‘Democracy and the CPC: The End of Communism’
2007-08-01
The right to choose one’s leader is an inevitable facet of the human spirit. Many countries attempted to resist this fact, but they all fell to the demands of democracy and self-government. The Soviet Union crumbled in response to national aspirations for democracy. China presumed it could avoid this fate- the ruling Communist Party thought Tiananmen would be forgotten by the people. Now, the Chinese regime recognizes that the more they suppress democracy, the brighter it burns.
As the new century dawned more and more members within the party realized democracy was a necessity. Their motive was not altruistic but rather a calculated gamble to keep the populace satisfied enough to nullify any demands for real, structural change. Jiang’s successor presided over numerous important reforms such as the opening of a stock exchange in Beijing and the creation of numerous Special Economic Zones (SEZs) to facilitate foreign investment. This signaled a shift away from the old totalitarian system, in which everything was dictated from the top-down by the all-powerful Central Committee.
In the new system, every member of the Communist Party would have the opportunity to vote for both the National Congress, the Central Committee, and even the highest position within the Communist Party- the General Secretary.
It was hoped that with the advent of intra-party democracy, the need for higher state organs such as the Politburo and Standing Committee would be abolished, but the party liberals made it clear that intra-party democracy must work in order for the experiment to continue. In addition, party conservatives have made it clear that they won’t stand for these “capitalist roader reforms”. The most prominent of these voices is Xi Jinping, who intends to break this new system and bring back the ideals of “true Leninist thought” within the party.
The liberal faction, even if they are part of the same party that killed millions of people in the ‘60s, should be seen as the lesser evil compared to the hardliners. In a way, this should be seen as the coming of a Chinese perestroika, whereby the people will be able to express their opinions, and show the world that democracy has applications outside the West as well.
Electoral Violence Rocks Beijing Amid Chaotic Elections
By Zhang Yuzhong | chinadaily.com.cn | Updated: 2007-08-16 13:47
Unrest brews in Beijing as reports of violence among rival factions of the CPC threaten to disrupt the already fragile election process. Local party offices have been ransacked by masked men and open street combat between rival factions threaten to undo the last few years’ work of reform in China.
Already, the chaos around the elections has been touted by party conservatives as a sign that the reform package has been a monumental failure, highlighting the gross factionalism that plagues a once united party. In particular, the city of Beijing has experienced some of the worst infighting in the weeks preceding the election. Zhou Yongkang, a member of the liberal faction and major presidential candidate, has been criticized for his unwillingness to restore order in the worst-affected areas of the city. These areas have been suffering from an uptick in poverty and factional infighting, and have seen the worst of electoral violence.
Local Li Qiang comments on the violence that has escalated throughout his neighborhood and the instability the elections have brought:
“Just look at this street- nothing but decay and fire. My business has been ransacked, and the local deputy hasn’t charged anyone for this. How can anyone say this election will change anything?!”
This hasn’t only affected the lower classes of Beijing. The violence has spread to the suburbs, but not in the way one would think. People are being intimidated by gangs to vote for Zhou. Many have been either coerced with cash, pay raises, or brute force in order to keep them in line. One such civilian, who has asked to remain anonymous, remarks on the similarities between this and Russia post-Yeltsin:
“No one can argue that the reform package has been good, but it’s so entrenched within the party that it’d take someone with enough will to uproot all of it. Every major candidate, save for Xi, Chen, and many others, has used some form of intimidation to get us to vote. This is exactly what Putin did when the Communist Party challenged his regime- they harassed, bribed, and killed, all to keep them in line. How can anyone say this will be different?”
With the election still underway, it remains to be seen if this intimidation will result in the triumph of the liberals, or if firebrand Xi Jinping can make it and, in his words, “steer the ship back on the right direction.”
OPINION: ‘Trucker lords’ in collusion with prominent liberal politicians
By Steve Harrow
Source: Global Times
Published: 2007/10/8 15:41:19
China and trucking always was an uneasy combination. During the administrations of both Jiang Zemin and his successor, the opening of the nation to foreign investment and technology gave truckers a competitive advantage. As they became too much to handle, many local governments turned over trucker regulation to newly-formed private enterprises.
In theory, these enterprises and their leaders would have the full support of the national, provincial, and municipal governments, provided they delivered said products on time and with the utmost quality of transportation.
That is no longer the case.
Nearly a decade after trucker privatization was implemented, China’s trucking industry has fallen under the control of what many disparangely call “trucker lords”. These ‘trucker lords’ have become the subject of much controversy due to their alleged ties to the CPC’s liberal faction, being seen as their main agent in China’s interior provinces.
