MotF 220: Army With A Nation

MotF 220: Army With A Nation

The Challenge


Make a map of a state that seems to exist only to support military conquest, like OTL Prussia or Sparta.

The Restrictions

There are no restrictions on when the PoD of your map should be. Fantasy, sci-fi, and future maps are allowed.

If you're not sure whether your idea meets the criteria of this challenge, please feel free to PM me or comment in the main thread.
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Entries will end for this round when the voting thread is posted on Tuesday, July 21, 2020.
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PLEASE KEEP ALL DISCUSSION ON THE CONTEST OR ITS ENTRIES TO THE MAIN THREAD.
Any discussion must take place in the main thread. If you post anything other than a map entry (or a description accompanying a map entry) in this thread then you will be asked to delete the post.

Don't forget to vote on MotF 219!
 
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While going through his palace, the young Prince Phillip of the newly united Visconsen was worried, his father had suffered a fatal wound in his last battle, and now all looked towards the crown prince, curious to see how he might live up to his fathers legacy.
During his prayers, Phillip would receive a vision; an apparition appeared, grasping a pike in one hand, a sword in the other. This apparition called himself Columbus, and told the prince that it would only be through spreading his message to the test of the land could he hope to achieve the greatness of his father. This message was simple; war is the ultimate expression of humanity, and to shed blood in Columbus's name and spread his message to others would ensure Phillip a place in eternal greatness.
So it was on the day of his coronation that Phillip would make this message known, and would then begin a crusade that would see his kingdom expanded to almost unfathomable expanses, and bring about bloodshed and destruction on a scale never before seen.​
 
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“Sauron’s might rests in his endless legions of orcs, and he will stop at nothing to cover all the lands in a second darkness.”

From the creative minds at Middle Earth Micro Strategy Gaming comes the newest installment in The Might of Mordor Series…


THE FALL OF MINAS ITHIL

The Goal:
Capture/Prevent the capture of the Palantir from within the Citadel of Minas Ithil within the predetermined turn limit before King Eärnil II of Gondor arrives with a relief force.

What You Need:
Middle Earth Micro Strategy Gaming Handbook #2: The Realms in Exile
Middle Earth Micro Strategy Gaming Handbook #3: Gondor, Land of Stone
Middle Earth Micro Strategy Gaming Handbook #7: The Lands Under Shadow
Middle Earth Micro Strategy Gaming Handbook #11: The Fiefs of Gondor
Middle Earth Micro Strategy Gaming Handbook #14: Sauron’s Foul Servants
Middle Earth Micro Strategy Gaming Series Companion #3: The Might of Mordor
Middle Earth Micro Strategy Gaming Battle Guidebook #5: The End of the House of Anárion
8 Dice: 2 D6, 2 D10, 2 D12, 2 D20
60 unit chips for Mordor, 45 unit chips for Gondor
Several free hours, one friend, and your imagination!

The Factions:
MORDOR
Play as the Witch-King of Angmar himself and lead the Nazgûl against the City of the Moon. With 60 unit chips in your bank, you have the quantity advantage, even if the quality of your units is lacking. You have two secure avenues of approach into the map, through the Morgul Road that follows the course of the river into Mordor and the Secret Stairs of Cirith Ungol. Be wary, for should a Nazgûl fall their Ring of Power may fall into the wrong hands…

GONDOR
Play as the courageous Captains Baranor and Idril to prevent the forces of Mordor from taking the Palantir. With 45 unit chips in your bank, you will be outnumbered, yet your units are of a superior quality. You start with the fortress of Minas Ithil under your control, with the Ithil Road leading out to the Crossroads being where your reinforcements can enter the field of battle. Be wary, for the Witch-King will stop at nothing to bring ruin to Isildur’s home…

