King George V
Part Three, Chapter Four: A Most Capable Young Man
It was around 2.30am on the 28th of May 1842 that a night watchman on duty at Runcorn’s Mill in Chester Street, Chorlton on Medlock, first though he saw a gas lamp in the upper storey of the warehouse of one of Manchester’s largest cotton mills. The light was quickly extinguished, so quickly in fact that Arthur Warwick thought he had imagined it. But ten minutes later, from the same upper storey of the warehouse, Mr Warwick saw the unmistakable glow of flames coming from within. Charging out from his shed in the courtyard, he grabbed a fire bucket and was about to enter the building when there was a huge explosion which knocked him to the floor in a shower of glass and a billowing cloud of black smoke. Dazed and covered in soot, cuts and bruises, Warwick ran the length of the street hoping to wake his cousin who lived on Charles Street to come to his assistance. But as he rounded the corner, he saw around 20 or 30 men standing in the shadows, their arms linked, forming a circle around him. They did not attack Warwick but neither did they seem at all moved by his insistence that he must be allowed to go and raise the alarm. It would be another hour before Manchester’s municipal fire brigade were roused and another hour before they made it to the scene of the blaze, by which time the crowd had got bigger and the mill was totally burnt out. Those who looked on were not mere spectators with a morbid curiosity; they were mill employees.
Violent attacks on mills and factories, such as that on Runcorn’s Mill in Manchester, were admittedly rare but they marked the start of a summer of strikes which would see some of the worst examples of social unrest the United Kingdom had seen for a decade. It is hard to pinpoint where exactly they began but within days of the Runcorn Mill fire, strikes were being reported throughout the Midlands, Lancashire, Cheshire, Yorkshire and Strathclyde. The newspapers took great pride in reporting every detail, turning the strikes into a sensation, the use of the words “riot” and “uprising” featuring in headlines in all regions for maximum effect. Reports came to William Gladstone at the Home Office; they had a common word too – “organised”. Whilst Britain was quite familiar with strike action, riots and protest, organised industrial action was rare because various landmark bills passed in the 18th century made striking illegal and those who rallied people to withdraw their labour could be tried and found guilty on a charge of sedition. Under a 1661 act of parliament, sedition was defined as:-
…an intention to bring into hatred or contempt, or to excite disaffection against the person of His Majesty, his heirs or successors, or the government and constitution of the United Kingdom, as by law established, or either House of Parliament, or the administration of justice, or to excite His Majesty's subjects to attempt otherwise than by lawful means, the alteration of any matter in Church or State by law established, or to incite any person to commit any crime in disturbance of the peace, or to raise discontent or disaffection amongst His Majesty's subjects, or to promote feelings of ill-will and hostility between different classes of such subjects.
The penalty was life imprisonment but convictions were rare because the 1661 act set a caveat that a person could only be found guilty if two witnesses presented evidence to prove that sedition had taken place, after which the King personally had to authorise a prosecution. In cases where sedition was proven and prosecuted, those found guilty were sentenced to life imprisonment or transportation, the latter being regarded as a fate far worse than the death penalty in 1840s England.
A typical scene in Huddersfield during the 1842 strikes.
It did not require a finely tuned network of state spies to determine who the co-ordinators of the strikes were. Those who marched were open in their association and many held aloft banners or placards which aligned them very clearly with the Chartists. The Chartist movement had maintained a presence in Britain despite some of their demands already being met. Their activities of late had been mostly reduced to public meetings at which members debated the finer points of their bold new vision for Britain, such as a codified constitution for the United Kingdom, equal constituencies and annual parliamentary elections to find suitable candidates to represent those constituencies. But until the summer of 1842, the Chartists might have been regarded once more as a fringe group, their internal divisions leaving them disorganised and without a clear focus. What they needed was an issue which had a real and tangible connection to the working man who belonged to the various worker’s rights groups which were not always affiliated with the Chartists. In April 1842, Alexander Baring unwittingly provided them with the perfect call to arms. [1]
As one might expect, the reintroduction of income tax was not popular with wealthy landowners of all political persuasions, they saw the tax as little more than a state raid on their bank books. But a new class was emerging in Britain at this time - the industrialists. The upper middle classes resented the rise in “new money”, people who could buy their way into a world they had spent generations trying to protect from the common man. Duchesses found themselves obliged to invite lower middle class mill owners to their country estates for house parties as Dukes tried to educate these men, who often had far more money than the aristocrats, on how best to exert the influence that came with their newfound wealth. At last, new money and old money had a common cause to unite in – they both hated the income tax. The industrialists had already been forced to deal with a raft of new regulations on the use of child labour and on offering better working hours and conditions. But the income tax nipped at their purse strings and the obvious way to offset this new expense was simply to slash wages. This approach was nicknamed the ‘Baring Cut’ and as wages were already in decline, the reduction hit thousands of industry workers hard. Fearing a return to the dark days of mass unemployment, starvation and packed workhouses may be imminent, the working classes did not simply sit and wait for poverty to claim them. They intended to act.
