Malê Rising

I don't know, it sounds like labor is going to throw a fit once the war ends. A lot of the last couple updates have focussed on Labor relations going more and more poorly ITTL. Especially Germany, although a communist germany would probably work out half decently.

Hmm. I kinda doubt Germany goes communist, especially if Germany "wins", but there certainly is going to be an almost unstoppable push for political and labor reform: the Kaiser as JE describes him doesn't seem idiotic enough to adopt an uncompromising "monarchy and elite power" stand and try to enforce it with military force - that might really bring about a full-scale civil war.

Bruce
 
Hmm. I kinda doubt Germany goes communist, especially if Germany "wins", but there certainly is going to be an almost unstoppable push for political and labor reform: the Kaiser as JE describes him doesn't seem idiotic enough to adopt an uncompromising "monarchy and elite power" stand and try to enforce it with military force - that might really bring about a full-scale civil war.

Bruce

Somewhere is likely to have a revultion, France seems most likely, although like Germany they are actually capable of a decently done socialist state so that would be very interesting.
 
Idea for religious syncretism I feel stupid for not bringing up before: Korean shamanism has the same roots as Siberian shamanism, just with a lot of divergent evolution and centuries and centuries of Buddhist, Taoist and other Chinese or Chinese-mediated influence. But the very old roots of Korean shamanism is very similar to various circumpolar religious practices (except less spirit journeys and more spirit wrangling). It'd be interesting to see what Siberian folklore coming down with the Russians ends up doing in Korea.
 
It seemed appropriate to the quotes and such we've seen that nobody emerges very happily from this war...on the other hand, I get the impression that the end results won't be quite as, well, _apocalyptic_ as OTL with its fall of four empires and the emergence of the USSR.

It will be less apocalyptic in some ways, but possibly more in others. It's unlikely that four empires will collapse, but at least two will, and with the fighting spread over almost the whole world, the devastation and disruption will be universal. The death toll will likely be at least as high as World War I in OTL, or even higher.

I don't know, it sounds like labor is going to throw a fit once the war ends. A lot of the last couple updates have focussed on Labor relations going more and more poorly ITTL. Especially Germany, although a communist germany would probably work out half decently.

Hmm. I kinda doubt Germany goes communist, especially if Germany "wins", but there certainly is going to be an almost unstoppable push for political and labor reform: the Kaiser as JE describes him doesn't seem idiotic enough to adopt an uncompromising "monarchy and elite power" stand and try to enforce it with military force - that might really bring about a full-scale civil war.

A revolution in Germany is unlikely, but there will be many challenges to existing institutions. At least one country will go through a time of troubles after the war, though, no matter who wins; as a hint, it's the one where people speak French. Russia is in for some turmoil as well.

Idea for religious syncretism I feel stupid for not bringing up before: Korean shamanism has the same roots as Siberian shamanism, just with a lot of divergent evolution and centuries and centuries of Buddhist, Taoist and other Chinese or Chinese-mediated influence. But the very old roots of Korean shamanism is very similar to various circumpolar religious practices (except less spirit journeys and more spirit wrangling). It'd be interesting to see what Siberian folklore coming down with the Russians ends up doing in Korea.

That's an interesting thought, especially since many of the Russian troops fighting in Korea are likely to be from Siberian regiments. They'll fight alongside the peasant army, and some will no doubt marry Korean women and settle down, so Siberian shamanism and folklore could certainly find their way into the *Donghaks' Orthodox-Cheondoist amalgam. I'll have to read some Siberian stories and think about this some more.

The middle classes and gentry, especially the Russian-educated officers, are more likely to go for straight-up Orthodox Christianity, especially if (as you've suggested) the Buddhist monks mostly side with Japan.
 
Another while-you-wait episode

Ile-Ife, February 1896

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On paper, Adeseye Abacar was the Minister for Education of the Republic of Ilorin; one among equals in the republic, and nothing at all outside it. In fact, she was far more. In Ilorin, the people saw her as standing in for her absent husband, and to the conservative rural legislators – and even to many urban ones – that counted for more than her nominal title. And here in Ile-Ife, she was a princess royal, the wife of the New Oyo Confederation’s founding chancellor, and in the minds of many nobles and commoners, a regent. When Adeseye spoke, her voice carried weight – more, even, than others whose positions were higher.

