The Land of Wine and Beer : a Franco-Burgundian TL

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The remaining parts of the Netherlands can be considered parts of Burgondy since they are too small to defend themselves should Burgondy want them, and are thus playing vasselage.
And no, the Duchy of Brabant wasn't landlocked. It had some coast in its north.

The most certainly didn't play vassalage since the Dutch of Guelders has resisted Burgundian interference many times. IOTL it Charles V a few decades to incorporate Guelders into the Netherlands. The Duke Charles of Egmond was raised at the court of Charles the Bold he remained quite independent and did not pay vassalage to him. The same goes for Friesland & Groningen and the Prince-Bishopic of Utrecht. They have been very much independent for centuries. The were conquered by Charles V to IOTL but it took some time and effort as well. And only Utrecht was subdued. Friesland remained very much independent.

Brabant had a coast in the North at that time. But that there were no harbors easy accessible by sea except for Antwerp. But England has no legal claim to Brabant.

BTW: I enjoy your TL very much.
 
1477 - Burgundian Inheritance War I
1477 in Western Europe : The Burgondian Inheritance War

"Who do you think I was expecting? The Habsburg Dynasty?"
"Everybody expects the Habsburg Dynasty!"
The Monty Python, the Habsburg Dynasty

1477 was a very busy year as the death of the Prince of Burgondy triggered an inheritance war. Notably, Louis claimed Artois, Vermandois, Boulonnais and the Principalty of Burgondy were apanage lands, and were thus returning to the French crown. Meanwhile the Princess Marie claimed all the Burgondian land was rightfully hers, since the Duchy of Burgondy had been increased by the buying of various lands without masculine-only succession. The Coalition entered the melee in September during the Campaigns of Lorraine, and the English arrived in October.

The French Hope
The news had very rapidly reached Paris, as on the 12th Charles d'Amboise entered Dijon and published royal letters published on the 5, day the Prince supposedly died, reminding the Burgondians they were French. He notably offered the suppression of the Prince's special taxes and an amnesty. Despite legal efforts from Marie's part, in early March the Burgondians declared themselves faithful French subjects. On March 18th, the King created the Parliament of Burgondy. Thus assured of the Principalty of Burgondy, Louis sent his troops forward to the County of Burgondy, which he claimed was for "the Burgondies be united inside the Principality". Meanwhile he also occupied Artois, Boulonnais, Vermandois and Eu. Dole, the capital of the County of Burgondy was reached on March 30th; on April 4th, Eu and Ponthieu had fallen; the French Army was under the walls of Amiens, which opened them of its own free will.
The French arrived in Artois in mid-April, while some 5000 veterans of the Catalan campaign crossed through Flanders to lay siege to Tournai.
Legally speaking Louis was active too, as Louis XI held a kangaroo court to convict Charles of lese-majesty for his behaviour in Péronne - an excuse to seize Bar, Burgondy, Picardy, Artois and Flanders.
His men were also busy looking in the Prince's archives in Dijon to find any convicting evidence. Meanwhile the rumor of a will that Charles had been wearing when he died spread in both Burgondies.

Burgondy strikes back.
Meanwhile from Brussels, Marie was preparing to strike back. On February 11th, Marie signed the "Grand Privilège des pays de par-deçà" or Great Privilege, which restored all the privileges the Burgondian Netherlands had been deprived from by her father and grandfather. The next day, she signed the formal annexation of Lorraine and Bar. On April 21st, she married by procuration Maximilian von Habsburg, King of the Romans, through Louis of the Palatinate. She then restored the claiming Duke of the rebelling Guelder to his throne under the condition that he liberated Tournai from the French siege. Maximilian von Habsburg set out to recruit troops, arriving four months later. By then, he had much more pressing issues.

The Siege of Tournai
Tournai was an enclave inside Burgondian Flanders, which the French were going to occupy as an advanced post to move inside Burgondy more easily. They laid siege to it from April 2nd onwards with little artillery and started building two-way fortifications as per Barcelona. They had been brought along with a large supply train, which allowed them to store lots of food.
The Duke of Guelders, with some 7000 troops and Burgondian soldiers, had been sent by Marie to break the siege and crush the French and arrived on May 4th. He soon found out the French had built some fortifications of their own - and he had to lay siege to them too. His troops had little experience in sieges too, and he was unlucky enough that his tent was within longbow range of the French veterans. The French soldiers had a good morale, as the word spread that "Ce n'est qu'une Escale", and a couple hours before dawn, they started a heavy artillery and arrow barrage on the Burgondian tents, spending about half their stocks but killing a couple thousand Burgondians and Adolf of Egmont, duke of Guelders. The remaining soldiers were disorganised enough that the French sortie broke the Burgondian troops to tatters. They then looted the Burgondians' supplies, artillery and money.
The guards of Tournai then woke up to see a massive camp ruined, a massive smell of smoke and blood being thrown by the wind upon the city walls. Tournai surrendered in the morning of the 5th May 1477.

