Best British battlefleet for ww1

McPherson

Banned
Would there be? The Kongos managed with two funnels when converted to oil, and the bigger battlecruisers managed with two.

The Kongos had modernized turbine and boiler sets and reworked trunking in the 1930s builds because of the heat problem. Cannot speculate on the RN ships, since I don't know how Renown, Repulse and Hood fared, but according to Friedman and USN records, I do know that the British conversions of their Fisher Follies into flattops did not go too well because the funnel trunking was completely botched. They were ovens. Almost dangerously so.
 
The Kongos had modernized turbine and boiler sets and reworked trunking in the 1930s builds because of the heat problem. Cannot speculate on the RN ships, since I don't know how Renown, Repulse and Hood fared, but according to Friedman and USN records, I do know that the British conversions of their Fisher Follies into flattops did not go too well because the funnel trunking was completely botched. They were ovens. Almost dangerously so.

The Courageous class were single-funnel ships as battlecruisers as well.

Renown would likely be the best comparison- she and Repulse exhausted 42 oil-fired large tube boilers into 2 funnels
 

McPherson

Banned
The Courageous class were single-funnel ships as battlecruisers as well.

Renown would likely be the best comparison- she and Repulse exhausted 42 oil-fired large tube boilers into 2 funnels

Okay...

Courageous.png


The problem is not easy to illustrate. But this gives a small idea.
 

McPherson

Banned

I want to revisit the Iron Duke for a moment and comment on the 1912 G3 American and G3 British examples I Springsharped.

With the values I have overall in that format, I think I might coax out 500-1000 nm more range out of the Iron Duke which would be more efficient as a tactical characteristic, which operationally would be much more useful to the RN than an extra knot that room seems to allow. The oil bunkerage is the most forgiving variable at play since heavy fuel oil is still lighter than seawater and the void space eaten in fuel tanks volume goes into the available compartmentation volume for crew and machinery and is already there as padding to be sacrificed. The hull stress is much less for oil than for coal and steel. It is the steel and coal that really puts the strain on hulls. Springsharp mimics that situation rather faithfully. So armor and clunky engines are the two big effectors that hurt ship performance drastically. The USN put the squeeze on its suppliers to solve those two understood problems in the 1920s. Not much success on the armor front did they have, but American engine plants, (boilers, condensers and turbines and geared drives) became much lighter, more heat efficient and therefore allowed US shipwrights to have a 10% advantage in compactification by volume and weight over their enemies and allies by 1935/36. That meant a US designed KGV would have (barely) carried the 9 x 16"/45s or 12 x 14"/45s that the RN wanted in their treaty battleship designs. The result was called the South Dakota class.

Note that in the US G3 and UK G3 of 1912, the situation is severely flipped? British powerplants were about 10-12% lighter and more efficient than US ones (mainly because US suppliers (Curtis) were awful when it came to turbine sets and final gearing; so some US Standards were stuck with electric final drives and some used TSEs). This is a function of tech investment and naval requirements emphasized.

By giving the US ship lighter guns (nominally a quarter inch across all barrels' bore diameters) and using electric drives early, to remove the need for heavy reversing turbines and gears, I was able to achieve rough parity in volume sufficient to give the US G3 an additional 2,000 nm of range. The UK ship has better armor protection. Note also the drastically different hull forms between the American and British ships? The British ship with her two step deck layout has better "ship characteristics" in that she is a bit steadier and less wet forward. The American has a stiffer flush deck hull but loses some seaworthiness as she cannot comb waves as well. That raised "Atlantic bow" is a poor substitute for the British forecastle wave breaker.

You can learn a lot from Springsharp. Which G3 is better? I think a 16"/45 hits a lot harder than a 15.75"/45; don't you?
 
I would take the first so long as it has good compartmentalization to stop flooding...
With hindsight BBs die to golden hits setting off the magazines or they flood nothing else matters IMO and they did not get got hit by lots of medium guns often.