The Units:
MORDOR
Orc Swords: The rabble of Mordor are always seeking to wet their blades with the blood of the Second Born, and this unit is no different. +1 movement.
Carnan Axes: Taming the wild forests of Carnan in the south of the bitter Sea of Nurnen is a special skill, one that translates well to breaking the shield walls of opponents. +1 movement, +1 to attack roll.
Orc Spears: The Lord Sauron, for all his vast might, has an economical spirit, and this unit is the perfect combination in his all seeing eye. +1 movement.
Morannon Pikes: Ensuring that the Black Gate is protected is a task that Sauron entrusts to his most loyal soldiers, for besides the entrance into Mordor via Minas Ithil the Morannon is the best way to walk into the Shadow Land. +1 to movement, +1 to defense roll.
Orc Hunters: No prey can escape the sharp bite of an orc on the prowl, even if they are protected by Númenórean-forged mail. +1 movement.
Olog Catapults: Operated by the great Ologs of Mordor, these catapults can deal serious damage and, when attacked, can put up a well deserving fight. +1 to attack roll and +1 to defense roll.
Nazgûl: The feared Ringwraiths of Sauron, they hold the Nine Rings of Men and exude terror across any battlefield. For each Nazgûl on the field, there is a stacking 10% chance for adding -2 to the attack and defense roll for Gondorian units (ex when all Nine are on the field there is a 90% chance for adding -2 to the attack and defense roll). +4 to attack roll.
Warg Riders: The orcs who tame wargs are revered amongst all orcs, for wargs are quick and deadly to the unawares and even more dangerous to those who know their dangers. +3 movement, +2 to attack roll.

GONDOR
Gondor Swords: Gondor’s strength lies with its infantry, and these hard hitting swordsmen are the backbone of their army. +2 to attack roll
Lossarnach Axes: Coming from the fiefdoms closest to Minas Anor, the soldiers of Lossarnach are the first to sound their horns when the Kings of Gondor are in need. Ignores penalty of riverine terrain, +1 to attack roll.
Gondor Spears: Though offense has proved to be a favorite strategy for Gondor, staying on the defensive is not looked down upon either, a role these tough spearmen excel in. +2 to defense roll.
Citadel Guard: Defending the citadels of Gondor is the task of the highest echelon of Gondor’s finest. They protect the persons of the King and Steward, and only march out of the capital when dire need is at hand. +2 to attack roll, +3 to defense roll.
Ithilien Rangers: Those who still remain in Ithilien despite the encroachment of the Shadow make for excellent warriors, for they know the lands better than anyone. +1 to attack roll.
Trebuchets: The engineering prowess of Gondor is on full display, and from within the walls of the city they can reap a vast harvest of enemies. +1 to attack range, -1 to defense roll.
Fountain Guard: The most trusted members of the Citadel Guard, these guard the White Tree that stands in the Court of the Fountain. Minas Ithil no longer has the White Tree in its citadel, yet out of respect for the memory of Isildur the Fountain Guard remains. +2 to attack roll, +4 to defense roll.
Swan Knights: On loan from the Prince of Belfalas, these are the elite cavalry of all Gondor. No one can stand up to a charge of the Swan Knights, least of all the rabble of Mordor. +3 to attack roll, +1 to defense roll, +1 movement.

Will the legions of the Red Eye emerge triumphant, or will the White Tree flow gracefully for the years to come? The choice is yours!

*Standard rates apply. Each set sold separately.*
 
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Our goal is the salvation of humankind, and we will do anything for this!
General Kurosawa
Legends say that once humanity lived in peace and prosperity, that once there was no need to fight for its existence. But humanity made a mistake, and the spirits sent the punishment for sins - the Forest. It swallowed everything that could, driving people out of their usual habitat. It seemed that the war between the Forest and humanity was lost from the very beginning... until the Legions of Hokurosu came.

The Empire grew from ashes of previous world in the North, subjecting everything it could under Emperor's iron fist. Hokurosu dedicate itself to obliteration of the Forest, and if it means turining into a totalitarian machine - the price is not high.

Hokurosu is divided into Imperial Provinces, where the standart of living is even relatively high, Vassal States, that have some autonomy, and Special Territories, where demolition of the Forest is the only goal. When the Forest is cleaned enough, Special Territory will became a Province. The Empire already have a good progress there - Honshu used to be filled with the Forest and had only small human enclaves.

Other human states have a mixed relationship to Hokurosu Empire. Some of them dislike the expansive politic of the Empire (aka "Unification of humanity before the threat of the Forest") but everyone agrees that Hokurosu is the only force capable of stopping the Forest.
 