At a general meeting held in Chester and attended by 3,000 regional representatives, William Lovett presented the case for a new approach to be adopted by all affected by the wage cuts. Lovett was a stalwart of the Chartist movement and had helped to establish the London Men’s Working Association. His radical politics and activism for the poor had seen him become such a prominent Chartist figure that he had been jailed shortly after being elected the movement’s secretary. Whilst in prison, Lovett wrote a book which led to the establishment of the National Association for Promoting the Political and Social Improvement of the People. The association was not exactly popular (it never surpassed more than 500 members) but it gave Lovett a unique position in the Chartist movement in general; he was regarded as a “do-er”, someone who put his money where his mouth was and who was more inclined to organise rather than theorise. Though he abhorred political violence, he was a strong proponent of strikes and in the spring of 1842, he led the Chartist call for general industrial action.
William Lovett.
But these strikes would be somewhat different to those of the past. Rather than strike for a return to their previous wage before the Baring Cut was imposed, Lovett and his supporters proposed a motion at Chester that all who went on strike should refuse to return to work until their employers signed an agreement, the text of which was agreed at a second Chartist convention held in London. In a petition to parliament, the Chartists demanded that the “slave-class of Britain” should demand “a firm and compact union on the principle of equality before the law”. The political establishment was described as the “enfranchised and privilege” and the only way to remove the ”mark and brand of social inferiority” was for parliament to force factory bosses to reverse the wage cut but also to commit to signing this petition which demanded a vote for every man over the age of 21 regardless of his income, a secret ballot and equal parliamentary constituencies. The government regarded this as little more than fantasy and accused the Chartists of encouraging radical sentiments. Baring himself said of Lovett; “He is the most cruel of men for he frightens the uneducated poor into believing that they will starve if they do not support his childish political theories, which are really a collection of nonsensical proposals inspired by little more than envy. The poor do not take up the Chartist banner because they believe in it but because men such as Lovett have tricked them into doing so to further his own ambitions. In this way, he is the very character he describes in his literature for his privilege is unquestionable”. [2]
Baring was perhaps accurate in one aspect of his assessment. The poor and uneducated were unlikely to have understood the full extent of what the Chartists were calling for and it is unlikely that they had any real interest in the parliamentary reforms men like Lovett were demanding. But they did understand one thing; they were becoming poorer and the Chartists represented a return to financial security. Whilst nobody else seemed prepared to fight for their interests, the Chartists were and this was enough to convince many to take up the call and join in a nation-wide flurry of strikes. The Leeds Mercury terrified its readers that the city had fallen to “The Chartist Insurrection” and whether the strikers understood the true meaning of the movement or not, thousands marched and refused to countenance a return to work until “the people’s charter becomes the law of land”. Non-affiliated radical groups came out in sympathy. The London Times reported that “a flag of red, white and green has been adopted by some who wish to see the abolition of the monarchy, the dissolution of parliament and a people’s assembly installed in its place. Such revolutionary antics may amuse readers for we know their ambitions are little more than novelty but the political establishment must nonetheless take such sentiments seriously to prevent the poor and uneducated flocking to this wicked and evil cause simply on a promise of more bread for their table”.