I think the sample is skewed by the British battlecruisers in WW1 and their poor quality cordite and ammunition handling (which was unexpected). Excluding these I think the majority of kills was due to repeated damage, especially if we include mission kills. Capital ships were generally very hard to kill, as you suggest, but this reflects their protection and is not a reason to reduce this protection, especially as in battle it is mission kills that are critical, get enough of these and you win and can mop up the disabled ships.
 

marathag

Banned
I think the sample is skewed by the British battlecruisers in WW1 and their poor quality cordite and ammunition handling (which was unexpected).

Germans had this for their main gun ammo
WNGER_12-50_skc12_fore_charge_pic.jpg
WNGER_12-50_skc12_cartridge_pic.jpg

Where you had the projectile rammed, then the double silk bagged forward charge, and last, a brass cased main charge
 

McPherson

Banned
Germans had this for their main gun ammo
WNGER_12-50_skc12_fore_charge_pic.jpg
WNGER_12-50_skc12_cartridge_pic.jpg

Where you had the projectile rammed, then the double silk bagged forward charge, and last, a brass cased main charge

From Here.

How it worked for the British (WW II).


What the British called the "cage" the Americans called a "car". The British are almost unique in that stepped hoist system.

Another view of UK operations procedures...(HMS Rodney about 1944; this was not too different from mid WW I procedures after the reforms.)


This is the way it worked for the Americans.(WW II around 1944.)


The American system is definitely not safer than the UK system though this is often claimed. The chief "safety" difference is that US hoist machinery separates the projectiles and propellant travel paths, does not use a step cage and that is the reason for the claim.

Some idea of how it worked for the Germans (German coastal naval gun mount; 3 gun turret, leftover relic).


And we have some idea how it was supposed to work by looking at a Krupp 28cmL50 railway gun.


Notice the projectile (bullet), the fore-charge and the follower charge in its brass carrier as shown for RR gun. Despite the 3 step ram and load procedure the Germans used, they used a common carrier car and hoist system and the ramming was side dump/ram shell; side dump/ram fore charge; side dump/ram follower charge in the brass charge carrier (designed to function as both the over-blast safety plug and gas seal. In its fully automated naval mount version aboard a Scharnhorst or pocket battleship it was incredibly fast for such a large caliber/bore gun. How fast was it? One shell was thrown per barrel every 20 seconds in a naval slide and gunpit from a German Schlachtshiffe (*ship of the line"). With the clumsy crane hoist lifting the car and the manual operated dump/ram feed for the railroad gun it was more like 1 shot every 3 to 4 minutes, most of that time being used to correct gun lay between recoils.
 
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McPherson

Banned
It is nice to talk about guns, armor and powerplants, but does anyone have a suggestion about the one huge glaring weakness that exists in the Royal Navy of WW I? How about talk between ships? (TBS). Flag signals is a fudged sort of a way to run a battle fleet scattered over 400 square kilometers of ocean and spark wireless (Morse radio to Americans) is equally ludicrous for the era. Plus the flag texts manuals and phrase books must have been as awful as when Vice-Admiral Sir George Tryon somehow mishandled a fleet maneuver evolution off Lebanon in 1883 to explain some of Jutlansd. As Sir John Jellicoe (staff?) survived that Lebanon disaster, did he have any input into fixing it then and then fixing it some more after Jutland showed up that the command and control problems had not really been fixed after all?

Small mix ups and misunderstandings quickly snowball at sea. Tends to aggregate faster than in a land engagement. One wrong instruction set and Evans Thomas does not form up on Beatty. Another misread signal and Derfflinger, uncovered, gets to blow up the Queen Mary, unmolested during the merge. Another mixed up signal and radio transmission and Hipper catches Beatty mid-deploying when Beatty gets a seaplane's garbled warning that Hipper is farther away than he is actually; while Hipper is still fog of warred about Beatty and out of due caution is deployed for battle just in case; etc., etc., etc., and ad nauseum for 30 minutes. Costly half hour of miscommunication that is.