Once a Pirate, Always a Pirate
the Strange History of New Providence
the island where Honour is Law


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Of all the nations of the Earth, few are as much of a curiosity as the Pirate Republic of New Providence (which yes, it is it's official name), the last surviving relic of the Golden Age of Piracy of the Caribbean, which, for all of its History, if one is being honest, is not so much a nation as it is a piece of territory controlled by a myriad of organisations whose only common goal is not be bothered by anyone else which, ultimately, one could argue is the definition of a nation. Which makes it all the more fascinating.

Situated in an island of the Bahaman Archipelago, mostly part of the Caribbean Province of Canada, the history of piracy in the island started back in 1696, when an English privateer, seeking to keep his ships safe while negotiating for the sale of the loot he kept ransom, realised the low depths of the bay of Nassau allowed his smaller ships to sail, while keeping the large State fleets that pursued them literally at bay, allowing him and his colleagues to operate safely and finding what was literally a safe harbour from the law. As oft happens among sailors, the secret was gossiped into common knowledge, and Nassau prospered as a place where English privateers could ransom the loot from Spanish and French galleons without fearing their reprisal. It would stay a British colony for the time being, however, with that only changing when, in 1703, the French and Spanish would raid the island, forcing the British government to abandon it and forcing many of the settlers to flee for safer shores.

Pirates continued using the harbour for their own goals, however and, after three years of lawlessness which isn't always the friend of the pirate, an assembly of captains declared the formation of a compact of government, a republic of their own, to serve as a mediator between offenses and settle disputes. The principles were simple, run by a code of conduct that simply expanded what was already in place among pirate ships - run democratically, the plunder was shared equally, and captains were voted or deposed by popular vote. In terms of affairs of the Republic, each shipcrew was to be represented by its captain, and each would have one vote.

As the War of Spanish Succession, and therefore the British need for pirates, ended, two positions began developing in the island that would become important posts for its republican structures: the Governor, an official protector of all pirate-citizens of the Republic, who had the power and responsibility to organise attacks to defend the lives and integrity of any pirate-citizen captured by a foreign power, and a Magistrate, being in command of the laws within the island and enforcing them as he saw fit. Captain Benjamin Hornigold would be the first true power in the island, serving as its governors through its early days, while his second-in-command, Edward Teach, dubbed Blackbeard, would serve as Magistrate. Those two would shape much of the affairs of the Pirate Republic for its first age.

The Republic would survive its early days by the cleverness of those two, as the Golden Age of Piracy came to an end. Understanding that their traditional sources of income were disappearing fast, Hornigold and Teach resorted to two methods: employing a formal bribe over struggle, as their Barbary counterparts had been doing for centuries, which was made easier by having one single man with authority over the vast majority of Caribbean pirates (and, most importantly, being ready to enforce his monopoly of violence), essentially receiving tribute from the European nations to clear the waters of other pirates who wouldn't abide to their truce, and going for new and exciting routes that still held profits, in particularly the newly-found wealth of Brazilian gold.

The system of bribery and monopoly on piracy also helped shift the Republic into what it became: the headquarters for a professional navy that served as mercenaries for the European powers, keeping the seas clean from piracy (and, during wartime, serving the highest bidder, of course), rather than a loosely-connected patchwork of criminals. The plunder was no longer the property of a ship captain, but rather the property of the Republic, distributed equally among all pirate-citizens who took part in a campaign. The pirates of olde became salaried workers, with the peculiarity of having a finely instilled system of what would later be called workplace democracy.

Through the next century, although piracy would never return to the glory of its heyday, the Pirate Republic would survive, mostly because it happened to be a century with plenty of war to be fought. Through the several succesion wars, the Seven Years War, the Revolutionary Wars (both American and French!) and the Napoleonic Wars, it seemed the pirates could do pretty well. Until, of course, the industrialisation of Europe and the development of naval traditions, in particular steamships, caught up with the pirates, who no longer could pose a true threat to the might of an European navy.

Fortunately for the Republic, the descendants (only spiritually, mind you, not biological, as the republic has, for centuries, relied very little on birth rates and rather on heavy immigration) of the pirates came up with a clever scheme to adapt to the new times: it seemed that, for some reason, the elites of Europe and the US were fascinated with the idea of health resorts, places where one could go and enjoy unmatchable health conditions. The Alpine regions were greatly benefiting from this and soon many entreprising New Providence dwellers decided it was time for them to get in on the action.