That was why her presence at this year’s egungun festival was more than a personal matter. This was the first festival since her brother Abiola had ascended to the throne of Ife and, with it, the titular leadership of the Confederation. There had been an outcry when the kingmakers chose him, not least from the other three royal families who believed it was their turn, but most had agreed that the need to maintain the alliance with Ilorin and the Abacar family was most important. There was far less agreement about what Abiola had done next: declared that the city-state’s governing council would be elected rather than co-opted as in the past, and that the next council would be tasked with drafting a constitution.

He had the support of the ogboni society and the imamate, Adeseye knew; they had advocated such reforms for years. But many powerful nobles were opposed, and the kings of other cities, who faced similar movements, were watching nervously. So was the British governor in Lagos, who feared that the push for self-government would sweep through the Yoruba in his own colony, and that the identification of populism with Islam would upset the Christian hegemony that prevailed to the south.

So there were many people with an interest in seeing that the egungun festival went badly, that it would bear a message of disapproval for the changes. And this meant that it was the job of others, Adeseye among them, to ensure that the performers gave Ooni Abiola their blessing. The opinion of the egungun society – that of the ancestors and saints – would have enormous influence on the outcome of the election, or even whether there would be one, so Adeseye could leave no stone unturned.

“I’ve been to Olusegun’s wife, and it’s been arranged,” came a voice beside her. She looked and saw that her youngest child, Funmilayo, had returned.

“Had the others been to see him?”

“They had. But I offered more, and I also promised an industrial loan to the whole society. We have an understanding.”

“Well done,” Adeseye said. She’d fought the Ilorin cabinet, virtually single-handed, to ensure that the wartime investment went to the whole confederacy and not just to Ilorin, but she had no compunction about using those funds to reward political allies. And while the egungun society was formally anonymous, everyone knew who they were, which meant that they could be rewarded just like anyone else.

“Well done,” she said again, and regarded her daughter. At a month over seventeen, Funmilayo was a curious one, not practical-minded like Paulo nor yet a cheerful mystic like Ibrahim. She was quietly studious with a passion for politics and law, but in an abstract way; she spoke of the liberation of women but had little interest in taking over the administration of the jajis, and she spoke of constitutional democracy without caring to seeking office or influencing those who held it. But her lack of interest in practical politics didn’t prevent her from having a talent for it; she’d made herself quite useful as Adeseye’s secretary and go-between, especially since no one would suspect a seventeen-year-old girl of being the latter.

“We should go take our places, Funmi,” she said, pointing to where the Ooni stood with his courtiers. “But take off that necklace first.” Funmilayo was wearing a whale’s-tooth pendant that Ibrahim had sent her from Samoa, and today, it was important to be entirely Yoruba.

They reached the royal dais and stood facing the throng, where everyone could see that the Abacar family supported the king no matter what message the egungun brought. And as they did, the sound of drums and double-bells filled the street, and the first of the masked dancers appeared.

How much it’s changed from when I was a child, Adeseye thought. The performers still wore wooden face-masks and garments made of dozens of patterned straps, but both had subtly changed; Islamic symbols were now woven into the ritual garments, and the masks suggested the features of ancestors who were revered as Sufi saints. And their dances had become topical; they might shame a factory-owner who paid poor wages, or lampoon a corrupt official. Their formal anonymity made them inviolate, and no king or noble would dare to punish them, so they had carved a place as speakers for the people. Even when they’d been bought and paid for, their voice would be seen as the conscience of the city.

Adeseye hoped that voice would say what she had arranged it to say.

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The first dance was, predictably, a patriotic one; with the city at war, the performers honored the soldiers. Funmilayo pointed excitedly at one of the dancers, whose mask had her father’s unmistakable features and who stomped and lunged as he enacted a victory over phantom French soldiers. Adeseye spared a prayer for the man the mask portrayed; the French were mounting an offensive in Bornu, hoping to divert the British and Malê from their drive on Senegal, and he’d been sent to stop it.

The second dance started as she finished the thought, and this one was closer to home: a lampoon of the dangers of drink and the evil of taverns. Adeseye wondered which imam had paid the egungun society to carry that message, and how much influence it would have on the city’s drinkers. Not much, if she had to guess; there were some things stronger than the voice of conscience, and palm-wine was one of them.