"Something seems to be bloody wrong with our ships, today." Next half hour seems to prove it, but does it really? Lessons learned for me? The RN communications could and might have been much better and confusion a lot less. So (and I mean no criticism in any of this.) figure PoD from Sir George Tryon on and come up with a most plausible fix for the best British battlefleet communications and control setup for WW I. Better radios? Better blinker lights? Simpler fighting instructions? Better battle language? Signal rockets, flares, infra-phones? Kites? Be inventive!

Again, no Beatty bashing, or criticisms. Lessons learned, please.
 
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Keep Tryon alive and maybe get division based control by 1900? All through the period you can see various minds (not always brighter) reaching towards it. It took the kick in the teeth of Jutland to push it over the line. Pushing against it ships getting more expensive, ships getting larger and faster, and war games showing the n squared rule alive and well meaning you want all your ships under control at the point of decision.

I don't think the tech is up to controlling a Grand Fleet. Delegation and smaller divisions are the way around it. But you probably need to establish it before the naval scares and building race. After that there is too much at stake. I don't blame the Jellicoes for wanting detailed control. They were the guys who could lose a war in a day. You go with what works imperfectly in those situations.
 
It is nice to talk about guns, armor and powerplants, but does anyone have a suggestion about the one huge glaring weakness that exists in the Royal Navy of WW I? How about talk between ships? (TBS). Flag signals is a fudged sort of a way to run a battle fleet scattered over 400 square kilometers of ocean and spark wireless (Morse radio to Americans) is equally ludicrous for the era. Plus the flag texts manuals and phrase books must have been as awful as when Vice-Admiral Sir George Tryon somehow mishandled a fleet maneuver evolution off Lebanon in 1883 to explain some of Jutlansd. As Sir John Jellicoe (staff?) survived that Lebanon disaster, did he have any input into fixing it then and then fixing it some more after Jutland showed up that the command and control problems had not really been fixed after all?

Small mix ups and misunderstandings quickly snowball at sea. Tends to aggregate faster than in a land engagement. One wrong instruction set and Evans Thomas does not form up on Beatty. Another misread signal and Derfflinger, uncovered, gets to blow up the Queen Mary, unmolested during the merge. Another mixed up signal and radio transmission and Hipper catches Beatty mid-deploying when Beatty gets a seaplane's garbled warning that Hipper is farther away than he is actually; while Hipper is still fog of warred about Beatty and out of due caution is deployed for battle just in case; etc., etc., etc., and ad nauseum for 30 minutes. Costly half hour of miscommunication that is.

"Something seems to be bloody wrong with our ships, today." Next half hour seems to prove it, but does it really? Lessons learned for me? The RN communications could and might have been much better and confusion a lot less. So (and I mean no criticism in any of this.) figure PoD from Sir George Tryon on and come up with a most plausible fix for the best British battlefleet communications and control setup for WW I. Better radios? Better blinker lights? Simpler fighting instructions? Better battle language? Signal rockets, flares, infra-phones? Kites? Be inventive!

Again, no Beatty bashing, or criticisms. Lessons learned, please.

I am at work so no access or time to research but the obvious answer is better radio comms - but the British who started using it from IIRC 1901 quickly realized that it could also be very easily jammed. Also the use of wireless in some ways allows for more centralized control and can actually rob individual captains and Squadron commanders of the ability to exercise initiative so is not as simple an answer as it would first appear. The other obvious answer is that (sorry but sometimes Beatty deserves a bit of bashing) Beatty actually meets and talks with his subordinates before battle - 5th BS was with him for a week or more before Jutland and yet he was too busy playing tennis and did not once meet up with his subordinate squadron commanders and ships captains.

Good order makes men brave and all of that

So my answer is for the commander who ever he is to know his subordinates and to ensure that they understand his intentions

i.e. in this instance "the Flag ship can do no wrong and if in any doubt you are to conform to my maneuvers at all times"

That is worth more than any robust signal system or order book

The Maneuver that split up the 5th BS from the Battlecruisers occurred when the Flagship was at the furthest distance from Evan-Thomas and the signal although passed on was missed due as you say to the limitations of communications of the day.