Consequences and impact : a Prince's Will
Tournai could be said to be a turning point. Except that it wasn't, the French having been continuouly invading more Burgondian lands since the beginning of the war. The real impact it had was Adolf of Egmont's death. This turned definitely the Guelders against the Burgondian as his death was since it was seen by the Guelderians as the consequence of a rash Burgondian decision, which it wasn't.
The real turning point was the discovery in mid-August of a "Will of Charles", a document found in the Burgondian archives, which was said to be the Prince's will. After a couple weeks necessary to ensure it wasn't a fake created to make France go bankrupt from invading all of Burgondy, it finally reached Louis. Meanwhile French spies had confirmed that Maximilian von Habsburg and Marie de Bourgogne were married. All that was needed was ensuring the marriage was consumed - which needed Maximilian to go and confirm the marriage - before the document could be published. It still prompted Louis to start the Campaign of Lorraine by sending another 10000 troops to invade Bar and Lorraine. This prompted the entry of the Coalition into the war against France, but when it learnt it had happened because Marie had signed an act of annexation of Lorraine, it declared it continued the war against Burgondy.
One month later, the English, with claims on Zeeland, Holland and Hainaut, after Humphrey of Pembroke's death, entered the massive war.
On November 11th a French spy in Brussels, Brabant, found a copy of the Will of Charles in the Burgondian archives. While he placed it where a loyal servant could easily see it and show it to his mistress, the Princess, he sent to the King a confirmation of the Will's authenticity. On November 17th, the French published the Will of Charles. While this would alienate the English to the French even more than to the Burgondians, this left some room for compromise between the French and the Coalition.
When the fighting stopped for the Winter, the French had seized all of Northern France, the Burgondies, Bar, and much of HRE Flanders.
 
1477 - Map
And the map :
mdOPkPB.png

In blue : French-occupied regions. Armagnac had been integrated earlier on.
 
Yuppy!

So, Maxi and Mary.... :D:D:D:cool: ?

Are the Bretons involved? OTL they were very duplicitous...
When the Armagnac had being integrated? How?
 
Yuppy!

So, Maxi and Mary.... :D:D:D:cool: ?

Are the Bretons involved? OTL they were very duplicitous...
When the Armagnac had being integrated? How?
Yes.
The Bretons are not involved yet. I could have them join any side except from the Coalition of Lorraine, Switzerland and Austria (because of Sundgau)
Armagnac had been integrated by the French IOTL too sometime around 1473. Here it happened earlier as Louis is less busy than OTL fighting his cousin. So Armagnac is definitely integrated.
 
Calais is still english. But I think Loraine will be more difficult to conquer then the french think.
Yes, the French hadn't foreseen the English would kick in, although they planned to go for Calais after Burgondy was crushed.
Lorraine will be a hard nut to crack but there is still much of it that is occupied by Burgondian troops. I just forgot to show it on the map.
 
Yes.
The Bretons are not involved yet. I could have them join any side except from the Coalition of Lorraine, Switzerland and Austria (because of Sundgau)
Armagnac had been integrated by the French IOTL too sometime around 1473. Here it happened earlier as Louis is less busy than OTL fighting his cousin. So Armagnac is definitely integrated.

Great!

It's becoming palpitating, so please continue! :)
 
The most certainly didn't play vassalage since the Dutch of Guelders has resisted Burgundian interference many times. IOTL it Charles V a few decades to incorporate Guelders into the Netherlands. The Duke Charles of Egmond was raised at the court of Charles the Bold he remained quite independent and did not pay vassalage to him. The same goes for Friesland & Groningen and the Prince-Bishopic of Utrecht. They have been very much independent for centuries. The were conquered by Charles V to IOTL but it took some time and effort as well. And only Utrecht was subdued. Friesland remained very much independent.

Brabant had a coast in the North at that time. But that there were no harbors easy accessible by sea except for Antwerp. But England has no legal claim to Brabant.

