The legacy of Orsini. A different 1858 and a different world.
OTL the Second Empire ended only after Napoleon III was captured in battle and the Prussians virtualy destroyed his entire army
Interesting idea, but implausible.
First, from memory the regency acts of 1856 had made it so a regency council would govern, whose members were either appointed or including the Princes du Sang. If Empress Eugénie had been incapacitated, the regency council would have been formally headed, not by Prince Napoléon, but by hus father, King Jerome, 74 years old and next in line after the Prince Imperial. Prince Napoléon would have been member of that council by right as a Prince du Sang.
Then, before Count Walewski even comes to the fore, you'd have to kill off Morny.
The Duke of Morny, Napoléon III's half-brother was the eminence grise of the emperor, the one who helped pull the string of the coup of 1851 and who kept pulling them until his death in 1865. Colonna Walewski had not the fraction of his influence. As things are in 1858, old king Jerome would preside the regency council, but Morny would be the power behind the throne.
Besides, a few corrections.
Minister of State wasn't per se, not even ex officio, prime minister. After the overthrow of the 2nd Republic, Napoléon III cumulated the position of head of the government with that of head of state, like the president of the United States. In 1869 and 1870 when it did kind of reappear, there was still not an official title of prime minister, as it would keep to be under the 3rd and 4th republics, and officiously, it would be a primus inter pares kind of prime minister. Under the Republic though, the use and habit would be that this minister be 'president of the council of ministers', which is not prime minister but rather, literally, chairman of the cabinet.
It's possible this use would develop under a regency council with Morny chairing the cabinet meetings instead of the old King Jérôme.
Institutionally, the office of Prime Minister would not be enshrined until the Constitution of 1958, though there was a failed constitutional reform by Doumergue's government in 1934 that aimed at doing so.
Also, Prince Napoléon Craint Plomb légende was just smearing by his conservative opponents within the Emperor's entourage. In Crimean war, he proved to be an adept commander in the field, and was of the opinion to storm Sevastopol right after the landings instead of waiting, as the commanders elected to do IOTL, and allow the Russians to fortify. He was marginalized, on order we could say since Canrobert had secret orders from Napoléon III to take over in the event of Saint-Arnaud's death and pass over Prince Napoléon who otherwise would have commanded the French contingent. He left because he was marginalized, and chairing the organizing committee of the universal exposition in Paris was better use of his time.
First, from memory the regency acts of 1856 had made it so a regency council would govern, whose members were either appointed or including the Princes du Sang. If Empress Eugénie had been incapacitated, the regency council would have been formally headed, not by Prince Napoléon, but by hus father, King Jerome, 74 years old and next in line after the Prince Imperial. Prince Napoléon would have been member of that council by right as a Prince du Sang.
Then, before Count Walewski even comes to the fore, you'd have to kill off Morny.
The Duke of Morny, Napoléon III's half-brother was the eminence grise of the emperor, the one who helped pull the string of the coup of 1851 and who kept pulling them until his death in 1865. Colonna Walewski had not the fraction of his influence. As things are in 1858, old king Jerome would preside the regency council, but Morny would be the power behind the throne.
Besides, a few corrections.
Minister of State wasn't per se, not even ex officio, prime minister. After the overthrow of the 2nd Republic, Napoléon III cumulated the position of head of the government with that of head of state, like the president of the United States. In 1869 and 1870 when it did kind of reappear, there was still not an official title of prime minister, as it would keep to be under the 3rd and 4th republics, and officiously, it would be a primus inter pares kind of prime minister. Under the Republic though, the use and habit would be that this minister be 'president of the council of ministers', which is not prime minister but rather, literally, chairman of the cabinet.
It's possible this use would develop under a regency council with Morny chairing the cabinet meetings instead of the old King Jérôme.
Institutionally, the office of Prime Minister would not be enshrined until the Constitution of 1958, though there was a failed constitutional reform by Doumergue's government in 1934 that aimed at doing so.
Also, Prince Napoléon Craint Plomb légende was just smearing by his conservative opponents within the Emperor's entourage. In Crimean war, he proved to be an adept commander in the field, and was of the opinion to storm Sevastopol right after the landings instead of waiting, as the commanders elected to do IOTL, and allow the Russians to fortify. He was marginalized, on order we could say since Canrobert had secret orders from Napoléon III to take over in the event of Saint-Arnaud's death and pass over Prince Napoléon who otherwise would have commanded the French contingent. He left because he was marginalized, and chairing the organizing committee of the universal exposition in Paris was better use of his time.
I think your criticism is very reasonable and well made. Admittedly my brain started screaming about writing a story about Walewski and Orsini the moment I stumbled upon their biographies.
While I do want to create an interesting scenario, I am the first one to admit I may favor suspense and other literary devices over complete accuracy.
But I have a few thing to say in my defence.
While he had the ear of Napoleon III, Morny's relationship with the rest of the court was less positive. Even Empress Eugene, an arch-conservative with some peculiar religious and political ideas, pushed for his dismissal from court.
Also Morny will briefly show up in the next chapter.