Had the 5th BS been closer to the action during the initial run to the south the Hipper would almost certainly be having a much worse day far earlier on than he did.

And had the appreciation from Evan-Thomas and his captains been clearer on Beatty's intentions then they would have seen the BC Squadrons haring off and despite no signal followed far sooner.

At Dogger bank Beatty might have been forgiven for some of the lapses in communication that allowed Hipper's 'slower' squadron to get away for the loss of Blücher

But 18 months later to be still having serious communication issues regarding 'intention' is unforgivable
 
This is the very core of the thread "England Expects Every Man" which is currently discussing a POD where Fleet Communications become a core subject.
 
A Service Ready for Total War? The State of the Royal Navy in July 1914
Matthew S Seligmann
The English Historical Review, Volume 133, Issue 560, February 2018, Pages 98–122

We possess an extremely good snapshot of the thinking of the Royal Navy’s top leadership on strategic, technological and tactical issues just before the outbreak of war in 1914. Unlike the Army, the General Staff of which appraised military problems at an annual conference, neither the Admiralty nor the Naval War Staff held a regularly scheduled meeting to undertake an equivalent exercise. However, perhaps aware of what the sister service did, in April 1914 the Navy timetabled its own ad hoc meeting, at which it was intended that a wide-ranging discussion of such issues should take place.

[Snip]

The conference agenda reveals that, far from being technophobic, resistant to change, inflexible, unimaginative or unaware of the nature of modern warfare, the Royal Navy leadership showed a remarkable degree of prescience about the challenges that a war with Germany would present, even if it did not always have ready solutions to the anticipated problems.

The first draft agenda, compiled by the War Staff in early June, contained thirty-three separate questions grouped under five different section headings—(A) Strategical, (B) Tactical, (C) Personnel, (D) Materiel and (E) Miscellaneous.
 
Simpler fighting instructions? Better battle language,

This right here.

In the heat of battle, what the fleet really needs are simple, unambiguous orders that allow for initiative to be exploited. A bit more specific than Nelson's "England expects every man will do his duty" but less than a thousand-moving-part Yamamoto plan which works beautifully until it doesn't
 

McPherson

Banned
So my answer is for the commander who ever he is to know his subordinates and to ensure that they understand his intentions

I won't discuss Jutland in detail, but I will give you a parallel communications disaster. (Not the Japanese, their communications systems and unit evolution execution of commander's intent that June 1942 was outstanding. It was the admirals who failed the Japanese sailors at Midway, not their communications; despite the Tone floatplane.)

I mean the Americans.

What do I mean?

The Americans had never fought a blue water general fleet action^1 in their naval history prior to WW II. Sounds incredible does it not?

^1 A general fleet action is described as a tactical level evolution where the bulk of a fleet in a theater is operationally committed to oppose an enemy naval evolution which requires the enemy to commit the bulk of his available fleet assets to execute the naval evolution.

It does not mean that they did not practice it, twenty fleet problems and exercises from the end of WW I to the beginning of WW II (almost annual at sea validation exercises of current theory) occurred, but it is no substitute for a fighting tradition that involves more than river gunboats and blockades of enemy ports or confused ambuscades of fleeing enemy ships. The wartime examples of American fleet evolutions were their civil war riverine operations, port blockades of that same war, and the Spanish American War, the frank embarrassment and chaos of the naval melee of Santiago de Cuba and the target practice at sitting ducks at Manila Bay. This does not mean that the American fleets involved in those evolutions and the admirals (Rogers, Dupont, Farragut, Dhalgren, Porter, Schley and Dewey) did not have severe (and I mean severe) fleet control problems and somehow managed by flag signal, signal rocket, blinker, and Bell infra-phone figure out in the midst of their battles to keep everyone together and on the same page, in frank imitation of British methods of the day, but it was always a case of "stick together, follow the flagship in line ahead, keep a sharp lookout and don't collide with each other." Brooklyn and Texas and Oregon especially illustrate this kind of American chaos at Santiago de Cuba, but Baltimore and Olympia had their moments at Manila Bay and this was when it was broad daylight and everyone understood Dewey's instructions to stay in line and follow him at least 4 cables apart.

