I'm hoping to get a new update done in the next few days - lets get these eastern events done so we can turn our attention back to the West and the Goths 
The Amalingian Empire: The Story of the Gothic-Roman Empire
- Thread starter DanMcCollum
- Start date
Chapter 46 Great Men are Born in Fire
Chapter 46
Great Men are Born in Fire
Era of Yearning depiction of the Battle of Manzikert. Note the many historical anachronisms present in the painting, including the types of armor and banners displayed
“War is a game chess, and it is often important to remember where every piece lays on the board. Often, it is the overlooked pawn which drives the dagger into the King’s heart.” - Einer Skulson, in The Art of Politics and War
Constantinople, Rhoman Empire
August 622
“Do they know we are here,” Amalamir asked, looking down at the Scout.
“No”, the Scout said, stammering lightly, as he spoke to the Emperor for the first time, “No they don’t. We caught several of their own scouts before they could bring work back to the camp.”
“Hmmm,” Amalamir said, “their absence will be noticed soon. We had best be ready to move as soon as possible.” He looked over at the assorted men before him – his messangers. “You all, I want you to ride to our camps and notify the chiefs and kings that we ride in the next hour. God willing, we will catch them unawares and drive them into the walls. There our brothers in the East can finish them off.”
The men all cheered and rode off on horses to notify the different camps of the orders.
Amalamir sighed and looked down at the roughly drawn map in front of him. It had been drawn based on maps of the region from the Gothic archives in Ravenna, as well as information provided by his scouts. The map presented a grim picture, but not a hopeless one. Although the main camp of the Avars had joined the Goths after the collapse Samur’s rule, a majority of their forces had not been present at Adrianople. Instead, they remained encamped outside of Constantinople with their Slav allies. With them were a number of Persian forces that had been able to sneak across the channel while the Rhoman Navy had been teased out of the harbors by a diversion.
Although smaller than the Gothic army, they were well entrenched and armed. Amalamir was a gifted warrior, possible one of the best generals which the Amalings had ever produced – despite his bravado, he had learned at a young age to never underestimate an opponent. If only his brother had learned the same lesson, Amalamir might still be rotting in prison, and Theodebert would be ruling over an empire that included the lands of the Vandals.
So, surprise was of the upmost importance. If the Goths and their assorted allies could catch the attackers unaware, they could drive them up against Constantinople’s walls and let the Rhomans cut them to pieces. Luckily, those Avars that had joined the Goths after the fall of Khan Samur, had proven loyal – they hadn’t forgotten the promise of recognition and land that Amalamir had promised them and, he would be damned if he forgot them either. Therefore, the plan was simple – the Avars would ride first to their comrades who would accept them with open arms, not knowing of the change in leadership. Once the Avar camp descended into chaos, the Goths and the rest of their allies would descend upon the camp and drive the survivors into the walls.
There were risks, of course, but Amalamir had spent most of his life in the saddle, and was used to risk. He would either win, or he would die = it was as simple as that. At a certain point, no matter how much planning you had done, there came the time when one had to order the attack and put their faith in the Lord of Hosts. That time had now come. [FN1]
The Empire of the East: a History of Rhomania from Constantine I to Justinian IV
Ewan McGowan
[Royal University Press: Carrickfergus, Kingdom of Gaelia, 2010]
The Battle of Constantinople has been rightly called the turning point of the last great Rhoman-Sassanian War. Although the Rhomans still controlled the sea – save for a mauever that the Persians used to draw the Rhoman Navy away from the Capitol for long enough to ferry a small number of Sassanian heavy calvary across to support the Avars and Slavs – Constantinople remained in very real danger. The fall of Egypt to the Persians and the overthrow of Justinian II by Tiberius II had badly damaged morale within the Empire’s capitol, and there was a very real threat of insurgency against the untested Tiberian government. The constant presence of armies on both sides of the Bosporus must have been a frequent reminder to the population of the city of the government’s inability to protect them. Meanwhile, pro-Belisarius forces continued to spread rumors and propaganda which undermined morale even more.