Others followed, castigating bad officials or lauding good ones, casting in shame a landlord who charged excessive rent and drove his peasants into poverty. And then the drums and bells reached a crescendo as the dancers whirled faster and faster. Once, they had brought back word from the ancestors; now, their holy ecstasy would inspire them with messages of Islamic guidance. They would speak soon, and when they did, it would be with the voice of the saints and the inspiration of the Prophet.

“Blessed is the city!” called one of the dancers, the one with the largest face-mask and the most ornate garment of them all. Adeseye saw her daughter give a barely perceptible nod; this must be Olusegun, whose wife she had lately visited.

“Blessed is the king who practices shura, who rules in consultation with the people!” he shouted. “Blessed is the city where each teaches the other, each works for the other, each is ruler, builder and servant! Blessed are the people who are rightly guided and who build their city as a monument to God!”

The people cheered and ululated, and Adeseye felt like joining them; the message had been more Belloist than she’d expected, most likely an influence from the labor movement to the north, but it was all she and her brother could have asked for.

The ancestors had blessed their children, and the people would rule.
 
Another clutch of wonderful updates, Mr E. One of the reasons I enjoy this TL so much is your rather lyrical writing style.

One thought that struck me reading the end of the last update: has there been much cross-pollination between Abacarism and Belloism, and will there be in the future?
 
The middle classes and gentry, especially the Russian-educated officers, are more likely to go for straight-up Orthodox Christianity, especially if (as you've suggested) the Buddhist monks mostly side with Japan.

Well Korean Buddhism isn't really centralized enough to make go over to Japan as a body. But for your purposes you don't need many monks to do that, just enough to provide grist for an anti-Buddhist propaganda mill (as the Christians did IOTL).

A lot of monks will be horrified by the *Donghak and they don't have very tight connection with the Korean monarchy (which was more Confucian and looked down on Buddhist monks and didn't give them much in the way of money and favors at this point in Korean history, although the female bits of the royal family often did support Buddhist monks) but a lot of them will be more horrified by the Japanese invading and killing people.

IOTL during the Japanese occupation some Korean monks married (as Japanese monks can do but which Korean monks traditionally didn't) which lead to lots of accusations that any married Korean monk was a quisling (often not true) which in turn lead to non-married monks doing things like hiring gangsters to kick their married abbots to take over a temple or monastery after WW II. That kind of thing helped Christianity to get a leg up in Korea.

So you might get a few newly married monks supporting the Japanese but there wouldn't be enough time to set up anything institutional in the middle of a war. You might get some other dissidents signing on with Japan like the liberal faction did IOTL.

Maybe a good location would be Jiri-san: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jirisan Traditionally one of the holiest mountains in Korea and well within range of the Japanese army.

Oh one more Korea thing and then I'll shut up. King Gojong wasn't much of a political force (which is why I've talked more about his wife) but he loved his gadgets. The first telephone in Korea was used by him so that he could phone in his prayers to the ancestral shrine of the royal dynasty rather than show up to do the prayers in person.
 
Another clutch of wonderful updates, Mr E. One of the reasons I enjoy this TL so much is your rather lyrical writing style.

One thought that struck me reading the end of the last update: has there been much cross-pollination between Abacarism and Belloism, and will there be in the future?

Thanks! I've mentioned here that one of the flavors of Belloism is Labor Belloism, which grew out of the quasi-syndicalist religious brotherhoods that functioned as trade unions in Adamawa and Sokoto. This form of Belloism incorporates many Abacarist ideas of self-rule and individual freedom, and it has spread to the new industrial working class of the Yoruba city-states. There will be other points of contact now and in the future.

Also, in case it hasn't come across from this and prior updates, Adeseye's sensibilities are considerably less republican than her husband's. She's from a royal family and sees nothing wrong with the idea of monarchy. She isn't an absolute monarchist - Yoruba kingship was never absolute, and she sees the virtues of constitutional rule and civic rights - but she has no problem with a king acting as overseer and mediator, and she doesn't mind when Yoruba outside Ilorin call her "olori" (often translated as "princess" or "queen," but more accurately "royal lady" or "wife of royalty"). This informs many of her attitudes toward the political process: for instance, she considers steering an industrial loan to political allies as royal prerogative rather than corruption.