BTW: I enjoy your TL very much.

Charles the Bold may not have gained his Royal Crown at the meeting in Trier, but there he was invested as duke of Guelders. The prince-bishops of Liege and Utrecht were relatives or favourites from Valois-Burgundy. Friesland and Groningen were indeed more tricky with a history of being independent, that didn't prevent the rulers of Holland and Guelders to claim these regions anyway.
 
1477 - Castillan Succession War V - End of the Castillan Succession War (Battle of Aranjuez)
Iberia in 1477 : End of the Castillan Succession War.

"Castille is very hilly and windy. They should definitely build more windmills." Fernando de Aragon, before the battle of Aranjuez
"No! No! No more windmills!" Fernando de Aragon, after the battle of Aranjuez

Evolution since Toro
After the battle of Toro, the Portuguese and Juanistas had been able to further their invasion of Castille quite easily. Several ports and cities had opened their doors to Juanista troops, including Burgos and Oviedo, the old capitals of Leon and Old Castille. The Basque counties had also been captured, allowing access to then-cheap French supplies.
When the short winter of 1477 arrived on Iberia, Castille had undergone a North/South split : while Leon, Old Castille, the Basque Counties, Galicia and the Asturias were occupied by the Juanistas and Portuguese while the Aragonese and Isabellistas held Andalucia, Extremadura and New Castille.
The winter allowed the Isabellistas to muster new troops to attack the Juanistas, reducing the Juanista advance to a crawl. Meanwhile, French war operations in Burgondy meant their supplies, that had been forming a large portion of Portuguese approvisionment, got scarcer and more costly. Still, the Juanista party had the advantage both in propaganda due to its countless victories and on the terrain thanks to skilled Portuguese and Castillan troops being opposed by a fresh Aragonese-Castillan army.
The operations started again in early April after a three-month break. The Juanistas decided to attack New Castille through the province of Madrid. After the city fell, in late April, they found out that to continue, they would have to defeat a large Isabellista army which had regrouped in the south of the province. The two armies met in the Battle of Aranjuez.

The Battle of Aranjuez : positioning

The Battle of Aranjuez pitted a 10000-strong Juanista army against 12000 Isabellistas. The later had chosen a defensive position on the top of a hill and their western flank covered by a windmill, while the former were on another hill quarter a league further North.
The Juanista army deployed as followed : the center was formed by various foot soldiers and Castillan missile troops, accompanied by a thousand light cavalry. The Eastern flank, that is, their left one, was mostly made of heavy cavalry, mostly Castillan hidalgos. The Western, right, flank, was constituted like in Toro of the elite Portuguese troops : a little heavy cavalry, many crossbowmen and well-disciplined foot soldiers.
The center was led by King Alfonso, the right flank by the Perfect Prince, Joao de Aviz, and the left flank by the Marquess of Villar.
Meanwhile the Isabellistas had an army poor in missile troops, which regrouped in the left flank and ind the windmill with their light cavalry. The center was made up of poorly-trained footmen and city militias. What heavy cavalry they had was on their right flank. This time, Fernando de Aragon was in charge of the heavy cavalry while the Bishop of Mendoza controled the rest.

Aranjuez : the Battle itself
The Portuguese and Juanista arrived in the morning to the bottom of the Isabellista-held hill while those awakened from their slumber. A scarce, half-hearted rain of arrows started falling on the Juanista center and right, from which the soldiers protected with light wooden shields, while these forces started climbing the hill. When they arrived at the middle of the hill, near ten o'clock, the bulk of the Isabellista army had finished eating breakfast and the rain of arrows started intensifying slowly. At this moment, the Marquess of Villar ordered an uphill charge against the center, in order to surprise them, which was to be deflected at the last minute aganist the Isabellista left flank. Unaware of this, Fernando ordered a counter-charge of his heavy cavalry which was to deflect the Juanista force from the center to the left flank where, fighting for their lives, the missile troops and light cavalry would eliminate them. The consequence was that those two deflections summed up. Before the Marquess understood what had happened, his heavy cavalry was charging the windmill. The charge slowed down due to the reticence of the horses to run into the windmill, but the kinetic energy of the charge was sufficient to bring the windmill down, part of it falling on the Isabellista left. The heavy cavalry, now without horses, had to dismount, which turned it into an outnumbered heavy infantry. However, Joao had seen it coming, and rushed into the melee with the elite Portuguese troops. Before long, the Isabellista arrows had stopped flying.
Meanwhile, Mendoza had taken a most decisive action : the Isabellista were to go on an all-out attack - which meant the centers were to face each other, since he would soon be flanked, while his master's heavy cavalry was still in the middle of the battlefield. The large yell of the Isabellistas running downhill triggered an instinctive reaction from the Juanista center : stop moving towards them. Instead a heavy rain of arrows made the first, then the second and the third, rows of Isabellista infantry fall victims to the crossbowmen. When the fighting started, the Isabellista charge had lost all its momentum trampling its own heavy cavalry and the bodies of their fallen comrades. As a consequence, the greater skill of the Portuguese and Juanista soon showed, and near 2 o'clock, the Bishop of Mendoza ordered the army to retreat, knowing hsi forces were about to break, and were flanked by an even more powerful forces : the combined flanks of the Juanista army. Except they hadn't gone for flanking. Joao had spread his troops to encircle completely the Isabellista center as it was breaking. It took a large charge from the heavy Aragonese cavalry to break the encirclement and save part of the center. Long story short, Aranjuez was a disaster.