All of this changed on July 15, when Amalamir and his Goths burst over the hills outside of the city and descended upon the surprised Avars, Persians and Slavs. The Avar’s under the new Khan Apsich, hailed their co-compatriots who were completely unaware of the change in leadership. Once they drew close enough, Apsich and his Avars drew their weapons and attacks the other Avars who were caught totally unawares. As the Avars descended into chaos, Amalamir and his allies crested the hill and broke into three columns – the first drive directly into the besiegers lines, while the other two drove into the flanks in a pincer movement. The besiegers were driven backwards and pressed against Constantinople’s stalwart walls were they were picked off by archers. Eventually the Rhoman army came forth from the gates and joined in the general slaughter. It would prove to be one of the greatest victories ever recorded during the era.
…
Contemporary Rhoman chronicals take special pleasure in recording the grand procession of Amalamir and his men as they entered the capitol – for the second time in several generations, a Rhoman Emperor had seen his rule established by the intervention of a Gothic Emperor of the West. These chronicles pay close attention to Emperor Amalamir himself, portraying him as a semi-cultured and warlike, but manly and virtious, western barbarian. Several make reference to the smell of his and his men’s sweat, contrasting it to the purfumes worn by the Rhoman retainers who met him along with Tiberius. These dipictions, although completely in character with the cultural attitudes of the era, are unfair – despite his own best efforts to present an image of many virility, one would be remiss to note that, as the Emperor of the West and the son of an Emperor, Amalamir was the recipient of a classical education worthy of the Roman nobility. He was also, immediately, the greatest general which the Rhomans had at their disposle.
To his credit, Tiberius II seems to have recognized this almost immediately, despite the apathy of many of his own supporters and staff. Amalamir’s victory had worked to secure his own rule, and Tiberius had need for the Gothic Emperor’s expertise as well as his manpower. Due to this, as well as the close relationship that existed between the Amalings and the House of Justin, Tiberius appears to have made every effort to appear a generious and benevolent host to Amalamir and to meet his demands and suggestions to the best of his ability.
Unfortunately, some of these demands proved more difficult to meet than others. All surviving chronicals agreed that Amalamir made the official recognition of an Avar homeland south of the Danube to be one of his chief concerns. The Greek writers – each of them attempting to ape Tacitus – presented this as Amalamir holding true to his vow and honor, as any good barbarian would. There may be some truth to this. Whereas his brother had long identified with Roman culture, Amalamir often depicted himself as an arch-Goth in his iconography and all surviving written depictions of him clearly indicate that he was a man who held his personal honor as sacrosanct. Whatever the case, this proved a difficult demand for Tiberius to meet. Not only had the Avars recently besieged Constantinople, there was the added difficulty that the Danube frontier had long been one of the weakest in the Empire. The Avar presence to the south of the river had caused problems for decades as they often allowed an opening where for Slavic tribes and bands to cross, unimpeded, and raid and even settle into the depopulated Rhoman Balkans. Furthermore, the Arian faith of many Avar nobles made them appear to be a Gothic federate tribe occupying Rhoman territory. In the end, however, necessity overwrote political concerns –
Tiberius agreed to recognize the Avar Khanate’s presense south of the Danube and pay them compensation for years of raids in exchange for them agreeing to no longer allow Slavs to pass through their territory unimpeded. This decision would have longterm ramifications for the development of the Avars as a people and a state. [FN2]
…
Meanwhile, events in the South were working to destabilize the Persian occupation of the Levant and the cause of Belisarius.