A group of many pirates would sell their ships, purchase land and resources and create what would be called the New Providence Estates, in what is now Culvert's Bay and Jonestown, an until-then underdeveloped area that was mostly marshy land, but that they turned into a rather reputable resort, which was said to be miraculous for curing health, enjoying the benefits of the sun and the sea winds. Considering their relative remoteness from civilised society, to appeal to their customers, the Estates promoters would claim that a myriad of diseases could be treated in their resort, in particular tuberculosis, a much dreaded ailment. Soon, a flock of wealthy and sickly people started arriving at their shores, where they were greeted by the loveliness of the Estates.

Never missing an opportunity, other citizens of New Providence would start their own entreprises, surrounding the Estates, in particular casinos, where those same wealthy, sickly people would spend a lot of their time, distracting themselves with gambling and other fun activities. Of course, a pirate being a pirate, it was all a sham. The Estates didn't cure anything and were, in fact, actively poisoning their guests to ensure they stayed around longer, perfecting the balance between too sickly to spend and too healthy to stay. And the casino district was renowned for being particularly fierce, even compared to the most sinful of their European counterparts. Russian author Fyodor Dostoevsky was a notable guest during his life, having written many tales surrounding the mythos of the island and his experience there. By the end of it, countless young socialites, newrich industrialists and old aristocrats found themselves penniless and at the mercy of the pirates. The legend says those incurring in debt were made to walk the plank in the open sea, or fed to sharks. Probably a myth, of course.

This posed an issue, of course, since, while the owners of the Estates and the casinos were certainly the wealthiest citizens of New Providence, a casino is not a ship, and so they had, technically, no representation in government. However, power resides where power resides, and the Code of Conduct was quickly ammended to replace 'ship' by entreprise, making the Estates and the casinos effectively democratic institutions run by the people working in them, all of them pirate-citizens of New Providence. Once again, New Providence was not so much a nation, but a territory where a number of swindlers and charlatans could lure people to bankrupt them dry.

However, no good things are meant to last and, with the end of the Belle Époque, the Great War and all that, the luck and wealth of Europe was drained and fewer had the ability to get to the Caribbean to be thieved. After a great last huzzah draining many of the White Russians in exile, the fortunes of the Republic fell again, and there was even talk of selling the island (back) to Britain.

It wouldn't take long for a new form of piracy to emerge, however, this time introduced my newly-arrived immigrants from the United States who, abhorring some of the taxes they were meant to pay in the continent, decided to allocate their assets to New Providence where those weren't effectively taxed. When word got out, many American and European businessmen started doing the same, effectively creating what History would call a tax haven. Each new created banking institution became a citizen with a vote and, quickly enough, New Providence became an island where the rich of the West would drop their bank accounts at. And that has been, without doubt, the business that has most profitted in New Providence through the years.

The 20th and 21st centuries brought along its own peculiar innovations, for sure, which nowadays form the cultural tissue of New Providence, whatever that means. The Cold War made it unsavory for superpowers to have their men fight their own battles, so a new age of mercenary companies emerged, highly technical and specialised, which just fit New Providence like a glove, gaining renown when, in 1961, a mercenary company from Nassau assassinated Fidel Castro and overthrew his regime, returning Fulgenico Batista to power. The rise of the Internet also brought new innovations, such as cryptocurrency, which is highly popular in New Providence, and digital piracy, which has many of its collectives represented in the New Providence citizenship, including a number of Wikileaks editors.

Today, New Providence is what one could describe "a mess from top to bottom" as casinos, resorts, banks, mercenaries, hacking collectives and, of course, services of local need, in particular brothels, but also foodchains and hospitals (not a lot of schools, though) coexist, electing a Governor who serves as a head of diplomacy for the island, and a Magistrate that enforces the existing laws. A surprising number of people inhabit the small island, and many more are citizens, with all the privilege coming from that. It is certainly the nation with the highest GDP per capita in the world, and for good reason - it is not so much a nation, but a large group of mostly criminal entreprises with a State tagged into them.

One imagines Blackbeard is smiling up from Hell.