So while she's putting her thumb on the scale here in favor of greater democracy, she's doing so in part for dynastic reasons: she supports her brother, agrees with him that constitutional government will make modernization easier, and is defending the family against its political enemies. As you can imagine, she and Usman have had some interesting conversations, but she's been an effective behind-the-scenes ruler during the war, given that her sensibilities are more in tune with many of Ilorin's citizens than Usman's.

As for Funmilayo... well, Falecius once mentioned Roquia Sakhawat Hussain.

Well Korean Buddhism isn't really centralized enough to make go over to Japan as a body. But for your purposes you don't need many monks to do that, just enough to provide grist for an anti-Buddhist propaganda mill (as the Christians did IOTL).

A lot of monks will be horrified by the *Donghak and they don't have very tight connection with the Korean monarchy (which was more Confucian and looked down on Buddhist monks and didn't give them much in the way of money and favors at this point in Korean history, although the female bits of the royal family often did support Buddhist monks) but a lot of them will be more horrified by the Japanese invading and killing people.

IOTL during the Japanese occupation some Korean monks married (as Japanese monks can do but which Korean monks traditionally didn't) which lead to lots of accusations that any married Korean monk was a quisling (often not true) which in turn lead to non-married monks doing things like hiring gangsters to kick their married abbots to take over a temple or monastery after WW II. That kind of thing helped Christianity to get a leg up in Korea.

This seems all too plausible: differences of opinion among the monks, combined with the human hunger for power, will lead to infighting. Abbots might collaborate with the Japanese for political reasons, as might monks who hope to overthrow their abbots, and the whole sordid affair could tarnish the monks' image for the long term (even though others will fight heroically in defense of their homeland). Jiri-san may indeed be a good place for something like this to happen.

I imagine that in TTL, the liberal faction will mostly support the government rather than Japan, given that Queen Min has allowed many new men to buy their way into the gentry and has instituted some incomplete but real political reforms. The dissidents who join the Japanese side in TTL might come from the old-school gentry who are being eclipsed by the new educated class.

Oh one more Korea thing and then I'll shut up. King Gojong wasn't much of a political force (which is why I've talked more about his wife) but he loved his gadgets. The first telephone in Korea was used by him so that he could phone in his prayers to the ancestral shrine of the royal dynasty rather than show up to do the prayers in person.

One more thing to tie him to the Russians, then: they've probably been plying him with all the latest gadgets. I imagine his palace looks like Maharajah Scindia's by this point, with an electric train to carry dishes around the dinner table.
 
Congo, Katanga and Zanzibar, February 1896

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András Weisz had grown up thinking of hell as a place of fire and brimstone, where demons tormented the damned souls who were roasting on the coals. He knew differently now. Hell was a jungle where the tropical heat entered one’s very bones, and where men did things more unspeakable than demons could imagine. Hell was the Congo, and people had made it so.

Before the war, the concessionaires had come and made the Congolese into slaves. Now, war was added to forced labor. Villages were prizes to be fought over; the villagers were forced to harvest rubber and timber, drafted as porters for the armies, made to give over their crops to the hungry soldiers. Retreating armies might force villagers on death-marches, or even kill them outright, to deny their labor to the enemy. And that was what happened to the men; the women and girls suffered worse.

There were some who foreswore such tactics, but they were few and far between. For the Congolese, there was little to choose between the rest: European officers, rubber barons, district governors and African kinglets building vest-pocket empires all were the same, and the mercenaries, if anything, more so.

Was it any wonder, then, that those who could, fled to the few corners of the Congo where there was no fighting, and those who were too far to flee, rose up? Any prophet who promised an end to the horror could get a following. In all likelihood, he would only succeed in getting his followers massacred, and adding the survivors to the refugees who sought any safety that might be had in this cursed land.

Some, even, had sought safety with Weisz’ men. His army no longer looked anything like the ragtag band that had escaped from a Turkish prison camp the year before. No more than half of the prisoners were still with him; the others were dead of sickness, killed in battle, left at whatever town they’d been in when they’d decided they could take no more, or wandered off to try for home on their own. In their place were the Magyarabs and a motley collection of recruits and camp followers: men and women from all the peoples of Ubangi-Shari and the Congo, their children and possessions trailing behind them. Without quite knowing it, Weisz had become another warlord, the commander of another army on the move through the Congo basin.