By OTL 1857, he had already started influencing Napoleon III's position both about Russia and the Opium Wars. Paradoxically, being the illegitimate child of the original Napoleon did increase his prestidge with parts of the Bonapartist movement.
To be clear, Napoleon IV is still the legitimate heir. Walewski will have more in common with Bismark than the original Napoleon.
I decided to use the position of Prime Minister because it had been already used by the previous French monarchies (including the brief reign of Napoleon II).
Charles' impopularity isn't something I made up. To be clear, OTL Napoleon IV's last will excluded him from the line of succession because both his mother and the rest of the family despised Charles that much.
While I do want to create an interesting scenario, I am the first one to admit I may favor suspense and other literary devices over complete accuracy.
But I have a few thing to say in my defence.
Morny was far from being an untouchable member of Napoleon III's inner circle. IRL he occupied the position of Minister of the Interior for less than six months after the coup of 1851 before his opponents persuaded the Emperor to replace him
While he had the ear of Napoleon III, Morny's relationship with the rest of the court was less positive. Even Empress Eugene, an arch-conservative with some peculiar religious and political ideas, pushed for his dismissal from court.
Also Morny will briefly show up in the next chapter.
As the timeline points out, I do want to explore how Walewski will come out on top. In my defense, Walewski was far from being a powerless member of Napoleon III's cabinet
By OTL 1857, he had already started influencing Napoleon III's position both about Russia and the Opium Wars. Paradoxically, being the illegitimate child of the original Napoleon did increase his prestidge with parts of the Bonapartist movement.
To be clear, Napoleon IV is still the legitimate heir. Walewski will have more in common with Bismark than the original Napoleon.
I apologise if I wasn't clear, but in the previous chapter I did point out the France hadn't had a PM since 1851. I chose Fould as PM because OTL he governed France while Napoleon III was busy with the Second Italian War of Indipendence.
I decided to use the position of Prime Minister because it had been already used by the previous French monarchies (including the brief reign of Napoleon II).
Yes, but Napoleon III disliked his cousin and the French public believed the story. Turns out that being an anti-clerical republican won't help your career in a very catholic monarchy.
Charles' impopularity isn't something I made up. To be clear, OTL Napoleon IV's last will excluded him from the line of succession because both his mother and the rest of the family despised Charles that much.
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The idea of the Princes du Sang was mostly used by the pre-Napolenic kings.
In 1856, Napoleon III enstablished the line of succession of the new French Empire. On one hand, he recognised Jerome and his children as his legitimate successors
On the other, he almost imediately started searching for a wife afterwards
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My bad, I meant Prince Français, which was basically a Napoleonic version of Prince du Sang.
I didn't say otherwise. The man was stubborn and proud.
I'm referring at his military reputation. Besides, he had better connections in the navy than in the army.
I'm not sure whether or not Morny was pushed out or rather moved of his own volition to a position where he could exert his influence free of shackles his ministry put on him.
After he became president of the Corps législatif in 1854, he was pretty much a Prince in his own parliamentary kingdom, easing things up between his brother and the French establishment ( he has his hands in many pies I believe), which was better suiting his talents of power broker.
As for Eugénie, I'd not overrate her influence so soon in Napoléon III's reign. In the 1850s, the Emperor was still healthy and active. His Italian policy was very much opposed by Eugénie and most of French clericals, and it was not until into the 1860s that he changed course on that, and that his deteriorating health gave the Empress more weight in the conduct of affairs.
My only defence is that ITTL Napoleon III's health is non-existent thanks to him being dead
Also Morny was pretty much pushed out in 1851. The first part of Napoleon III's reign was heavily influenced by conservatives who deeply resented Morny's liberalism
Likewise his political career heavily depended on Napoleon III's support. Likewise accusations of corruption and opportunism (he started as a supporter of the Orleanists) followed Mourny around his entire life.
Admitedly I need to include some of your criticism in the TL. Thanks.
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Well, the story has started with his dad being blown up. Clearly the worst is already over.
Probably.
And from wars anywhere. If he gets into those as often as his father did, then sooner or later he will lose one - if only by accident - and his regime will come crashing down.
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true, plus he needs heirs, any ideas for a wife? I'm thinking Beatrice of the UK
it could work since it means that the Spanish branch of the Bourbons would recognize him, as legitimate ruler of France, but we can do even better, by chance we can convince pretender Henry V to grant his possible daughter in marriage to Napy IV in the future, but a Habsburg or Bavarian princess would also be suitable for them ( this way we also avoid the religious problem that a marriage with Great Britain would have entailed )
Why would the Comte de Chambord agree to a marriage between his daughter and a usurper?
very true, but mine was just a proposal that the regency could consider as a useful means of obtaining consensus, internal stability and possible political alliances etc., furthermore it would have been considered in a list of possible brides ( I didn't say it was feasible )
A funeral and a bit of terror
Excerpt from The Bonaparte Legacy: France from Napoleon I to Napoleon IV by Francois Le Pen
Napoleon III would have been proud of how his state funerals had been organized.