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I... kinda enjoyed walking the line with the "Army with a State" thing here. If I went too far, I suppose you can go with the interpretation the Republic started as an "Army with a State", but I do enjoy the interpretation.

The map could be fuller, but I didn't want to overdo it. Hopefully next time I'll have an idea that's not an island XD

Anyway, I hope you all like it!
 
THE PRUSSIA OF SOUTH AMERICA

Contrary to popular myth, Paraguay was not born the hyper-militarized power it eventually became. The "Prussia of the Tropics" or "Sparta of the Americas" was born a small country, with limited recognition, lying on the edges of far larger powers. For the first decades of its existence, under the leadership of El Supremo Jose Gaspar Rodriguez de Francia Paraguay, if it was at all known by outsiders, was as a hermit republic, under the leadership of a mad tyrant who read too much Rousseau. De Francia maintained an efficient and well-equipped army and a large militia in reserve, jealously guarding the young nation's independence, however the standing army even at its height consisted of little more than 5,000 men. In the following era, under the dictatorship\presidency of Carlos Antonio Lopez (father to Emperor Francisco I), the first roots of militarization took hold as the army expanded greatly and improved its armaments, and new defences were erected, however there was still little remarkable about the Paraguayan military, and it only took action when opportunity arose to assert Paraguay’s modest territorial claims on its neighbors.

Change came, however, with Francisco I's assumption of power in 1862, initially as president Francisco Solano Lopez of the then-Republic of Paraguay. Francisco was a highly ambitious man, and viewed Argentina and Brazil as chief rivals to be cut down to size at all costs. His foreign policy marked a sharp turn from the previous isolationism of his father and of de Francia. Inspired by Napoleon and the French empire during his tour of Europe in the 1850’s, Lopez sought to create a Paraguayan Grand Armee that could seriously challenge small Paraguay’s mighty neighbors. Within two years, the standing army grew to almost 40,000 men, the largest in Latin America, with over 20,000 additional men in reserve ready to heed the call when the time comes.

And time came in 1864 – civil strife between the Blancos (backed by Paraguay) and the Colorados (backed by Brazil) in neighboring Uruguay descended into a full fledged civil war followed by a swift Brazilian invasion that quickly restored the Colorado Party to power. Paraguay felt highly threatened by this invasion, and some in government feared that Paraguay would be next. When diplomatic protests to the Brazilian government proved futile, Lopez made a fateful decision – in November a Brazilian warship sailing up the Paraguay river and carrying the governor of the Brazilian province of Mato Grosso was seized by the Paraguayans, followed in December by an invasion of that province and a declaration of war against Brazil. The Paraguayan army managed to overcome Brazilian resistence in the province with few casualties, and by April of 1865 were in control of much of the province, with the threat of Brazilian invasion from the north curbed.

However, the main Brazilian thrust was always expected to come from the South, via Argentina’s Parana river. Argentina backed Brazil during its invasion of Uruguay, and in addition to long-standing territorial disputes with Paraguay, Argentina was highly suspicious of Lopez’s motives. Lopez was, likewise, suspicious of Argentina, and thus, in April 1865, he ordered Paraguayan armies to march into Corrientes province, on the Paraguayan-Argentine border. Argentina had, in response, mobilized its forces and together with Brazil and Uruguay concluded the “Triple Alliance”, vowing the destruction of Paraguay.

As Paraguayan troops were streaming into Corrientes, Brazil sent its navy up the Parana river and towards Paraguay. However, the Brazilian mariners saw little action – on the morn June 11, the smaller Paraguayan fleet took the resting Brazilians completely off guard, boarding most of their ships and destroying the remnants at the Battle of Riachuelo. If at the war’s start Paraguay held only an advantage in its land army, now it also possessed an advantage in naval matters, and achieved dominance over the Parana river. It was expected then that the Paraguayans would march east across the Uruguay river to face the Brazilians who were occupying the Oriental Republic, as this was after all their initial objective. Had Lopez done so, the war perhaps could have turned differently, with Paraguay merely settling for restoring the Status Quo in Uruguay and concluding the territorial disputes with its neighbors to its favor. However, in a move considered among some historians as the beginning of the Paraguayan Empire, Lopez instead decide to head south – close to 50,000 Paraguayan troops, now under the personal leadership of Lopez himself, advanced from Corrientes into Entre Rios, and from then on attempted to march further south. The Argentine forces were outnumbered almost 4-to-1, the Brazilian army stationed in Uruguay was likewise too small to intervene, and thus despite their attempts the Argentines failed to stop the Paraguayans from crossing the Parana and marching straight into Buenos Aires.