Aftermath and consequences

On the short term, the Isabellista army was integrally destroyed as a fighting force. The Aragonese were out of reserves, the Castillans were tired of supporting such a lost war, and before the spring ended Andalucia and Extremadura had revolted against the Isabellista authority while New Castille, which was ripe for the plucking, had fallen to the Juanistas. Fernando of Aragon was soon convinced it was an utter disaster and offered a peace settlement in which Aragon would pay Castillan and Portuguese debts that came from the war and Isabella would abandon the Kingdoms of Castille, Leon and Galicia to Juana, but would keep the Kingdom of Murcia and the lordship of Carthagena in the end of August.
Alfonso and Juana had been extremely dependent on some French supplies, especially grain, and the increase in scope of the Burgondian Inheritance War meant these supplies would be increasingly hard to get to wage war. As a consequence, this peace treaty was accepted, albeit reluctantly by Juana and Alfonso.
However, the most durable consequence of the battle was the new stereotype of "Castillan hidalgos live to charge windmills", which was at the center of the Castillan Miguel de Cervantes' masterpiece "El Ingenioso Hidalgo Don Quixote de la Mancha".
 
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Charles the Bold may not have gained his Royal Crown at the meeting in Trier, but there he was invested as duke of Guelders. The prince-bishops of Liege and Utrecht were relatives or favourites from Valois-Burgundy. Friesland and Groningen were indeed more tricky with a history of being independent, that didn't prevent the rulers of Holland and Guelders to claim these regions anyway.
Frisia and Groningen never were Burgondian, but Liege and Utrecht were indeed de facto vassals of the Burgondian dukes and Charles' de facto control of Guelders was confirmed. However, Marie is willing to give away a lot to keep her lands. Not that any of this will work on the long-term.
This is why I said all of the Netherlands were Burgondian - there is all of Belgium, Nord-Pas-de-Calais and the southern half of the Modern-day Netherlands that are Burgondian, and Frisia and Groningen simply don't have the power to stand against whoever owns the Burgondian Netherlands.
 
And both are awesome! :cool:
Thanks. Now I have to think out the year of 1478. France must suffer a heavy defeat to the Coalition at some point to trigger a military reform, but I don't know where.
I have also to get some details about the English army in 1477 so as to know whether or not it can debark in Zeeland, and I need to find ways to reach 1480 without having either the French, the Burgondian or the English thrown out.
And finally, I have to get a siege where the Savoyards throw molten reblochon at the Swiss (instead of pitch resin):D

Now it might look like this :
1478 : It's a rich man's world (AKA Money buys you allies, even when you lose)
1479 : Always lost in the Zee... (AKA Debarkments cannot always work)
1480 : Sundgau bloody Sundgau (the Campaign of Lorraine)
1481 : the Sieges of Calais
1482 : The Princess and the Spider (AKA the Last Chapter)
 
1478 - Burgundian Inheritance War II - It's a rich man's world!
It's a rich man's world ! Burgondian Inheritance war, 1478

"Yes, you took my bishop. But I can buy another one, and it comes with an additionnal knight. Right?" Louis XI, the Spider, trying to learn Chess