200 miles away from Manchester in the leafy Georgian grandeur of Chesham Place, a very different scene was playing itself out. The Earl and Countess of Harewood were giving a dinner party at their London townhouse, having finally decided to shut up their country estate in the West Riding for the season given that their contemporaries seemed to be doing the same thing despite the strictures of court mourning. Lord and Lady Harewood were very much old money, the family owing its fortune to Edward Lascelles, the 1st Earl, who could boast a position as the third wealthiest peer in England thanks to his family’s “investments” in the West Indies. When the slave trade was abolished, his descendants saw their fortune boosted with a “compensation” payment of £26,000 (the equivalent of £2.6m today) which the Harewoods used to shore up their position as one of the country’s great political dynasties, donating huge sums to the Tory Party. Even the 3rd Earl’s marriage was contracted with politics in mind; he married Lady Louisa Thynne, the daughter of the 2nd Marquess of Bath, her sister being well known to readers as the Duchess of Buccleuch, former Mistress of the Robes to the late Queen Louise. The Buccleuchs were present at Chesham Place that evening along with the Earl and Countess of Belmore, Viscount and Viscountess Marsham (sister of the Duke of Buccleuch), Tory MP and baronet Sir John Buxton and his wife Lady Elizabeth and Lady Ursula Bantock, the widow of General Sir Gordon Bantock. We find this guestlist in the journal of none other than Benjamin Disraeli, who was invited to Chesham Place to join the Harewoods for supper and who was in no doubt as to why he had been invited; the Duchess of Buccleuch had been the perfect court insider during her tenure as Mistress of the Robes but now she was out. As Comptroller of the Household, Disraeli (who had been included as part of the Buccleuch social set since his appointment), was an ideal source of inside information.
What Disraeli did not know was that the Buccleuchs had insisted that he be invited because they had heard worrying rumours in recent days which they felt duty bound to investigate. Whether out of genuine concern or because they saw an opportunity to prove their loyalty to the Crown and find a way back into the King's inner circle is debatable. Certainly King George V seemed to have frozen them out, possibly because the Duchess was one of the few non-family members to have witnessed Queen Louise's final hours. It is possible that he did not wish to maintain associations with such individuals, though it must be said that Dr Alison's services as Royal Physician were maintained. It is likely that the Harewoods invited Disraeli to their dinner party at Chesham Place on the instructions of the Buccleuchs and it is equally likely that Disraeli was suspicious of their motives from the moment he was asked - regardless of the fact that he worshipped as an Anglican, many in high society were blinded by rampant antisemitism and were not inclined to invite Jews, even those in prominent positions, to their table. In between courses of Veal Consommé, fillets of Dover Sole, Lobster, Chicken in Champagne Sauce, Venison, and Profiteroles, all washed down with the very best wines from the Harewood cellar, the conversation naturally turned to the news of the day; a similar arson attack to that which destroyed Runcorn’s Mill in Manchester had been reported at a dying plant in Cromford, Derbyshire.
The Duchess of Buccleuch.
“They should all be birched”, Lady Bantock declared imperiously, “The working classes have become far too excitable. I blame the railways. All this travelling about heats the blood”
“I really know nothing about it of course”, Lady Marsham replied, “But what I find so very puzzling is this…these Chartist fellows say that they want better pay and working conditions, yet they burn down the very factories and mills in which they work…thereby making themselves unemployed so they receive no pay at all. I mean to say, there’s simply no logic to any of it, is there?”
The assembled company chuckled politely.
“They should be hanged”, Lady Bantock growled, “These things must be nipped in the bud before they get out of hand. Otherwise we shall have anarchy. Am I to expect my maid to set fire to the house for an extra guinea a year?”
“My maid would sleep through a strike”, Lady Buxton said with a wry grin, “All she seems to do is sleep. All through her day off in fact. I really think these people have far too little to do, that’s why they become agitated”
“My dear I know exactly what you mean”, the Countess of Harewood said sadly, “Do you know, our under-house parlour maid…Ethel…or Elsie…something like that…well last week she marched herself up to the morning room and do you know what she said? She said, ‘Sorry Mum, I’ve got work outside and I’m giving me notice’” [3]
“Impertinence”, Lady Bantock snapped, “These young gals are far too educated these days. They expect everything and appreciate nothing”.
The Duchess of Buccleuch smiled. Then she looked over to her sister-in-law across the table and lifted her glass. Lady Marsham registered the agreed signal and turned to Disraeli.
“I imagine life at court is quite a sober affair at present Mr Disraeli?”, she asked leadingly, “I hear there shall be no parties at all at the palace for the rest of the season”
“That is quite so Lady Marsham”, Disraeli replied politely, “Quite understandable of course, though I believe many are quite upset at the cancellation of Queen Charlotte’s Ball”
“Ridiculous people”, Lady Bantock barked, “A ball during court mourning indeed, whoever heard of such a thing?”