Of Fire and Might: A History of Politics and Religion in Sassanid Persia
By: Coahm O’Seachnall
[Royal University Press: Carrickfergus, Kingdom of Gaelia, 1992]
Although the Persians had been forced to take on administrative duties of the terrtiories they conquered, neither Belisarius, nor the Shah Khoasrau backed down upon their insistence that the Rhomans were to maintain their independence and that the war was simply to install Belisrius upon his rightful throne. As a result, early in the war, Belisarius sought a city in which he could establish his court and rule as a true Emperor – athough he still spent much of his time in the field commanding armies. With the fall of Antioch, early in the conflict, Belisarius had found his temporary capital and wasted no time in forming a court to help rule the Empire. For political reasons, many of the most notable officials were Nestorians who had openly embraced Belisarius’ cause, or Rhoman officials who saw the pretender as their best path to prominence. Despite this, most of Belisarius’ closest advisors, especially in military affairs, remained those men who he had spent years campaigning with or known at court.
It has become fashionable in modern history to view Belisarius’ reign as a precursor to the so-called Empire of Antioch that would develop in the following century – especially in light of the modern day collapse of Rhoman rule over the region and the reestablishment of the Kingdom of Israel, Syria and Egypt. Although religious differences certainly played a part in the development of Antioch, it is stretching credibility to see Belisarius as a prelude to that ill-fated state (if so it should even be considered one). Belisarius was a Nestorian, and a devoit one, but he was an opportunist first and foremost. He was willing to exploit the religious and political differences which existed between the Rhoman Empire and its provinces. But he did so with Persian backing and relying almost entirely upon the advice of Persian military advisors. To see him as anything besides a puppet of the Sassanian regime would be to commit the historical sin of reading the present into the past.
…
Belisarius spent most of his time in the field, only returning to Antioch when the campaigning season was over. This won the loyalty to his troops, but often left his advisors in charge of administrating the Empire in his absence. Although many capable advisors existed, they were few in number, and this gave the provincial governors a free reign in building up their own local power bases. The most capable advisors and administrators, by far, were those Persians who had been ‘loaned’ to Belisarius by Khoasrau. However, for political reasons, these men often had to remain in the shadows and ruled only by suggestion. Instead, the field was often left to men of less stature who were less interested in securing Belisarius’ rule, than in securing power for themselves or acting out of provincial grudges against their opponents.
As long as Belisarius’ star seemed to be on the ascent, these officials and governors were kept in check by the might of his own reputation, as well as the threat of the Persian power which backed him. After the Battle of Constantinople, however, cracks began to emerge in Belisrius’ façade; as his attention was drawn into Anatolia and the expected Rhoman-Gothic counter attack, his control over his own provinces began to wane. Provincial governors began to exercise more and more control, unchecked by the ‘central’ government which existed in Antioch. Since Persian forces were required to fight the war in Anatolia, this left the local territories with no one to curb the influence of these officials. This growing decentralization would eventually lead to disaster as a major rebellion from an unepected source doomed Belisarius’ and the Persian’s war efforts.
…
The Good Samatitans: Samaritans in the Restoration Age and Beyond
By: Aaron Ben Geza
[Solomon’s Ring Press: Jerusalem, Kingdom of Irael, 1998]
Relations between the Samaritans and the Rhoman authorities had always been tense. A number of revolts had occurred during the early years of the Eastern Empire the cumulated in the Revolt of 495 when a Samaritan woman lead a mob which attacked the Church of Saint Mary near Mount Gerizim. Emperor Anastasius I was forced to send in the military to help resecure order in the region.
…
During the 7th century, it is estimated that the Samaritans numbered in the hundreds of thousands. As the power and prominence of the Jewish citizens of the region dwindled due to the Jewish revolts of centuries earlier and overt Christian hostility, the Samaritans had rushed in to fill the void. They had become a major cultural and political force in the territory of northern Judea. Their strength did not go unnoticed, either by the remaining Jewish population which viewed them to be heretics, or by neighboring Christians who loathed them for not accepting Jesus Christ and maintaining their own traditions.