The Occupation of Buenos Aires on August 29th was the lowest point in Argentine history for close to a century. Bolstered by victory, Lopez opted to take a large bite of the Argentine Alfajor, and concluded a peace treaty according to which Argentina not only withdrew from the war, renounced its alliance with Brazil, and recognized Paraguayan sovereignty over the disputed Misiones and Chaco regions, but also ceded in perpetuity the entirety of the Mesopotomia region of Corrientes and Entre Rios, granting then-landlocked Paraguay direct access to the sea without the need to rely on Argentine good will for shipping.

As soon as news reached them of Argentina’s defeat, Brazil withdrew all of its troops from Uruguay and prepared to wage a defense of the homeland. This left the Oriental Republic fully open to the Paraguayan military which restored Blanco rule in short order. Emperor Pedro II sued for peace, offering the recognize all Paraguayan claims and leave Uruguay be. However, Lopez’s hunger was bolstered in Argentina and he was not merely satisfied with that, and – after being reinforced with a further 10,000 fresh troops from Paraguay advanced into the province of Rio Grande de Sul in Brazil proper. On December 3rd, Paraguayan troops were parading into Porto Alegre, and after completing the occupation of the province advanced further north. The Brazilians finally organized a proper resistance, and with 50,000 men met the advancing 55,000 Paraguayans on January 15th at Joinville, south of Curitiba. Heavy losses were incurred by both sides, and rather than a decisive engagement it was in fact a slog that lasted a whole week but, at the end of it, the Brazilians found themselves fleeing further North while the Paraguayans consolidated and made ready to the long march towards Rio de Janeiro.

On March 15th, 1866, following the occupation of Curitiba the previous week, Paraguayan representatives met Emperor Pedro II outside of Sao Paulo to negotiate a treaty of surrender and end the Second Platine War. Brazil would be forced to admit its fault in starting the conflict, pay massive indemnities as punishment, recognize the new Uruguayan government and Paraguay’s conquests in Argentina, cede the majority of Mato Grosso do Sul (already occupied by Paraguay), as well as relinquish the provinces of Rio Grande do Sul and Santa Catarina, to be put temporarily under Paraguayan occupation until organized into a new independent republic.

The victory shocked the world. Tiny Paraguay took on its two gigantic neighbors, and not only prevailed but triumphed. The victory marked a new beginning in South America, with the unexpected regional power of Paraguay.

The effects were massive: in Argentina, the civil wars that followed the defeat would not end until the 1880’s; Brazil saw its Emperor forced to abdicate in disgrace following the defeat, beginning the short-lived First Brazilian Republic. The Republic then fell to coup, and then to civil war, a brief restoration of the monarchy, and eventually the formation of the Second Republic in 1895; and as one Empire declined in Brazil, a new one rose in Asuncion – in 1867, with his iron grip on the country stronger than even and his person highly popular, Lopez crowned himself Emperor Francisco I of the short-live Paraguayan Empire. But though its neighbors were reeling and hardly able to lick its wound, the power-hungry Emperor’s lust for conquest was hardly satisfied. The 1874-1875 Paraguayan-Bolivian war saw Paraguay seize further territory, and following the renewal of civil strife in Uruguay in 1880 Paraguayan intervention eventually became occupation and later annexation. It would have gone on to take on Brazil a second time, too, and the whole of Mato Grosso with it if it wasn’t for Emperor Francisco’s untimely demise in 1882 and the power struggles that followed.