“Alas Lady Bantock”, Disraeli said diplomatically, “Not everybody it seems is as generous in their sentiments as you”
Lady Bantock looked affronted by the compliment rather than charmed by it.
“I quite understand Mr Disraeli”, Margot Marsham continued, “Do you know my dears, I heard the most shocking thing the other day. Dear Dolly Trentham was invited by the Mauleys, and she went, and…well I could hardly believe it but…they had a band! Yes my dears, a band! Charles paid £5 and a whole regiment arrived at the house with drums and cornets a-plenty! They made such a terrible row, Beebee told Dolly that she thought Charles was to find them a quartet or something but no – they played marches till the sun came up!”
“Well they aren’t allowed to play in the parks”, Lady Belmore cut in, “One supposes they were glad of something to do!”
“I do not find that at all amusing”, barked Lady Bantock, “Really…with the court still in mourning…a band indeed”
“If everybody was there…”, Lord Harewood remarked a little unkindly, “Where were you Margot dear?”
Lady Marsham pursed her lips.
“We were not asked”, she replied tartly.
“Don’t be too downhearted Margot”, the Duke chipped in kindly, “You shouldn’t like it at the Mauleys, band or no band. The place is teeming with Russell’s lot. A penny tax on every waltz, what?”
The assembled diners laughed and returned to their meal.
“Do you know the Mauleys, Mr Disraeli?”, the Duchess of Buccleuch asked, nervous that the opportunity she needed was slipping away.
“Only by name”, Disraeli replied, “Though I should not have accepted an invitation to so boisterous a party as Lady Marsham describes even if I were better acquainted”
“Quite so”, the Duchess said, sipping her champagne, “Though of course, society will take it’s lead from His Majesty and I hear he has been seen out dining with friends once more...”
“Yes, I believe so”
“In Bloomsbury Square…doesn’t your father live in Bloomsbury Square, Mr Disraeli?”
“He does Duchess, yes”
“I do hope he is well…I hear it’s quite busy there these days…in Bloomsbury Square…comings and goings…”
“Oh?”
Lady Marsham picked up her sister-in-law’s lead.
“Well Dolly Trentham told me just the other day that there are more Whigs in Bloomsbury Square nowadays than there are at Holland House…”
“But Dolly will exaggerate Margot”, the Duchess said a little too quickly.
“No, no”, Margot Marsham continued enthusiastically, “That’s exactly what she said. Sidney Herbert, the Clarendons, Lord Melbury…even Freddie Spencer and that terrible wife of his…and as for unsuitable entertainments, well my dears, I could hardly believe it but Dolly said they actually played cards. Penny a point! Now what do you think of that?”
“Disgraceful behaviour”, Lady Bantock boomed, “Quite inappropriate!”
“Oh I don’t think we can go that far”, Margot corrected the old dowager, “After all, His Majesty was there and if he found it acceptable then I’m sure they were quite correct to offer games”.
“Well, I think it’s time we left the gentlemen to it”, the Countess of Harewood said tactfully, the men rising in their seats as the women prepared to leave them to their port and cigars. Disraeli was no fool. He knew only too well that he had been invited to the Harewoods thanks to an ulterior motive and now he understood what that motive had been; the Buccleuchs wanted him to know that the King was mixing with the pro-Melbury Whigs on a regular basis and that this was considered thoroughly unsuitable by the Tory party grandees who saw Melbury as a far bigger electoral threat than Lord John Russell. After all, Russell was easy to demonise but Melbury was not, given that he was a far more traditional establishment figure and was known to be less radical in his thinking (though no less ambitious) than his rival. But now that Disraeli had the information the Buccleuchs wanted to impart, he had to work out what to do with it. Others may gave gone directly to the Prime Minister who would undoubtedly have chastised the King and demanded he correct his behaviour. However, Disraeli was far more intelligent than that. The following day, he asked if he might have an audience with Princess Mary on the pretext that the government wished to arrange a state visit for the King of Prussia as soon as court mourning came to a close. He chose his moment well, waiting until their conversation became less formal and tea was served. Princess Mary was always far easier to approach when she was eating.
Disraeli.
“I wonder Ma’am, if I might speak to you freely, on a situation I understand is developing at the moment and which I confess has troubled me a great deal?”
“That sounds very ominous Mr Disraeli”, Princess Mary replied, half in jest, as she leaned forward and helped herself to another slice of seed cake, “Please…speak as you must.”