…
Following the revolt of 495, tensions between the Samaritans and Christians continued to grow, with the Christians often attacking or attempting to mitigate the economic and political power of the Samaritans. Emperor Justinian I attempted to address these issues by issuing an edict which, effectively, made the practice of Samaritanism illegal within the Empire. However, the Nika Riots and his own death, largely made this a moot point. As the Empire descended into chaos, the Samaritans were able to play bth sides against one another, eventually throwing their support behind the Emperor Belisarius who granted them the freedom of religion in the regions that currently controlled. The Patriarch of the time supported this move, pointing to the story of the Good Samaritan as evidence that Christ wished Christians to show mercy upon the Samaritan people. [FN3]
This policy of tolerance was extended by Germanus, when he assumed the Purple, after the Samaritans were some of the first people to throw their support to him against Photius. Unfortuantely, the Samaritan betrayal was not forgotten by Photius’ son and grandson. After capturing Antioch and securing the Levant, Belisarius turned a blind eye as Jews and Christians began to attack the Samaritan population. These events cumulated in 623 when an army of Christians attacked the Samaritan holy site of Mount Gerizim, killing hundreds in the process and destroying the complex that was located near by.
This single event spurred on the Great Samaritan Revolt of 623. Joseph ben Sabar, the grandson of Julanius ben Sabar, mobilized the Samaritan people and began to attack Belisarius’s outposts throughout the region. Showing a political savy that was long overlooked by scholars, he attacked only those communities of Nestorian Christians which supported Belisarius and protected Orthodox communities which had also come under attack by Nestorians. Knowing that his forces weren’t strong enough to meet Belisarius or the Persians directly in battle, he instead chose to use hit and run tactics, attacking small units and using political assassination to spread terror through his enemies. Terror was to be an important weapon, as the Samaritans would descend upon Nestorian churches during services and slaughter all they found, or attacked Persian soldiers in the street, leaving their bodies as warnings to others. These tactics horrified Belisarius and Khoasrau, but they were unable to respond. When ever the Persians recaptured a Samaritan encampment, the fighters simply faded into the desert to attack again at a later time. Although they were able to capture the city of Nablus in the vicinity of Mount Gerizim, and killed many of the inhabitants, this simply spurred the rebellion on to greater heights as the Samaritans assassinated the commander of the army sent to occupy the city as well as all of his officer corp in a single night.
The Samaritan Rebellion would proe to the distraction that Belisarius and Khoasrau could not afford
…
Of Fire and Might: A History of Politics and Religion in Sassanid Persia
By: Coahm O’Seachnall
[Royal University Press: Carrickfergus, Kingdom of Gaelia, 1992]
…
The Battle of Constantinople and the Samaritan Revolt greatly undermined the cause of Belisarius and Khosrau. The Revolt, in particular, upset them as they were both forced to send troops to the south to quell it at a time that both knew they needed to prepare for the Rhoman and Gothic counterattack into Anatolia. Even more distressing at the time, Rhoman propagandists began to disseminate stories that Belisarius and Khosrau were lovers – a great affront to both the Christian and Zoroastrain faiths of the time. Its impossible to know the toll that these stories and the military reversals took upon the Persian soldiers and their Rhoman allies, but this period marked a series of brutal military reversals which would undermine the Sassanian cause in the region and lead to Tiberius’ triumphant campaigns [FN4]
For over a decade, Belisarius and his Sassanian allies had conquered the vast majority of the Rhoman Empire’s Asian possessions, pushing them back into the depopulated Balkan lands. Now, after the Battle of Constantinople, and facing an open rebellion in their own heartland, their accomplishments began to crumble, and quickly. Tiberius II and Amalamir spent the remaining campaigning months of 622 regrouping their forces and preparing for the campaign ahead. They also sought out further allies and were able to entice the Vandals to lend them naval support for the campain – that despite the Vandal King’s personal hatred of Amalamir. The Vandal fleet would appear in the Eastern Mediterranean in May of 623 as it helped the Rhomans to beat back the Persian navy in the region. [FN5].
That June the combined Rhoman and Gothic forces crossed into Anatolia and won a string of important victories that liberated the peninsula for the Rhomans and gave them breathing room. Meanwhile, Belisarius and the Persians were forced to fall back to Antioch while their own forces attempted to quell the growing rebellion of the Samaritans which had now spread to the local Jewish and Orthodox Christian poplations – although these three groups did not coordinate and often attacked one another, limiting their effectiveness.
