Here's an update. This one is a bit out of sync with the others; it begins in 1861, as Fremont emancipates the slaves and repeals the Fugitive Slave Law.
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Story of a Party - Chapter XIV
Borderline Insanity
"What we wanted to do, the reason why we fought, was always to free the Negro. Fremont saw that already then, and I see that now. His freedom, not the mending of the Union, was always our ultimate goal, but then I did not see that. Sometimes I wonder how things would have gone if I had been President in Fremont's stead."
- Abraham Lincoln, in an interview for the Illinois State Journal, 1878
From "The Civil War" by Kenneth Burnside
University of Illinois Press, 1948
"The July Proclamations caused a backlash from the Southern states that had stayed within the Union, and who now feared that their slaves would escape into the North with no one to return them to their masters. The Democrats saw their position strengthened for one final time because of this, and the state governments of all slaveholding states in the Union but Delaware lodged formal protests against the Fugitive Proclamation with the federal government. As a result, Congress was basically coerced into passing a new Fugitive Slave Act, which imposed almost the old measures against runaway slaves from the border states, although all policemen were still forbidden from imprisoning any slaves fleeing the Confederacy (they could be imported, however). The complex nature of this law meant that many errors were made in its enforcement, and many police departments, especially in Tennessee and Kentucky, ignored the laws altogether, arresting any fleeing slaves, regardless of origin.
This caused outrage in the North, as most people there sympathised with, and in some cases even helped, runaway slaves, holding that under the Constitution, all men were equal, and that black men were also men. Northern politicians, especially Republicans, shared these sentiments, and the newspapers of the North loudly decried the "treasonous so-called policemen of the South, who obstruct, rather than uphold, our Union's Laws". The political battle eventually made its way into Congress, with wars of words over slavery almost as bitter as those that had taken place before secession. It was known that with their complete dominance in Congress, the Republicans could block any new laws from being passed. However, many Southerners were convinced that Northerners would sympathise with their cause, which might lead to a Democratic victory in the next election.
This, however, was not to be. The Republican congressional delegations included some of the most brilliant speakers in the nation - Abraham Lincoln, Charles Sumner, Thaddeus Stevens, among others - and although the Southern cause had the help of John Breckinridge and John Bell, among others, they were always verbally outgunned by the Northern Republicans, who were able to fairly easily decry slavery in a very credible way, using the example of the Confederacy to make all attempts to protect slavery seem treasonous and unpatriotic. Furthermore, the facts on the ground were against the Southerners. The Northern population quite simply lacked any sympathy for their cause, and it wasn't exactly made better when Southerners made lengthy defences of slavery in speeches and newspaper articles.
As a result of the long debate, Congress appointed a bicameral Committee on Rights of Personal Property (in layman's terms, on slavery) to oversee the matter. It delivered its report on September 19, and it stated that efforts at emancipation should be undertaken as soon as possible by all states, but that Congress had no power to coerce them into doing so."
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From "A History of States' Rights in the United States" by Johannes Krieger
University of Pennsylvania Press, 1991
"The state governments in the Border States reacted differently to the events of the summer of 1861. Maryland and Delaware, for their parts, had largely realised that giving up on slavery was a necessity for staying in the Union at the time. Their governments each signed Acts of Abolition before 1862 reached summer, and there was not much quibbles over this.
In Texas, which had always been a land of ranchers and small-time farmers for whom slavery was either unpractical or undesirable, abolition was also carried out fairly quickly, but opposition remained among the planters in the eastern parts of the state, who probably had more in common with the Deep Southerners than with the rest of their state, and now found themselves having to employ, rather than purchase, their work. However, most of the planters soon discovered that they could re-employ their old black slaves on a binding contract, and give payment in kind to them. This amounted, in principle, to slavery, as the workers were forced to work for their employers, and received no monetary payment [1]. The Kinding System, as it was called, earned condemnations from the federal government, which worked to prevent similar systems in the occupied South during Reconstruction, but in Texas it continued well into the twentieth century, since that state had not seceded and so was left to its own affairs after the war. The Civil Rights movement of the thirties [2], as well as the exposing depictions of their life by Thoroughgood Marshal [3] and other writers of the period, eventually led President Porter to take measures against it, and the system was finally and decisively outlawed by the Civil Rights Act of 1943.
Kentucky and Tennessee were the states which were most critical of, if not to say hostile to, the calls for abolition. Their state governments did not sign acts of abolition, and were the last to ratify the Thirteenth Amendment (save for Texas) when it came around. The planters resisted abolition, leading to violence as the blacks started trying to claim their legal right to leave whenever they wanted. In some cases, the Army was sent in to protect the freedmen, and the whites of all strata resented this preferential treatment, which led to additional racially-motivated violence between the groups. In short, these states were little different from the former Confederate states, only with a smaller army presence. Tennessee, indeed, came close to being put under Union occupation after a particularly bad series of riots in 1869, and was saved only by presidential veto, which the Republicans lacked the numbers necessary to overturn.
Eventually, just as in the South, the violence died down, and when it did, the whites were on top. Unlike much of the Deep South, where local politics were dominated by Establishers, these border states were heavily leaning toward the Constitutional Union politically. Tennessee, in particular, became a stronghold of the New South Creed [4], and the east of the state became something of a centre for industry in the South in the early 20th century."
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[1] This system is based on the Swedish statare system, whereby workers received payment in kind and were forced to move about along with their employers, in what basically amounted to serfdom.
[2] Hint, hint.
[3] This is not the Thoroughgood Marshall (note the different spelling), later called Thurgood, who IOTL became the first African-American Associate Justice in the Supreme Court. This Thoroughgood Marshal was born in Missouri in 1894, and took interest in the lives of the kinders from early on. He wrote several books, novellas, and articles about them: among the most famous of them are "The Nephews of Uncle Tom" (1933) and "The Ice Men Cometh" (1935). He supported the Porter administration as it battled segregation and racial inequality, and later sharply criticised Sanders for playing on racist sentiment among white Southerners to win two consecutive elections. He retired from public life in 1955, and died peacefully in 1967.
[4] The New South Creed, basically, is the belief held by some Southerners after the Civil War that the old South, reliant as it was upon slavery and cotton exports, could never be equal to the industrialised North, and that the South should establish industry of its own; however, the 'unique Southern way of life' (that is to say, racial inequality) should be maintained in doing so.