“I am grateful to you Ma’am”, Disraeli said, following Mary’s lead and helping himself to a sandwich from the plate offered, “I think you may know that my father lives in Bloomsbury Square…”
“Why should I know that?”
“Well Ma’am, his neighbour is known to you, Mrs Wiedl. And I understand that His Majesty has been dining at Bloomsbury Square quite frequently of late”
“I fail to see why that should be any concern of yours Mr Disraeli”, Mary said defensively. She clearly believed Disraeli was about to hint at something unpleasant.
“Oh believe me Ma’am, I should never criticise His Majesty and indeed, I am greatly cheered to see that he is recovered enough from his most tragic loss to feel that he can go out in society once more. But the fact is Ma’am that some of Mrs Wiedl’s other guests…who are present when His Majesty dines there…they are Whigs Ma’am. And I do not say this because I am politically opposed to them, I count a great number of Whigs among my friends. But I understand that Mr Vernon Smith’s ambition is to see Lord Melbury take control of the Whig party and that he is using Mrs Wiedl’s home in Bloomsbury Square to affect this. I believe the Prime Minister is as yet unaware of His Majesty’s visits to Bloomsbury, or at least, he is not aware of the company that is kept there…”
“The Prime Minister wouldn’t be aware of a monkey in his porridge”, Princess Mary snorted. Disraeli forced a smile.
“The fact is Ma’am that I do not wish the Prime Minister to be alarmed by such reports if they reach him as they have reached me. And so I thought it best to put the matter before you, knowing as I do how concerned you are that His Majesty must be well supported in these difficult days, a task you undertake so very admirably”
Princess Mary smiled.
“Well Mr Disraeli”, she said, wiping her sticky fingers on her apron, “You were quite right to come to me. Indeed, I am most grateful that you did. I confess I was not aware of the situation but you did right to inform me of it. And I shan’t forget your kindness, you have my word on that”.
“As ever Ma’am, you are most gracious”, Disraeli cooed. Princess Mary blushed a little.
“Oh Mr Disraeli”, she chuckled, “I shall have to keep a very close eye on you!”.
The Prime Minister and the King had previously clashed on George’s friendship with Lord Melbury. At that time, it was left to Queen Louise to play peacemaker and to relieve the tensions. Sir James Graham relented and accepted that Melbury was a friend to His Majesty and that, provided that the King respected the constitutional barriers that existed, he could be generous enough to overlook the former Foreign Secretary being included in the Windsor set (so long as invitations were not extended too frequently). But had Sir James discovered that the King was practically dining at the equivalent of a Whig party meeting on a regular basis, he would undoubtedly have tendered his resignation. He had considered it in the past when he felt that the King was failing to show political impartiality in his choice of guests (ironically Lord Melbury had felt the same way when he was Foreign Secretary) but had been talked down on the basis that the King was in no way displaying a preference. But George V’s presence at Bloomsbury Square would be much harder to explain away. Princess Mary acted without delay. But she did not approach her nephew. Rather, she summoned Frau Wiedl to her presence at Buckingham Palace.
“I asked you here to thank you for being so very hospitable to His Majesty in recent days”, Mary began, “You were very kind to do so and I believe the King is much better than he was”
“It is always a pleasure to host His Majesty”, Frau Wiedl smiled, “And I am grateful for the compliment Ma’am”
“Yes…”, Mary said sharply, “Of course, you must understand that not everybody is as generous with their compliments as I am. And I wonder…I wonder if it is not time for His Majesty to focus more on his work…”
Frau Wiedl smiled; “Am I to understand that my friendship with the King is to come to an end?”
Princess Mary was shocked by Rosalinde’s frankness.
“Oh goodness me no”, she replied, “But in future, I wonder if it might not be better to restrict your meetings to a more appropriate venue. The Fort or…well…an establishment of your own. Have you never thought of taking a house?”
Wiedl felt a slight pang of animosity but she did not show it. Princess Mary had reminded her that though Bloomsbury Square had been gifted to her by her lover Vernon Smith, and whilst the King allowed her to use Fort Belvedere as a country residence, she owed everything she currently had to the kindness of others. She had no establishment of her own because she had no money of her own.