In October, out of season, Belisarius decided to attack the main Rhoman army, hoping to catch it by surprise and score a resounding victory. Although Belisarius was a reknowned general, and a match for Amalamir and any others on the opposing side, this time his luck failed him. Amalamir and Tiberius captured a Persian scout which detailed the entire plan – legend states he was given a large estate in eastern Anatolia as payment for his unwitting service. What ever the case, the Rhomans and Goths were waiting for Belisarius and, at the Battle of Sisium, Belisarius fell when an arrow struck him in the knee and he fell from his horse and was trampled.
…
If anyone thought that the death of Belisarius would end the war, they were sorely mistaken. Khosrau was driven into a rage by the death of his friend and supposed lover – Rhoman writers at the time compare him to Achilles after the death of Patroclus. Persian tradition states that, after learning of the death of Belisarius, Khosrau locked himself within his palace for a period of twelve days during which he refused to eat or drink anything, nor see anyone. It was only when a Zoroastrian mystic arrived at the palace and confronted the Shah directly that Khosrau agreed to leave his isolation and return to the war effort. To this day, many Persian scholars believe that the “Lay of Belisarius,” an ode to the dead pretender with distinct erotic overtones, is the actual work of Khosrau – although other scholars are less sure of its authorship, athough they agree it comes from the late Sassanian era. [FN6]
…
Following the death of Belisarius, Khosrau and the Persian strategy changed. Whereas before they had been focused on the establishment of a pretender upon the Rhoman throne, they no fought for open annexation. There is also evidence that the Shah had taken to the more apocalyptic policy of scorched earth, as he burnt any Rhoman city that he captured during his counter attack of 624. In the face of this fury, the Rhomans and allies were forced to fall back. However, this rage could only last so long before it was expended, and so it would be at the Battle of Manzikert in central Anatolia where two Emperors would lose their lives, a war would end, and a battle would forever etch itself into the imagination of the Western world.
August, 624
Manzikert, Rhoman Empire
Amalamir hadn’t felt this alive in years; not since his first campains against the Franks as a young man. For over a year, he had battled as a staunch ally of Tiberius II and the Rhoman Empire and they had witnessed many great victories and the occasional setbacks. The recent fury of the Persians had caught Tiberius and his generals by surprise, but not Amalamir – he knew a wounded animal when he saw it, and knew when one was fighting out of pure passion and blind rage. Had he not seen it from the Frankish King, or the numerous animals he had run to ground? Hell, had his own brother not reacted the same way in the final months of the Fourth Punic War (as people were already calling that maddening and depressing conflict?)
“What if they take the city,” Tiberius asked, looking at his ally.
“I suspect they will do the same as they did with the last several cities they captured. Put them to the sword and burn them to the ground. They couldn’t have done us a better favor.”
Tiberius gave the Gothic Emperor a questioning look.
Amalamir reminded himself that, as much promise as Tiberius showed – and he had won several battles on his own merit – he was still a young man and not given to thinking of the larger picture. “Each time they burn a city, they put more iron in the backs of the next city. The people know they will receive no quarter, and so there is nothing to do but resist. Manzikert will hold, and we can do the same to them that we did to the Avars at the beginning of this – drive them against the walls and let the defenders cut them to pieces.”
“But”, Tiberius said, “you’re assuming they will give. They’ve been fighting like demons this entire past year.”
“Yes. But that’s the point. Tht type of fighting takes a lot out of a man. That sort of brutality. They’re already broken. Thy just don’t realize it yet. All we need to do is make one great push, and they will collapse. Its going to be bloody, but we’re going to win this battle. And if we capture Khosrau, this war ends today. Its like I’ve said before …”
Tiberius smiled and cut him off “You must put your faith in the Lord of Hosts.”
“Exactly! I may not know everything about how you Greeks rule, but I know men, and I know war. Now rally your soldiers and lets put an end to this once and for all!”