Midway, oh Midway!

I'm sure some of the English posters on this board are familiar with Midway, but there is recent scholarship (declassified or first source re-examined) that makes a fresh approach on what really happened on the American side important to be undertaken. I mean the communications side of the affair. If Jutland's communication story is a bit confused to me because I am not certain how weather effects futzed radio communications, then I am in a better position to explain how fickle radio is when in a more "modern" setting in the American case.

1. After WWI experience as part of the Grand Fleet and as a result of their Caribbean evolutions, the Americans understood that a shore command post with a master fleet plot was essential. This was the PACFlt command and control situation awareness tool. It was no different from the Admiralty plotting room or station controller plots for British air operations at about the same time, but seems to have been more intrusive as an operational art tool. IOW Nimitz told his admirals at key points in the battle where to go, what to expect and what to do off his master plot. One famous example is when Spruance and his staff were arguing over a garbled PBY report that had given a position fix and scalar movement value for Kondo's invasion troop convoy. As a matter of routine, Pearl had eavesdropped and picked up the PBY report, heard it more clearly *(ionosphere bounce, Murphy LOVE RCA and their radios) and it was plotted against the master plot and compared to pre-battle intelligence and staff expectations. Nimitz told his admirals to ignore it and stick to the pre-battle brief. Spruance (not the first or last time) overruled Miles Browning who wanted to strike it, Fletcher (canny and shrewd had already figured it out independently and Yorktown's air staff agreed with him) likewise complied and the Americans sat where they were to greet Nagumo exactly as planned. American situation awareness and communication at the op-art level was GOOD.

Apparently it was not too good at Jutland between fleet and shore naval higher headquarters but that is something I am not qualified to discuss in detail.

Where did American communications fail at Midway?

At the tactical unit level. Simard's recon assets based on Midway gave faulty situation reports, contacts and mistaken position fixes. The PBYs were supposed to be the USN's eyes top down in battle. Their crews were supposed to be the best recon trained crews in the fleet. Their sole reason to exist was to contact, report and update, die if necessary, but keep the enemy in sight and track him, so the American admirals knew where the enemy was moment to moment. At Midway, they failed. I kid you not. Most contact reports were either by submarine (Dolphin, Nautilus, a few others, key to some of Spruance's strikes) or by sheer Murphy factor guesswork, based on successful attack on contact reports from Midway strike sorties or otherwise sheer "Murphy knows how" guesswork by Enterprise and Yorktown strike package commanders who (in the air, when out of reach!) ignored the bumbling Miles Browning and his incompetent air staff weenies in the case of Enterprise's air group or adjusted for drift errors by Yorktown air staff, or by Spruance, himself, on 2 occasions (Kurita and Yamaguchi hit) who kept his own plot of everyone and everywhen on a cardboard plotting circle!

Admiral Speaks From the Grave About Midway Battle

!@# !@#$ MARC MITSCHER! A 5 degree angle plot error in Hornet's air staff estimate. Ring follows his instructions to the letter and he missed. Man at fault? Mitscher who allowed no deviations and who was supposed to be the "great aircraft carrier warfare expert". Want to know who handled the aircraft carriers at Philippine Sea? SPRUANCE.

But that is not the kicker. The other bastard, and he was one, Miles Browning, was Halsey's chief of air staff and "ran" Enterprise's air-ops. He was the detail man who was supposed to tell Hornet when Spruance wanted to send off a strike package, wanted to send scouts, wanted to run away from contact by ducking behind a weather front and pursue the enemy, etc.; the nuts and bolts of aircraft carrier warfare. On no less than 8 separate occasions during the battle, he failed to pass along admiral's intent or inform Hornet of an impending tactical evolution or sortie requirement. This was blinker light level or short range (talk between ships) TBS radio traffic. Housekeeping kind of obvious staff-work. Post battle Enterprise's signals division caught hell for it, but it ultimately tracks to Miles Browning who did not even do this part of his job properly.