And warlords needed guns, food, and most of all allies, if they planned to make it through alive. That was why, here at Boyoma, Weisz had an appointment with a prophet.

“Come with me,” said the man at Weisz’ side. He was dressed in the black and white robes of a judge – one of the governing council, elected by some means nobody could fathom from the people who shared the prophet’s faith. He led Weisz and his two lieutenants - László Tóth and Nagy the Magyarab – past huts and market-stalls to a walled compound. There was a single hut within, no bigger than those outside, and a grassy field where audiences were held; on a stool in that field sat the man Weisz had come to see.

Samuel the Lamanite, he was called: one of the prophets who hadn’t got his flock massacred, and had managed to hold his country against all comers. The French had been the first to give him guns, so Weisz supposed he’d once been a friend, but things didn’t work that way in the Congo any more. He’d changed sides three or four times, like all the African warlords had; he took weapons from both now, and fought for himself.

Now he rose from the stool, leaning on a wooden staff; he was robed in white, with a cap of the kind that Muslims wore. He regarded Weisz for a moment, his eyes fixed on a point far to the rear, and the Hungarian officer felt that the prophet was somehow looking through him.

“Good morning, Nephite,” he said.

Weisz had expected that. He’d heard that Samuel’s faith came from America, of all places, with bits and pieces of Islam added on, and that the Nephites were a race from his holy book. They were ancient Americans, or Israelites, or something of both, but to Samuel, they were white men.

“Have you repented?”

Often, Weisz thought, but he sensed that the question was more serious than that. “Repented of what?”

“Of seeking all the days of your life for that which you cannot obtain. Of seeking happiness in doing iniquity. Do you deny that the Nephites are cursed? Do you deny that a curse has come upon this land because of their wickedness and their abominations?”

Weisz remembered what he’d seen in these past months of marching through the Congo. “No,” he said. “I can’t deny that.”

“Then repent, Nephite! I know your men haven’t done what the other Nephites have done. Nephites were created righteous; they, like the Lamanites, were made to be good and godly, but they, like the Lamanites, have fallen. Repent, and walk in the way of the Lord.”

The Hungarian felt himself on very unfamiliar territory; he was an indifferent Jew himself, and both religious passion and the rhetoric of salvation were foreign to him. He wanted desperately to steer the conversation to more practical ground. “How may I do that? By fighting for you?”

“That will be a start,” Samuel said, and to Weisz’ surprise, he laughed out loud. “Yes, an army of Nephites to bring my scattered children home.”

“What enemy will we fight, then?” That was the tricky question: Weisz might be a mercenary by necessity, but he was loyal to the Habsburg Emperor, and would not fight against that Emperor’s allies.

“You will fight oppression! You will fight irreligion!” Now Weisz had a moment’s unease. In the early days of his rebellion, Samuel had driven out those who did not adopt his faith. He’d done so for only a short while before recoiling at the cruelty, but had he changed his mind again? Were the Hungarians being recruited to burn crops and raze villages?

But it wasn’t that. “There are people of my faith all over this land,” the prophet continued. “They are oppressed; they are beaten; they are enslaved. I must gather them. I must send parties to find them, and to guide them home.”

That had its risks too – Weisz would have to split up his force and give up the safety that lay in numbers – but it was neither treason nor atrocity. It was… at least worth considering.

“And if we do this,” he said, “what would our payment be?”

Samuel’s eyes lit up briefly; Weisz suspected he could bargain as well as anyone, were it not beneath him to do so. “The judges will decide. But I can tell you that you will be fed and sheltered for the next stage of your journey, and that your names will be blessed in all the places where mine is known…”


*******

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Bunkeya was taken. The Portuguese flag was raised high above the boma that had lately been King Msiri’s, and the conquering armies feasted among its houses and storerooms. Drunk soldiers leaped and danced by the campfires, adorned with the contents of Msiri’s treasury, singing hymns of victory in a dozen languages.

Brigadier Nuno Teixeira wandered among the troops, unable to savor the victory quite as they did. Yes, the lands Portugal ruled would now extend across Africa. Yes, he would be military governor of the conquered provinces, a post of honor and quite possibly one that would make him rich. Yes, Msiri, once Portugal’s ally and now its greatest African enemy, was now a refugee, fled with what remained of his army to become a soldier of fortune in the Congo. But the colonel couldn’t forget how much this war had also proved Portugal’s weakness.

