Tabriz.

    After Arghan's death in 1304, both escape and flee back to Anatolia. Mesut and his son play the ghazis off of both each other and the Rhomans, allowing the Sultanate to stabilize. He also began reforming the army from a force of aristocratic mounted archers to a meritocratic force composed of both mounted archers, heavy cavalry, and mounted infantry; This was supported by a system of taxed, non-hereditary land grants based off of the old Seljuk ziamets: However, unlike the Seljuks, this system was used to support different classes of soldiers rather than just provincial governors: Officers were given ziamets in exchange for maintaining companies of 100 men; timars for 500 and hassi for 1,000. These groups were to be composed of 1/10 heavy cavalry, 4/10 mounted infantry and 5/10 mounted archers.

    This system was able to maintain a cohesive army even through the Rhoman invasion of 1314, putting several hosts to flight and nearly winning the war at several points through-out the seven year conflict: In fact, most historians believe that if were not for the creation and deployment of the Kapnodokhoi in 1318, the Rumites would have eventually won the war. Even when the string of defeats between 1319 and 1321, culminating at Konya in August 1321 forced him to surrender, he was still able to able to retain most of the border lands and lose only the plains around Attaleia.

    Mesut then set about building a navy to secure the Rumite coast, using similar methods to the genesis of his earlier fleet in Karia. However, he passed before this could happen, dying in 1321 a week after his great counterpart did. He was succeeded by his equally competent son, Orhan I; however, he died in 1324 and was succeeded by the minor Mesut IV, whose regent set about undoing the achievements of Mesut.

    In conclusion, Mesut III was one of the great figures of Turkish history, using his cunning and skills to rise from a minor governor of a single city to the Sultan of Rum. He then used deception to weaken the pre-existing nobles, created a new class of military warriors that supported him personally, reform the army into a fighting force the equal of any in the Islamic world. He was able to remain independent from Rhomaion even when the odds seemed dramatically against him. His ability to play others, his quick mind and above all his pragmatism allowed him to better both himself and his country.

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    @Basileus_Komnenos - Is this what you had in mind in terms of leader profile?
     
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