South Australia also had a test site in OTL though that involved evictions of the indigenous in the area.
The original British preferred test site for thermonuclear weapons was the Kermadec Islands, which are uninhabited extinct-ish volcanoes. Sidney Holland turned down the request due to a pending election, and the testing moved to Christmas Island instead after issues with the Americans over Malden Island.
I believe Balbo is still alive in this timeline too. Though his position had been weakened, it's possible that the prestige of being the guy who correctly called German weakness combined with better contacts in the military and Italy's empire than Ciano could give him a shot.
That being said, if Balbo made it to the top by this stage it would have to be at the head of a fragile coalition of military officers, fascisti and imperialists.
Mussolini is still on top, having had rather a good war. He's having to govern a little more by consent (at least from the other big fish), but there isn't anybody in a position to challenge him. As and when he dies of natural causes (or possibly decides to retire), that may change - but he's only 58 at this point so nothing is likely to happen for some considerable time.
Well, I've now finished what I think is my third readthrough of this TL, and it's still as fantastic as ever. With the war now all but finished at the dawn of 1942, it's inevitably bringing into light for me the sheer scale of the catastrophe it was OTL (at least when it comes to Europe – China, on the other hand, doesn't seem like it's going to have a happier ending at all).
It will be very interesting to see where things go from here – it's hard to shake the feeling that only half the fireworks have gone off, and we're standing there with a lighter wondering what to do now. The USSR and Japan still feel like open questions, and ones without especially happy answers to boot.
I also can't help but wonder about how alternate history will develop ITTL – will "what if Germany won the war" be as popular? Will it even be broadly recognised as possible? Will the fall and recapture of Paris be treated as the critical moment, or will some other POD be considered more plausible? To say nothing of the speculation there's bound to be about Hitler (by the way, allow me to add my congratulations for that particular twist).
Hope you have as good a Christmas as possible this year, pdf, and here's to a happier 2021.
My thinking is that we're going to see things gradually calm down - the post-war world will certainly have lots of potential conflicts in it, and it's hard to see there being any particularly big peace dividend. Then again, the world as a whole is significantly richer than in OTL - 40 or so million more people are alive, and the destruction of being fought over multiple times is more or less limited to Belgium and parts of northern France. Even the combatants have spent vastly less - partly this is a shorter war, partly the way the war was fought in OTL caused very expensive solutions to be adopted (a squadron of Lancasters for instance cost about as much as a battleship, and had an expected life of ~20 sorties). I'm anticipating a succession of crises, small wars, etc. however - the USSR are likely to be pretty sensible as they have been so far, the Japanese less so.
Christmas was OK if a bit stressful - was staying with the in-laws in South Carolina, so managed to avoid the UK turning into Plague Island while I was gone and now have 10 days in quarantine to look forward to. However combining a 4 year old who was up no later than 5am every day with a grandmother-in-law who had a habit of saying "Heil Hitler" in a thick German accent then claiming it was a joke didn't really help me relax.
Since my most recent reread was just the second half of the story, I went back and am now rereading the first half.
I could see the german collapsing in the next Entente big push, but I do think the invasion of Germany proper might still be a bloody affair. Even the plotter who wanted to remove Hitler still tought they could keep their Munich gain and their eastern european conquest. So I expect the Entente...
www.alternatehistory.com
That was five years ago IRL, but less than six months in universe (the prior update was July 15, 1941). I know the Entente had a good second half to 1941, and the chaos in German command will help too, but you've clearly updated your views on what was possible quite immensely since you wrote that. Any comments as to what led you there? I'm curious.
(This isn't me saying that you're wrong and need to change it, or anything like that. Just wondering, because you've usually got a reason.)
The major change on my part was the realisation of just how big an advantage holding on to Fortress Holland was for the Entente. When I wrote that, I was still thinking in terms of supplying an advance from France/the Channel Ports over a road network, which would be downright hellish.
Fortress Holland holding however means that not only to the Entente have a bridgehead over the Rhine, but they also have access to one of the biggest ports in the world virtually undamaged and with water transport available from it to a forward distribution point - ITTL, by the time the advance kicked off that was on the Ruhr. That pushes the logistical limit for the supply chain further forward, to roughly Berlin or so.
The other thing to be aware of is that the imperative for fighting this battle is wholly political rather than military - the commanders have been told to advance, and are extremely lucky that the German army was already in dire straits after the battles in Belgium and Northern France. It isn't just (or even largely) a command problem - the Heer is seeing sky-high desertion rates and has essentially no mobility left meaning that Entente forces with what would otherwise be crippling supply problems are just about able to keep moving. The state of the German army is in turn the product of several factors - collapsing civilian morale after repeated lost battles, Hitler taking personal command of the Heer, more encirclements of forces in France/Belgium than I originally planned (the terrain and deployments just led to them), etc.
So given that it's over 5 years of writing I don't think it's that revolutionary - more evolutionary based on the way I write the story.
The Germans on the other hand *have* no logistics and as such no manuverability and as such *horrible* morale.
The Entente wanted to wait for April to get all of their Is dotted and Ts crossed to get their logistics for beyond the Rhine from a 2 up to an 8 before pushing on. The Polish uprising made them go when they were at a 3.5 and to their surprise, 3.5 is enough when your opponent is at a .5. (pulling the numbers out of thin air)
German morale isn't just (or even primarily) about logistics. Most of their prewar trained troops are gone, and those left are largely 1918 veterans and green newcomers. They're desperately short of the basics of industrial war, have been drafted following a long string of defeats and the leader who inspired them has just vanished. They've also got a command structure at war with itself between Army and Party, with a very confusing chain of command as a result combined with poor comms for those orders they do get. IMHO, that's a recipe for mass desertions.
I'm not really sure why the Germans particularly ran short of coal compared to pre-war other than miners becoming soldiers. What percentage of German mines are in the Ruhr and on the Rhine (where they were functionally *in* the war zone)? France apparently did have some coal mining areas in the Southern part of the country, including some pretty close to the Italian Border, which would have been safe.
The German problems with coal really start when the Ruhr is occupied - that's both a major coal producing area and a nexus on the transport network. The remaining mines are mostly in the Saar (where they are subject to air inderdiction) or far to the east.