The Empire of the East: a History of Rhomania from Constantine I to Justinian IV
Ewan McGowan
[Royal University Press: Carrickfergus, Kingdom of Gaelia, 2010]
Even more than the Battle of Constantinople, the Battle of Manzikert changed the direction of the Empire. With the support of Amalaric, Tiberius II had created an unexpected friendship and forged a surprisingly strong alliance. Although his Greek generals were initially reluctant to heed the advice and commands of the Gothic Emperor, feeling him to be an uncouth barbarian, experience and success had won many of them over. It had been Amalaric that had charted the successful strategy at the Battle of Sisium and, though he had not personally slain Belisarius, it was well known that it had been one of his Avar allies that had cornered the pretender and cut him down.
Khosrau’s blistering counter attack in 624 had caught many by surprise, but Amalamir seemed to relish it. Once again, Rhoman chronicalers of the era mark this up to his ‘barbarian’ nature. However, a letter which Tiberius sent back to Ravenna following Amalaric’s death points at another option – that the Western Emperor had viewed the depredations as the work of a desperate man near defeat. Showing a shrewdness and coldness that would have matched that of any Rhoman general, he was willing to sacrifice several cities in order to strengthen the defenders of those that remained and choose the proper field of battle upon which to engage the enemy.
Amalamir and Tiberius II both agreed that Manzikert was the proper location. Khosrau’s position in the levant had collapsed as the Samaritans had pushed the Persians from their land, and this left Egypt weak and defenseless. It was time to draw the Persians into Anatolia where they could be cut off and left exposed.
…
The Battle of Manzikert would prove to be a decisive Rhoman victory. Although they lacked the element of surprise which had won the day at the Battle of Constantinople, Amalamir’s Avar force were able to soften their foes with archer attacks while the main force of the Gothic and Rhoman calvary charged into the midst of the Persian forces. The Persians were driven against the walls where the defenders of Manzikert rallied and poured forth from the walls to assail their besiegers. Caught between these forces, the Persians were encircled and cut down, losing some of their greatest military commanders and forces within a matter of hours – a fact that would be spell near ruin for the Persians in the years to come. A Persian poem, written half a century later, purports to tell the story of one of the soldiers fighting, stating “tears welled in my eyes/ as I saw our men – our glorious men/ cut down like sheep to be slaughtered/ I saw the Shan’s banner/ Fallen in the dust/ and then I wish I had died.”
Despite the great victory, the losses on the Rhoman side were many. Of course, one of the most prominent was Emperor Amalamir himself. Seeing Tiberius’ forces become separated from the main army and surrounded, he rallied his men and charged headfirst into the fray. Although he was able to save the life of the Emperor, his own horse was cut down and, according to Rhoman writers, he was treacheriously slain by a Persian soldier as he struggled to stand up and return to the fight. He had not needed to make this sacrifice as other Rhoman forces were already charging to rescue Tiberius but Amalamir, as befit his legacy, died as he lived – acting on impulse for what he saw as the greater good. No one records his last words, but some later writers created the tradition that he uttered “I died for Christ and Empire,” a noble sentiment that seems completely out of character for the Gothic Emperor This death would send shockwaves throughout the East and the West. In the West it unleashed the Family Wars – or Kuni War which would fundamentally change the Gothic Empire for over a century to come and usher in an era of instability of warfare. In the East, Tiberius would use the sacrifice of Amalamir to help cement his own rule, eventually petitioning the Orthodox Church to name the Western Emperor a Saint – the only Arian to be recognized as a Saint by the Orthodox Church and not the Arian Church to this very day. [FN7]
Perhaps as importantly, the other major casualty of the battle of Khosrau himself who was caught trying to flee and, reportedly, cut down by his own men ho had become disillusioned with his strategy. His successors would make efforts to track down the identity of thise men and bring them to justice with mixed results. The war, effectively, ended with his death, as the Sassanian dynasty fell into civil war to determine his successor. In the process, that would usher in the down fall of the Sassanian dynasty and its replacement by a newer, more vibrant, dynasty. But, for the time being, the last great Sassanian-Rhoman War had come to an end.