Over there was the camp of Prince Azzan bin Thuwaini of Oman, who Teixeira’s man Freitas had promised the throne of Yeke in exchange for his army. Next to it, those of Msiri’s vassal chiefs, who’d made Teixeira bid against Msiri for their allegiance, and who’d had to be paid in guns and gold to come over to his side. Across the compound, the Shona and Boers of Mutapa, who fought for Portugal only after having beaten it in battle and exacted their price. How few of the soldiers celebrating this victory were doing so in Portuguese!

And of course, the Portuguese had been helpless to stop Dietmar Köhler, the warlord of South Kivu, from arming Msiri, lest they anger the North German Confederation by making war on him.

This will not be a Portuguese empire, Teixeira realized. It will be Portuguese and Omani and Swahili and Shona and a dozen others besides. We will be overlords, but no more than that.

He looked up at the stars for a moment, and then brought his eyes back down to the campfires. One of them was Freitas’, and the colonel would have something good to drink. He nearly always did.

*******

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Prince Ali found no joy in being back at the palace. He’d vowed to return only as Sultan, and he wasn’t that; instead, he was one supplicant among many, waiting for a gaggle of petty nobles to decide his fate. He supposed that, having failed to win the throne on the battlefield, he had no other choice, but it still rankled. Oh, how it rankled.

Three months in Zanzibar, trading for votes. Three months of humbling himself before Swahili landlords, Indian merchant-princes, European adventurers and African vassal kings, three months of listening to what they demanded – demanded! – if they were to support his suit for the throne. Three months of fearing the treachery of his fellow princes and hoping he would not be outbid.

And now, he feared even worse.

The parliament had debated incessantly during those months, but it had never taken a vote on the succession; no prince had been sure enough of his support to call for one. The armies, all but a few, had been taken off the field, but within the palace walls, an even fiercer battle had raged, and there was no victor.

Today, rumor had it, all that would change: a vote would be taken, and someone would be elected. And if so, Prince Ali’s hopes of becoming Sultan were doomed, because he knew very well that he didn’t have a majority.

His heart pounded as he tried to pay attention. The Yao king was speaking, and his voice carried much weight: many Yao had attained noble rank in the Omani Empire, and they would vote with their king. What did it mean, if the Yao were taking the fore? They’d stayed neutral thus far, because everyone knew that their patron was…

Oh, no.

“For a year and more, this great land has been torn by war,” said the old king in his sonorous voice. “For a year and more, the princes have contended for the martyred Sultan’s throne. And in doing so, all they have proved is that none of them are worthy of it!”

The king’s voice suddenly became sharp, carrying over the rising tumult in the hall. “What prince worthy of the name would tear the country apart in order to rule it? Who is worthy of being Sultan if he climbs to the throne over the bones of widows? Should we have a ruler who thinks nothing of his sworn oaths, who would betray our country’s laws and undermine our English allies while they fight for their lives? Should we have a king who has shown he will disobey any of God’s commandments if only it will give him an advantage over his brothers?”

Prince Ali looked around desperately, hoping that the assembled nobles would recoil at the Yao king’s words, but the shouts from the floor were mostly cries of agreement. Even some of the princes were giving their assent. What had been offered to them, and why had no one offered it to him?

“There is another prince in the kingdom!” The Yao king’s voice rolled on inexorably. “There is a man who the great Sultan saw fit to elevate to princely rank, not because of his birth but because of his merit. And he is the man who, for the past year, has been the only prince who has fought to keep the land together rather than destroy it! He is a brave soldier, a wise statesman, a man of God, and a teacher who is rightly guided! The man is…”

But the king did not have to name his candidate. “Tippu Tip!” came a voice from the floor. “Tippu Tip!” shouted a hundred more. “Tippu Tip! Tippu Tip!” called the shopkeeper-nobles and Swahili half-breeds, ecstatic at the chance to elect one of their own as their overlord.

He’s been planning it all this time, Prince Ali realized. There’s no way this could be an accident. And he’s made sure that we’re all here in Zanzibar, away from our armies, when it happened. I thought I was clever when I didn’t take oath to be bound by this parliament’s vote, but here and now, that gains me nothing.

A small corner of Ali’s mind told him that he couldn’t really expect any better. Tippu Tip would likely be less vengeful than one of his brothers or cousins, and he would never have been able to win the throne on the battlefield. He would still be a prince, and there were many worse things than that.