On February 7 1858, the monarch's hearse was driven through all the streets that Napoleon III had rebuilt and modernized since his appointment as Emperor. For the last time, thousands of weeping Frenchmen could see their beloved monarch and all the beauty his rule had created.
Napoleon III's coffin crossed half of Paris before reaching the Cathedral of Notre Dame, where many French and foreign nobles were waiting for him. Even Pope Pius IX came to Paris to personally bless the body.
However, if the funeral represented the end of the era of Napoleon III, careful observers could already see the first signs of the next era of Napoleon IV.
His presence to his father's funeral was the future Emperor's first public outing and the beginning of the political games that would influence Europe and the rest of the world in the following decades.
Perhaps, few of those attending the funeral noticed the two-year-old Napolen IV sitting bewildered in the front row. In any case, it was difficult to see the future Emperor, as he was surrounded by guards, relatives and close associates of his late father.
Many attendees noticed how a fearful Charles Bonaparte was followed wherever he went by a group of guards, apparently more interested in watching his every move than in defending him from potential danger.
Some also noted the absence of many prominent political figures, known for their liberal views and/or past opposition to the late monarch.
In addition, keen observers could see that the number of soldiers and policemen in the city was unusually high, even considering the extraordinary circumstances.
However, only Piedmontese Prime Minister Camillo Benso of Cavour managed to notice the strangest detail. Although Walewski was sitting anonymously among the other ministers, his family had been strategically placed near to Napoleon IV.
Excerpt from The Illiberal Empire: France in the Second Half of the 19th Century by Martin Brown
Toward the end of 1857, it seemed that Napoleon III was ready to abandon the absolutism that had characterized his reign up to that point.
Before his death, the Emperor had proposed pardoning some of his old rivals and establishing a parliament to allow French citizens to freely express their opinion on the government.
The increasing political isolation of Charles de Maupas seemed to confirm this trend. Maupas had been one of the main organizers of the 1851 coup and for about two years he had served as Minister of the Police, overseeing the death or the exile of many of Napoleon III's opponents.
However, the Emperor had soon started considering Maupas as excessively brutal and paranoid. Maupas saw enemies everywhere and seemed to treat their elimination as a sadistic game.
Maupas was not only dismissed as Minister of Police in 1853 (moreover, the Ministry of Police was abolished almost immediately after Maupas' dismissal), but he was also virtually exiled to the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies after being "promoted" to ambassador.
Orsini's bombs completely changed the situation. Terrified by the idea that the Emperor's death could destabilize the empire, the Government of National Defense decided to bring Maupas back to France.
Suddenly, Maupas had gone from being a hated politician in exile to once again being a member of the French government. Firmly intent on avenging the death of his beloved emperor, Maupas was put in charge of the restored Ministry of Police.
"The Second Reign of Terror" (a name popularized by Victor Hugo during his exile in England) officially began even before Napoleon III's state funeral.
Although only Orsini's Italian accomplices ended up being sentenced to death, more than five hundred people ended up being arrested or lost all their property in the months following Napoleon III's assassination.
Numerous newspapers were forced to close and in some cases their editorial offices and printing plants burned under mysterious circumstances .
Maupas and the other ministers were not the only ones responsible for the Second Reign of Terror. The death of Napoleon III and the dozens of collateral victims of Orsini's bombs had generated a collective hysteria throughout France.
Many French citizens not only began to randomly denounce the alleged enemies of the empire to the Ministry of Police, but they also wanted to personally contribute to the hunting and punishment of these alleged criminals. It is not possible to calculate the number of the victims and the damages caused by the angry mobs, but it is undoubtedly high.
Those who suffered the most were the British citizens and those coming from the various Italian states who were in France at the time of Napoleon III's assassination. Citizens of the empire blamed the former for not having prevented the attack and the latter for having directly or indirectly contributed to it.[1]
While the French government decided to protect the British citizens on its territory, Paris abandoned the Italian population to its fate. Between 1858 and 1859, the French gendarmerie in no way protected either the Italian properties or the italian citizens from attacks by angry mobs.
Protests from the various Italian states were completely ignored to the point that the French government's newspapers seemed to openly encourage violence.
As usual, Pierre Magne claims in his memoirs that these initiatives were proposed by Walewski and loudly supported by Ernest de Royer and Jean-Baptiste Philibert Vaillant.
However, Magne's epistolary gives us a different version of the events. From his letters of the time, it is clear that Magne was an open supporter of both purges and violence against the italian citizens, or at least totally indifferent.
Unlike the late Emperor, most of the French ministers had little sympathy for a possible unification of the Italian peninsula. Consequently, they decided to use the population of the peninsula as a scapegoat to prevent any violence or protest by the French citizens against the imperial government.
In the eyes of the imperial government, maintaining good relations with England was strategically and politically far more important than a possible military alliance with the Kingdom of Piedmont or another Italian state. A couple of years later, however, the ministers would regret their decision.
[1] These riots actuall happened IRL but Napoleon III quickly put an end to them. ITTL he is dead so the popular anger is even stronger.