The First French Campaign of Lorraine

The spring of 1478 was as eventful as the winter had been uneventful : the icy weather and the sufferings of the Burgondian forces under Nancy had proven winter campaigns in Western Europe to be less than agradable, but the war started all over again as soon as thaw became permanent. The first French initiative in early March was an attack through Northwestern Lorraine. While the French were mostly aiming to kick the Burgondians out of Luxembourg, and later mounting an attack on the rest of Lorraine from the bishopric of Verdun.
For this endeavour, the French had an army of 20 000 men, the other 13 000 being on the front in Flanders. These were separated in 3 different army groups, one going through Montzéville, west of Verdun, one through Verdun and Douaumont from Bar-le-Duc, and the third one through Saint-Mihiel, south (and then East) of Verdun. Meanwhile, the Coalition of Lorraine, Switzerland and Austria, to take back Guise and Bar-le-Duc, in French parts of Lorraine, had prepared some 10 000 men.
The Coalition had planned to move through Metz to get additionnal troops , which they didn't obtain, and supplies, which they did. As a consequence of this, the French Eastern force, led by Philippe de Crèvecoeur, met with the Coalition forces led by the Duke of Lorraine in Étain.
The French army was made of some 2500 Franc-archers, 3000 foot soldiers, and 500 lancers, and also included a dozen canons. On the other side the Coalition had 250 Lorrain knights, 7000 Swiss pikemen, 1000 Austrian soldiers (lansquenets) and 1500 missile troops. There was no light cavalry to speak of.
The French had seen the Lorrain troops arrive and knew they were outnumbered. Therefore, Philippe took his lancers and a few foot soldiers which he hid in a bush. When the Lorrain army arrived, he started firing the cannons. After a few minutes, the Coalition started firing back. He then left his infantry to go with his lancers shake up the Lorrain knights and the missile troops. Meanwhile French archers had started to "make it rain".
The lancer charge did badly shake up the Coalition cavalry and missile troops, but the Swiss charged and the infantry started fighting. When Philippe de Crèvecoeur returned, his infantry was in a really bad shape. He thus called a retreat.
The defeat at Étain was not a massacre nor a disaster for either side, and the Coalition took more casualties than the French - while they could not wield as much money as the French. However, it pointed out to a massive flaw - the Franc-archers were extremely disorderly, which had caused the damage to the French infantry.
The first consequence, obvious, is that the French had to return to Bar before doing anything else - but the Coalition had to reconcentrate, especially after a few attacks had come through Triers from Limbourg, a Burgondian province, on Sarre.
This also forced the French to reconsider their campaign in Luwembourg, as the Coalition was, after all, going to attack that year. While the Western force had to go on towards Luxembourg, the Center one had a very tempting prize under its eyes : Verdun. The Bishop of Verdun was asked if he had chosen with whom he would take sides : the King of France, the Duke in Nancy, or the Princess in Brussels. The Bishop chose France to avoid to have his city besieged and sacked. As a consequence, the French had enlarged their alliances in Lorraine. Meanwhile, the western force took Montmédy and settled there.

Annoyances in Artois and Flanders
The English, led by their king, Edward IV, had decided they would go to war for Holland, Zeeland and Hainaut. Well, at least to get the first two. Their first method was landing a large army in Calais unsuspiciously and use it to get a foothold, and then move towards their targets. Except Calais was nowhere near Hainaut, and it was way easier to reach Holland and Zeeland by sea. Hell! you needed to go by zee to reach Zeeland.
As a consequence, the English decided they would need a strong base from which to attack from when they would war the Burgondians.
This is why they started raiding and capturing cities near Calais. Their first target was Gravelines, in the Flanders, as it controled the mouth of the Aa which could be used to get faster to Ypern/Ypres. Just afterwards, considering supply issues, they went in a turning move after Boulogne sur mer, capturing Saint Omer in mid-June and taking Boulogne after a three-week siege. Whereas King Edward IV wasn't as ruthless as his ancestor Edward III, he still was displeased by seeing the city resist for so long. After all, the bulk of the French army could arrive pretty much anytime. Seing as the French weren't coming for him, he went to besiege Arras. But he was warned a "large force" was moving out of Lens when under Arras. So he moved to besiege Lens. A similar messenger told him that "the French King had arrived in Arras with his ost". And thus the two cities made the English king burn supplies uselessly for one month, before reinforcements arrived in large enough numbers to make the English move back to Calais.
The English were not the only annoyance. The Burgondians had reorganized despite several defeats such as Tournai, and were now making several inroads in French-occupied lands to free cities and liberate income to pay their mercenaries. Gand/Gent and Mons were the main cities that fell to the Burgondians, making the new frontline more linear.