Air and surface contact reports among the strikers and aircraft carrier launched search plane scouting reports were bungled. Position errors and vector values given back were often off as much as 40 kilometers and since it would take anywhere from 90 minutes to 3 hours to vector onto that contact, well drift errors of 10 degrees angle were the norm in subsequent air searches. Finding Hiryu to end the air combat phase of the aircraft carrier battle was Spruance's second wild guess from his own plot. Murphy love that man!

No-one American at the tactical level had more than strobe-light glimpses of the situation at sea. Nimitz, back at Pearl Harbor, with the master plot, was better overall informed. He acted twice to keep his admirals in the loop, but with the perceived vulnerability of radio comms and the expected jamming (It was present, which explains a lot of the American scout reportage failures, though US subs seem to have found a way to defeat it by simply waiting for clear channels.) he was cautious with his interventions (See above, the Kondo contact instructions.).

The Japanese side of it?


I really am amazed that the IJN was crazy enough to go into an aircraft carrier battle THAT BLIND.

They were strobe lighted in their awareness, too. However, when they communicated with each other, the reports were collated and acted on with efficiency and dispatch, the staffs did their work to perfection, their strike leaders did not have to search and navigate in the air to find Yorktown and their strike coordinator system was in place and three years ahead of where the Americans were. Their air communications were "adequate". They had their scout report drift errors and their search plans, their staffs prepared, were clearly not up to American standards, but nothing was wrong with THEIR communications. They had a battle drill and good procedures that worked. Their admirals were no good, but that is not what I discuss here. I'll get to no good admirals soon enough.

What the Americans would have given for Japanese communications discipline and staff work. Where did the Japanese learn it? Well; they had to figure a lot of it out in their air support in coastal operations from their aircraft carriers to aid the IJA in the China war, but ultimately the IJN took their communications and staff lessons from their interactions with the Royal Navy. Lessons learned from Jutland, it was.

One thing I do note. "Stay together and follow me!" That was a Jutland lesson the Japanese followed when they massed their flattops. Great for surface warfare. The Americans had really worked hard on aircraft carriers during the 30s and had found that if the strike package arrived over massed aircraft carriers, everybody below the strike package got dedecked at first go and mission killed. So... spread out the flattops and HIDE. The Japanese did not follow that lesson and it killed them at Midway.

At Philippine Sea, the Japanese spread out and most of them got away. I note sourly, that with the Japanese on defense, essentially playing the role of the USN had played at Midway, it was as much their communications between land and sea based air forces that hobbled them as it had the Americans at Midway. Scouting failures are in the record for both sides, but this time the Americans had "decent" staff work and a commander who knew how to manage an air staff and get them to do the grunt work that battle management requires. You look at Ozawa's staff and you still see the superb execution of admiral's intent on the Japanese side. Ozawa cannot be faulted, nor his staff. Got to look at Japanese aircrew training and poor IJA/IJN fleet/IJN ashore (Nagumo again!) with no communications or cooperation between the Mariannas Islands air garrisons and the Combined Fleet to see where Philippine Sea went IJN sideways.

One last note on American communications; Leyte Gulf.

Halsey had a reputation for assembling "loose" staffs who turned in very poor work (Rennell Island, Santa Cruz, the typhoons, Leyte Gulf.). Spruance took that same organization and those same men and HE BORE DOWN HARD. He was a Jellicoe in that respect.

When the contacts reports, tracking Kurita, flooded in and the master fleet plot generated showed that after the Sibuyan Sea drubbing and turn away and Toyoda's cracked order which directed Kurita to resume his advance and Kurita's reported turn again and advance on San Bernardino Strait came through loud and clear so that everyone on the American side (except Taffy 3?) knew it was going to be a gun action off Samar at the morning of 25 October 1944, what did Halsey do?