In order to solidify Paraguay’s conquest, the Emperor decreed in 1867 that the military was of paramount importance – all Paraguayan males (later expanded to females in 1921) over the age of 18 must serve 4 years (later expanded to 5) in the armed forces, and following their discharge must serve between one and two months each year in active reserve duty. In order to continue giving Paraguay a steady stream of manpower and upkeep its huge (relative to its size) military, the Emperor decreed also that any person with military experience of any nationality who agrees to join the Paraguayan army will receive a substantial sum, a hefty pension (double whatever is offered in his homeland) and large tracts of land. Though the programme’s price was massive and contributed to Paraguay’s modern poverty and inequality, and its utility insofar as providing Paraguay with a steady stream of manpower was highly limited, it did manage to provide Paraguay with a constant supply of experienced officers from the most recent worldwide conflicts: some black Union veterans joined, but more importantly many ex-confederate officers joined as well, introducing the Paraguayan military to the latest breakthroughs in military technology and doctrine. In 1871 they were joined by French Bonapartist exiles, in the early 1900’s by defeated ex-Spanish officers, in 1917-22 by White Russians, in 1939 by some defeated Spanish Republicans, and most controversially in 1945 by many German, Italian, and even some Japanese war criminals, contributing to Paraguay’s shaky relationship with many countries to this day. These "Extrenarios" (a portmanteau of Extranjero and Mercenario) continue to form an important part of the backbone of Paraguay's officer corps.

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This is my first attempt at using a vector image editor. I’m converted!

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[This map exists ITTL on the social media site Ditto, in the sections Cartographia, Spain, and Anarchism. It was posted there on this date nine years ago to commemorate the anarchist cause in the Spanish Civil War and WWII. The highest-rated branches of the discussion tree follow:]

> bcbf36 says Hi Ditto! I made this map to celebrate the anniversary of the Iberian Revolution! It shows territorial control plus the fighting strength of the FAI--both evidence of the power of solidarity against great odds. They remind us what folks with a cause can do! In these days it’s important to remember what solidarity is, was, and could have been--if the FPs had fought alongside the FAI they could have beaten the Nazis together!
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The pie charts show council-level statistics from the fortnight straddling the rising of the Madrid Commune. “War” includes all military activities including training and the like, and “Military Industry” is all production earmarked for military use. Some of that might have gone elsewhere in fact, and not everything the army got was earmarked to it, but that’s what we have records for. Mostly it’s accurate.

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>>MARCANTRON2000 says wait, they had seville?

>>>bcbf36 says Yes! Almost from the beginning of the war, actually. It briefly fell into Nationalist hands during the initial coup, but the Huelva Workers’ Battalions retook it. They joined the FAI in ‘37. Read Heroes From Huelva by Al Reker for the story!

>>> >MARCANTRON2000 says i know this was say a month ago, but i read it. it's a really good book! thanks for the recco!

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>>LibertyPoo says Wow FFB “Iberian “““Revolution”””” FF. It’s not a Revolution when you lose all your land and weapons.

>>>bcbf36 says The FAI was winning again before the Nazis invaded. Read up on Toulouse Commune, Rioja Campaign, etc. Anyway if the FP had upheld the Valencia Agreement they would have stopped the Nazis at the Pyrenees.

>>> >LibertyPoo says Still not a revolution, chuckbuck.

>>> >amici says While I think the term “Iberian Revolution” is OK (there’s precedent for lost “revolutions” like Russia’s of 1905), I do doubt that even a united Spain could have held the Pyrenees against the Germans. It’s hard to say, also, that the Popular Front broke the Valencia treaty. The Madrid Rising was the first violation, or arguably even invading Portugal in the first place.

>>> >>98bottles says Yes, “Iberian Revolution” is an accepted scholarly term. There only was a Madrid Rising because the Popular Front was plotting to break the agreement, though. They were already making secret plans with Mola and Salazar. And even without post-WWII hindsight, they could have known that was a dangerous alliance.

>>> >>>amici says Fair enough! Of course letting Mola escape to Portugal, never mind working with him, seems inexcusable to us, and it was. But desperate times take desperate measures. I think it might have helped the anarchists’ international standing, too, not to have appeared to strike first.

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>>Son_of_a_Son says Have you read about what they did to clergy? Pretty grisly. I’m glad the Brits suppressed them.

>>>98bottles says That was just early in the war. After the ELA joined it was discouraged.

>>>bcbf36 says Exactly! This is a huge misconception about the anarchists! The FPs were much worse, until they switched to Salazar’s side.

>>> >Son_of_a_Son says Ah yes, “discouraged.” I’m sure they sent some very strongly worded letters. FF.