Map of the different planned offensives :

uCY0tdS.png


Negociation is always useful
Louis the Spider was not the kind of man who would only let brutal force ratios apply. While France was able to crush any of its three enemies - England, Burgondy and the Coalition - one-handedly, it would probably be curb-stomped if all three of them allied to get rid of France so as to be left to squabble alone. For this, he had to take steps to weaken his enemies and strengthen France. One of them is having minor powers recognise the French claims are rightful. In June 1478, the County of Kleve and that of Montbéliard recognized French claims, and Montbéliard decided to support them.
The second action was getting papal approval. This was a little harder, but news of heavy-handed Burgundian behaviour in Liege and Utrecht did go in Louis's favor despite his lack of prominent virtues. This could only go better as time went by, thought the King.
And finally, raising allies against the Coalition was necessary, as they were a mostly defensive alliance. Varying the pressure could only reduce the probability that they can put up a sufficient joint force with the English or Burgondians. The obvious ally was Savoy, which had seen the Swiss recently raiding its lands of Vaud. In August of 1478, his sister Yolande de France, duchess dowager of Savoy and its regent, accepted to join the war against the promise of subsidies and of protecting her children, as her health was ailing. She immediately started raising Savoyard troops and recruiting mercenaries, but without effect until the end of the year.

Map of Europe at the end of 1478 :
CwHQezE.png


Finally, it is worth noting that Jeanne de France, Louis XI's 14-year-old and handicapped daughter, can barely walk after she fell down stairs in the abbey of Lignières. Her marriage with Louis d'Orléans is cancelled after it is implied she might never bear children.
 
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I liked the way in which Edward was fooled...

Concerning the annulling of the marriage between Jeane de France and Louis d'Orleans, it will not happens during the life of the Spider King... This marriage was one specifically designed to creep the Orleans line. If Louis cannot have children, then all his lands will return to the crown (remember, Louis XI had a living son, so he was not afraid for his succession...) This creates a lot of tension between the two cousins.

What happens in England? It was not the most quiet period...
 
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For Joanna of Castille, the possible second husbands are

-Louis of Orleans
-Manuel of Beja(OTL Manuel I)
-Francis Fébus of Foix, the alternative heir to Aragon and King of Navarre, Viscount of Foix and Bearn
 
I liked the way in which Edward was fooled...
I think it's a bit of an obvious attempt, but I had it work only per Rule of Funny. He still manage to lose like a couple weeks each time, preparing defensive lines for the siege before breaking them so that the city couldn't use them themselves. Lens is quite close to Arras, though, so the time necessary to travel will not be counted. It's probably one or two days.
Concerning the annulling of the marriage between Jeane de France and Louis d'Orleans, it will not happens during the life of the Spider King... This marriage was one specifically designed to creep the Orleans line. If Louis cannot have children, then all his lands will return to the crown (remember, Louis XI had a living son, so he was not afraid for his succession...) This creates a lot of tension between the two cousins.
I originally planned to kill her off, but I cannot kill off a saint by having her fall down stairs, it's a bit lame. Either way, she wanted to turn to religion.
Louis d'Orléans won't remarry that quickly, but he is seen by François II de Bretagne as a possible ally. Brittany will end up French though.
What happens in England? It was not the most quiet period...
Well it's one of the quiet parts of the War of the Roses. They thought it was over under Edward IV. The funny bit is that the War of the Roses will not be solved by the English but by the French. Under Calais.
For Joanna of Castille, the possible second husbands are

-Louis of Orleans
-Manuel of Beja(OTL Manuel I)
-Francis Fébus of Foix, the alternative heir to Aragon and King of Navarre, Viscount of Foix and Bearn
I already have plans for Orléans and Aragon is not going to end up with Castille (or at least not without a partition war), so I think Manuel of Beja will be the second husband after 1481. Castille and Portugal will remain distinct nations for a while, though, and there will be a strong difference in culture between Portugal-Galicia and Castille for a long time, at least as between Castille and Galicia or Catalonia today.

Either way, what do you two think of the maps?
I think I will keep the top one (actualised) for operations, but the bottom one (actualised) for situations as Savoy and Switzerland are not shown on the top one, but the top one shows the bishoprics.
 
1479 - Map
The next update will probably come this week-end or Monday, but I can give you the operationnal teaser :
HyV5A0O.png

It is absolutely not an indication of the results, but it gives you an idea of who will do what.
 
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