One infamous ‘trucker lord’ is Huang Zhou, whose trucking empire spans Xinjiang, Qinghai, Gansu, Shanxi and the Ningxia Autonomous Region. He is a personal friend of leading liberal politician Bo Xilai and there is much suspicion that the latter uses Huang’s network to enrich himself via extortions and kickbacks on vital goods and services. In addition, it has been observed, but officially reported that trucker lords have been strong-arming and intimidating local CPC party members into voting for the liberal bloc. Many trucker lords have raised prices, rendered services unavailable, and in some cases even simply refused to deliver supplies in order to starve disobedient regions into voting for their preferred candidate. But in most cases, it seems they prefer intimidation and violence. Hong Kuang, a provincial clerk from Qinghai and prominent critic of the trucker lords, was found dead last week, having been shot twenty-three times- an open warning to anyone who speaks out against their webs of influence.
The trucker lords’ influence has become even more apparent after the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection investigated prominent trucker lords and discovered many of them had married into the families of major liberal politicians. Li Changchun, a careerist politician noted as a “fixer” of Shenzhen’s corporate monopolies, has been documented making contractual marriages between corporate leaders and major trucker lords, formalizing already-established agreements.
It is clear that the trucker lords have significant influence over this election, and perhaps many more for the foreseeable future. As the trucker lords become increasingly entwined with the liberal faction of the CPC, the hardliners seem like the only Chinese faction willing to root out corruption and break the power of these trucker lords.
The author is an expert in Chinese internal politics who writes about China’s current situation. He holds a Bachelor of Journalism degree. opinion@globaltimes.com.cn
Xi stresses the need for the reinvigoration of socialism with Chinese characteristics amid growing instability
(Xinhua) 05:32, October 15, 2007
Xi Jinping, Party Secretary of Zhejiang province, and candidate for the position of General Secretary in China’s first elections, calls for a return to the pre-Jiang era, citing core issues within the Chinese economy and nation as the failing of the Program for Inter-Party Democracy for the Development of Socialism.
BEIJING, Oct. 15 (Xinhua) -- Xi Jinping has called for a massive, party-wide rejection of the Development Program and the return to the traditions of the Communist Party.
Xi, a major frontrunner for the position of General Secretary, has made it clear that socialism will not be discarded in favor of relentless economic growth, and the interior of the People’s Republic will not be abandoned.
Xi underlined the main cause of strife and social upheaval being the Development Program, one initiated by Jiang’s successor. The campaign that was supposed to actualize true intra-party democracy and represent the will of the people has caused great upheaval in the Communist Party. The process by which the Communist Party has to organize, prepare, and safeguard nearly a hundred million ballots is already daunting enough, but with the introduction of factionalism, there is a greater impetus for catastrophe.
Already, reports of fraud in Shandong, Jiangsu, Zhejiang, and Fujian have frustrated many in the Central Committee and the Central Political Bureau.
Because of the Development Program, as well as other programs initiated during, GDP in the coastal provinces has increased by 40% in the past decade, while GDP in the interior provinces have remained where they were during Jiang Zemin’s tenure. In addition, economic inequality has reached levels never thought possible in the People’s Republic.
“How can the people's livelihood be secured when those roaders in Beijing do nothing to uplift the people’s wellbeing? Look around you- does this look like socialism? Does rampant inequality, open patronage, and street violence look like it? Ask yourself if these platitudes to the West are worth it. Is it really worth it to throw away the hard work our fathers and grandfathers have put in the development of the nation?”
Xi has emphasized if he wins the election, he will eliminate the inequality between the regions, reverse the Program, and steer the country back on the path of socialism.
Elections in China prove inconclusive (Updated Live)
Jeffery Kuang
Published 12:32, October 19, 2007
The circumstances surrounding the first Communist Party election were marred by chaos and confusion, with nearly a thousand deaths due to electoral violence. Nevertheless after nine days of extensive counting the newly-formed Central Elections Department announced the results.
Only Communist Party factions were allowed to run. Two broad coalitions developed, one led by renowned hardliner Xi Jinping and the other by prominent liberal figure Bo Xilai. Candidates Ling Jinhua, Li Changchun, Zhou Yongkang and Wu Bangguo agreed to caucus with Xilai while Chen Quanguo, Li Jianguo, Zhang Dejiang, Zhang Youxia, and Zhou Qiang reached an agreement to govern with Xi should he win. Nevertheless, both coalitions are at an impasse- although the Xi-led hardliner coalition has a slight plurality in all the higher Chinese organs of state it has not obtained a majority as dictated by the Rules Office of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection.
With this political inconclusivity, it remains to be seen which direction China’s newborn semi-democracy will take the nation in…,