“You see my dear”, Princess Mary continued, “Your friendship with my nephew is one he values, I know you mean a very great deal to him and that you have been very good to him since…well, in recent weeks. But there are those who may misconstrue that friendship and I wish to protect His Majesty from gossip. I know only too well how the chattering classes can find something ugly in the most pure of places. But if you had your own establishment, you should be free to entertain His Majesty as often as you wished without the need to invite guests who really could cause the most terrible headache given their…allegiances…if you understand my meaning?”
“I think I understand you perfectly Ma’am”, Wiedl conceded, “Though I confess, I have never wanted to take a home of my own here. English houses are so very different, they require so much effort to upkeep, so much is expected.”
“They needn’t be”, Mary said haughtily, “I myself do not keep an extravagant household and I have a very modest staff”.
Princess Mary employed 78 servants in her residences at Gloucester House in Weymouth and her country estate at Bagshot Park near Windsor, with a further 23 at White Lodge in Richmond Park where she relocated after her husband’s death. She was hardly the sort of person one might associate with modest living.
“Now my dear, there is a charming little house at Radley, very manageable, I believe the owner is that horrid little Bowyer person, you’ll know of him, he was the one who went off his head and found himself living in Italy. Well, he lost all his money you know, and he had to sell every stick of furniture in the place before he went to live with the Catholics. But I understand he now leases the house and that his tenant was killed in a riding accident which really is most fortunate because now Radley is empty and the tenancy is really quite manageable. The household there is limited but it is included in the price which is very reasonable. And Radley is only an hour away from Windsor so it would be very convenient for you”
“Ma’am, I really don’t…”
“Of course, it’s never a good idea to inherit servants from a previous owner, but I am sure someone of your considerable resources could manage. And the house really is very pretty. Anyway, I had my secretary make an appointment with the agent for you. My carriage will collect you tomorrow morning and take you to Windsor, I do hope you’ll take it on, it would be so very
practical, don’t you think?”
Whatever Frau Wiedl thought of Princess Mary’s suggestion, Radley’s estate archives show that for the next three years, Rosalinde Wiedl leased the estate from Sir Thomas Bowyer (who had not gone mad at all, he simply defected from the Tory Party to the Whigs, but in Princess Mary’s view this was probably akin to the same thing). As for the King, he was to be kept in the dark as to why Wiedl's invitations to Bloomsbury suddenly stopped and why she had elected to return to Windsor so suddenly without his knowledge. His evening outing cancelled, the King chose to dine quietly with his aunt instead and was most intrigued when Princess Mary told him that Frau Wiedl had asked her advice on taking a home near Windsor at Radley.
“But she has the Fort”, George said, finding the whole situation very curious indeed, “I can’t see why she should want Radley as well...”
“Oh I can”, Princess Mary said, her mouthful of meringue, “Women like to have their own establishments. And the Fort is your home Georgie dear. I’m sure she is most comfortable there but it’s much nicer for someone in her position to have a home to call her own. Even if it is leased”
“Hmmm”, George mused, “I suppose so. Well it’s left me at a very loose end I can tell you. And I’ve broken a promise. I was going to return that book on forestry I borrowed from Foxy"
“Well why not ask Lord Melbury here?”, Mary replied, “Make a little party of it. But you had better balance the books dear. Why not ask the Buccleuchs?”
The King shook his head.
“No”, he replied a little abruptly, “No, I don’t want Charlotte here”
“Oh...”, Princess Mary said pretending to wrack her brains, “Well what about Mr Disraeli and his wife?”
“Disraeli? I always thought he was a bit stiff”
“I think he's just a little reserved. And there's nothing at all wrong with that Georgie. In fact, he came to see me yesterday, about this state visit business. I thought he was quite charming. A most capable young man…”
The King mulled it over for a moment and agreed. Little did he know that he had just avoided a major clash with his Prime Minister, and possible public embarrassment, all but for Disraeli's discrete intervention to prevent such a scandal. Though Disraeli was still viewed with suspicion by many in the aristocracy, he had just won the support of Princess Mary and this would be prove extremely advantageous. But in the coming weeks, Disraeli would prove to Mary that his assistance to the Royal Family to preserve the King's reputation was no mere anomaly and he would soon have yet another opportunity to prove just how capable he really was.
Notes
[1] In our TL, the Whig government already introduced one Chartist demand; salaries for MPs.
[2] The text of the Chartist demands is taken from the OTL agreement. Baring's response is my own.
[3] Mum meaning 'Madam' in this context.