He had submarine and air contact reports of Ozawa headed for Cape Engano. Good solid fixes, with accurate information. He had the Kurita contact reports, good solid information. Two targets, what to do? He headed everyone he had for Ozawa. His staff executed a flawed movement.

You see... Prebattle conference, it had been pounded home (by Spruance no less) that the Japanese had "apparently" at Coral Sea, Eastern Solomon Islands and Santa Cruz, used "bait ships" to misdirect American attention away from their main effort. Spruance (maybe unnecessarily?) was leery of this perceived Japanese tactical trick and warned that the Japanese might use their aircraft carriers as bait to lure the main American fleet away from its covering mission to protect MacArthur.

Halsey, in his airy careless way at the conference, and later deployed with the 3rd Fleet had radio- transmitted an intention to cover this possibility by leaving his battle-line under the air protection of the 7th Fleet Taffies (a fleet of escort carriers) while he would take the American attack flattops to finish what "Spruance had bungled" at the Philippine Sea. Willis Lee would handle Kurita a la Jutland.

You see where I am going?

Kincaid, the poor schmuck who was 7th Fleet Actual, had his own threat to eliminate, and that was Nishimura and Shima at Surigao Strait. The resurrected veterans of Pearl Harbor got their chance, and though Oldendorf made an untidy mess of it, Kincaid rubbed that threat out in an approved naval war college (NWC) manner. Meanwhile... Nobody was minding the open San Bernardino Strait. Kincaid was not told that Halsey took the parts of 3rd fleet, every !@# !@#$%^ ship he had, and hared off after Ozawa.

Then Clifton Sprague shrieked for help.

Let me add a tidbit.

John McCain, in charge of the largest of Third Fleet's air battle task forces, had a couple days before, asked Halsey by RADIO for permission IN THE MIDDLE OF THIS OPERATION, to detach and move off to the east to rendezvous with the service force "to undertake long overdue rest, replenishment and repairs". Think about that one. FIVE of 16 US attack aircraft carriers with close to 400 aircraft were taken out of the middle of the Leyte landing operations, which MacArthur and Kruger, in their typical cautious fashion, were dragging out to a fare thee well. The Japanese did not crack into the traffic that this movement involved; but their sharp radio intercept service deduced from the comm chatter what happened. In fact those sharp cookies were completely up to date with RDF and signal traffic analysis where everyone, American, except the Silent Service, was and what they did in the battle.

Toyoda acted on it to direct Kurita to resume the attack.

He even ordered Ozawa to stick around Engano and make himself obvious, when Ozawa wanted to call the show off as useless, when Halsey seemed slow to "take the bait". The IJN had learned shore control and master plot methods, too.

Halsey finally made up his dithering mind and raced north to Cape Engano with his circus and then Nimitz called him as it showed up on the Pearl Harbor master plot. Nimitz wanted to make sure of something.

"Where is, repeat where is, Task Force 34?" The World wonders.(padding).

That is the official USN story.

Halsey was three hours away from his "glorious aircraft carrier battle", where he would dedeck Ozawa's flattops and then sink them with battleship gunfire. Now his boss called him and he lost his temper. He finally clued in that he had screwed up, for Sprague's calls for help were in the loud, open, clear. You would have to be radio deaf not to hear. So Halsey had a decision to make or face a Bynging.

He turned around and made a slow sedate return to San Bernardino Strait. About 20 knots. He expected to find Kurita offshore pounding MacArthur; but he, Halsey, would still show up in time to save the day and wipe Kurita out. By the way, he left behind Bogue, with the weakest of his aircraft carrier task groups to fight Ozawa: 4 carriers against 4 and 2 demi-carriers. He of course RADIOED his intentions and demanded acknowledgements from everybody including Kincaid and Nimitz. The Japanese signal traffic analysis boys picked him up and correctly interpreted it and plotted it. They passed it on to Kurita.

Meanwhile TAFFY 3 fought her heart out and turned Kurita back. They did not run from the fight. They played lure, instead, and paid a terrible price to save MacArthur.

!@# !@#$ HALSEY.

Communications failures are not just radio or signal flag.

McP.
 
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