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>>LucyLucyLucy says It’s good to see some FAI content on here! But this map is exactly what we shouldn’t celebrate about the FAI: its militarism and foolish attacks on neutrals and allies. I think Debbie Greer makes the point better than I could in Revolution & Resistance:
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"By the end of February 1938, the menace of fascism had clearly passed. The Spanish Republican Navy had re-secured the Strait of Gibraltar and Moroccan waters, isolating the remaining Nacionales. Mussolini, having failed to establish a permanent beachhead anywhere on the Peninsular coast and now once again blockaded from Portuguese harbors, accepted the Balearics as his prize and withdrew aid, and Hitler had long since abandoned the Spanish war as a waste of resources. The internal threat of Stalinism was likewise no longer serious, having been purged during the consolidation of the FAI and promulgation of the Stateless Law. Yet the anarchists, for all their military efficiency (more a product, in my view, of strong incentives in the labor quota system than of any innate ruthlessness), were not yet prepared in early March of ‘38 to consider betraying the Popular Front government. It was their ideological opponent, yes, but still in most eyes the friend that had armed them to quell the rebels in Seville, Barcelona, Oviedo, and elsewhere--not to mention its defence of the FAI’s international political legitimacy, a service whose significance would only become clear when it ceased to be provided.
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"Yet the very quota rates and policies that had encouraged war and war industry in the time of crisis, without which the war would most likely have been lost, now virtually required new conflict. If the invasion of Portugal and break with the Popular Front could have been prevented, the necessity of war would merely have been internalized. Indeed, at first it was. The earliest targets of this “continuing revolution” were mostly anti-collectivist and pro-Church partisans within the FAI zone, especially in Galicia. The strictest collectivization in anarchist Spain, as well as the greatest resistance to it, occurred there. Once soldiers flying the flag of the Galician National Anarchists began to pursue Catholic militias over the Portuguese border, war became inevitable.
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"Despite outcry and threats from the government, the FAI’s central institutions did not even attempt to curtail the invasion. To prevent it was certainly impossible--official opposition could not have overcome the structural imbalance that sent thousands of young anarchists from across the communes to fight Salazar. But given the state of the central party committees, official opposition would have been nearly impossible to raise in the first place. The bureaucratic mire that had swallowed every Peace Economy Plan and Quota Reduction Amendment of that winter remained, despite their great power to negate others’ proposals, utterly passive as leadership. They could not stop even a raid between rival battalions--certainly not an offensive organized by one of the Federation’s leading parties. No authoritative man, woman, or committee--not even a guiding strategic vision--had any notable influence on the anarchists’ (so to speak) foreign policy. Instead, the labor system's tendency to reward fighting, drilling, and military production over other kinds of work, which in a revolutionary society at once rule-bound and rulerless could neither be altered nor ignored, created an incoherent and ultimately disastrous militarism in the communes. War ceased to be a means for the FAI and became, in a double sense, its end."
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Also, both war and military industry hours were almost certainly over-reported, according to most historians I’m aware of.

>>>bcbf36 says Thanks for being respectful, LucyLucyLucy. Needless to say, I disagree with Greer’s materialist worldview in general and her argument about “incentives” in particular. The body of the people created those “incentives” and they could easily have suspended, abolished, or ignored them too. Greer seems to think that lowering the labor quota would have required a lengthy formal process. But she herself describes the weakness of the central leadership! (A value, not a screw, by the way. The Central Committee deliberately weakened itself in January 1937--whose “incentive” was that?) There was no way of enforcing against an underperforming commune except the energy and solidarity of the people. Mere incentives don’t send volunteers to war.
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I’d also dispute your claim that the FAI attacked its “allies.” By May Day 1938, the Spanish Republic had already in effect betrayed them. Whether or not the Portuguese campaign was a good decision is a hard question. It was certainly the expression of liberatory ideals, though, and the memory of that freedom was a beacon of hope to the resistance to Salazar among the Portuguese people.

>>> >LucyLucyLucy says That’s an interesting perspective. I’ll have to think about it. I guess I’m a materialist at heart, and a pacifist. I think the FAI took the wrong path in more ways than one. But you’re right: for all their faults they are--still today--a beacon of a better world.
 
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