But it rankled. Oh, how it rankled.
 
Now that's an unexpected outcome.

And could the Congo be any stranger of a place? Perhaps a few Zoroastrian Ainu working for the Brazilians? :p
 
Another Sultan Tippu. Let's see now, what Oman has to offer, now that Tip's been acknowledged as ruler by most.

I suppose now that Ali may indeed cross over to the French or Russians.
 
Now that's an unexpected outcome.

Sultan Tippu Tip?:D:D:D

Hell yeah Tippu Tip!

Yeah, I thought so too. :p

Two points that should be made here: this is a changing of the guard from the Omani clans to the new Afro-Arab (-European-Indian) nobility rather than simply a change of dynasties, and this will probably formalize, at least for the time being, the split between Zanzibar and Oman proper.

Another Sultan Tippu. Let's see now, what Oman has to offer, now that Tip's been acknowledged as ruler by most.

I suppose now that Ali may indeed cross over to the French or Russians.

Probably not Ali - given that Tippu Tip has maneuvered him to Zanzibar and cut him off from his retainers, the path of least resistance for him will be to give in and see what he can get in return for his acquiescence. Some of the other princes, though - the ones who refused to attend the parliament, or those who have relatively intact country holdings - might do just that. The die-hard princes will be a relatively small minority, and will be more a nuisance than a genuine threat to the empire, but they could go join Mikoyan in Oman proper, add to the French strength in Congo or Gabon, or maybe split off a few remote provinces while everyone's distracted by the war.

And could the Congo be any stranger of a place? Perhaps a few Zoroastrian Ainu working for the Brazilians? :p

Give me enough time, and maybe I can pull that off - I've already got Korean shamanists working for them. :p

The Battle of Bornu is up next, followed by the year three wrap-up, and then we'll be on the last lap.
 
Actually that is a good point, what's going on with Zoroastrianism? It's one of the few religions we haven't really ever focused on at all which I find kind of odd given the fact so much attention is put on India (and now probably Iran).

The thing is that there aren't very many Zoroastrians, and from what I understand, their theology was pretty ossified by this time. They certainly didn't have any significant political power in Iran. The Parsis of India did have some influence because they were a favored minority under the Raj (among other things, there was a Parsi member of Parliament in both OTL and TTL during the 1890s) but they were a small minority, and they didn't really bring their religion into their politics.

With that said, though, there's no reason that the religious reformism occurring among the Indian Muslims in TTL couldn't spread to the Parsis. Those who are part of the Congress will have contact with Muslim reformists, and they might be inspired to import similar concepts into their faith. I'm not sure how much influence the Parsi businessmen and politicians would have on the priesthood, but if anyone knows, I'd be willing to listen.

Unfortunately, I can't think of even a semi-plausible way to involve the Ainu. :p
 
The thing is that there aren't very many Zoroastrians, and from what I understand, their theology was pretty ossified by this time. They certainly didn't have any significant political power in Iran. The Parsis of India did have some influence because they were a favored minority under the Raj (among other things, there was a Parsi member of Parliament in both OTL and TTL during the 1890s) but they were a small minority, and they didn't really bring their religion into their politics.

With that said, though, there's no reason that the religious reformism occurring among the Indian Muslims in TTL couldn't spread to the Parsis. Those who are part of the Congress will have contact with Muslim reformists, and they might be inspired to import similar concepts into their faith. I'm not sure how much influence the Parsi businessmen and politicians would have on the priesthood, but if anyone knows, I'd be willing to listen.

Unfortunately, I can't think of even a semi-plausible way to involve the Ainu. :p

Well, Jamshedji Tata was a Parsi, and the Tata Group (if you still have it in the TL) is quite important to India, and was important to the British Raj as well. It doesn't necessarily have to be a religious look at the Parsis, as you yourself mention the fact that they weren't all too religious, but they would be an interesting point of view... If you had the Tata Group come about (Jamshedji was born per-POD), then I'm sure they would form larger interests in East Africa.
 
Parsees were really big in the China trade. Get some up to japan, initially trading for silk and tea, like at canton, then have someone go north and trade for furs. Some of the locals convert, and a few flow through the network back to india, and a couple are in some indian regiment in africa?
 
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