[FN1] Its one of the ironies of the Amalings. Although Theodemir and his descendents were functioning generals, most of their greatest victories were political ones. No Amaling, so far, has been the match of a Belisarius or, to use an example from OTL, Charlemagne. None, except Amalamir. Amalamir is, so far, the most capable soldier and general which the family has produced since Theodoric the Great – a man who is happiest in combat and has won the undying loyalty of his soldiers. Under better circumstances, he would likely be remembered as one of the Greatest Warrior Kings in European history. Unfortunately, Amalamir is, at best, a distant and disinterested ruler. In many ways, he resembles a Richard the Lion-Hearted. As a result, the historical record remembers him in very ambigious terms – future historians recognize his brilliance in battle, but also point to his melloncholly and his inability to rule well. We will be examining the after affects of his less-than-glorious rule in coming chapters. Suffice to say, for future historians and even other Goths of the Restoration Era, Amalamir’s genius is respected, but its impossible to overlook many of the negative reprecussions of his reign as well.
[FN2] I’ve hinted at this before, but here is an overview of the situation: Basically, Emperor Amalaric had defeated the Avar Khanate in battle and secured the continued independence of the Gepids. After the battle, he offered the Avars lands south of the Danube in Rhoman territory without securing the permission of the Rhoman Emperor. He also induced the Avar Khan to convert to Arian Christianity. In the decades since, the Avars had existed in a strange twilight realm – they were recognized by the West, but held territory in the East and were seen as invaders. In order to destabilize the East, and secure their own position, they began to allow Slavic tribes to pass through their territory into Rhoman territory (of course, only after paying a ‘tribute’ on both ends o the trip. This made the Rhomans view them as little better than brigands that needed to be rooted out.
Now that the Avars have been recognized on their territory and agreed to stop allowing Slavs to pass through the land, the situation has changed. The Slavs will be forced to try to cross the Danube in other regions (largely controlled by the Gepids). However, there are a large number of Slavs who have settled in the Avar Khanate and become allies of the ruling House. The Avars themselves aren’t farmers and need settlers, especially as the lands they control had become depopulated by Roman settlers decades earlier. Espect more Slavs to arrive in the Avar lands looking for safety, wealth, and lands. This will eventually change the character of the Avar people.
[FN3] And this is the big POD when it comes to Rhoman-Samaritan relations in the ATL. In OTL, Justinian’s edict, issued in 329, inspired a major Samaritan revolt under the leadership of Julanius Ben Sabar who attempted to create an independent Kingdom of Samaria. The revolt was eventually crushed by Justinian, with the help of Arab allies. In the ATL, Justinian reveals his edict a bit later and it is never put into effect due to the earlier Nika Riots. Justinian’s fall, and the civil war that follows, allows Ben Sabar to throw his lot in with Belisarius. His people’s loyalty wins Belisarius over who calls a halt to any persecution of the Samaritans. Luckily, when Belisarius’ son, Photius, falls, the Samaritans are some of the first to declare their loyalty to Germanus. Because of this, in the ATL, they are considered to be loyal supporters of the House of Justin and in a much more secure position than in OTL.
On a side note: Who else includes the Samaritans in an Alternate History?
On a further sidenote: Has anyone drawn any conclusions from the many references I’ve made to the “Kingdom of Israel” and the names of Israelites yet?
[FN4] Okay, a confession at this point. I had lomg intended to depict Khosrau and Belisarius as lovers. I’m a firm believer in depicting LGBT characters in fiction – even in Alternate History – and thought they would be be good candidates for inclusion. Neither are villains in the typical sense (although I’m sure the Gothic and Rhoman Emperors would disagree), and I always imagined them as a rather cute couple. Unfortunately, time and space constraints being what they are, I wasn’t able to fit a good scene into this chapter that fit the story and helped the narrative. Hence this rather random throw away line, where the Rhomans pick up on the relationship and use it for propaganda. I apologize to my readers for not being able to go as indepth in this as I would like. I also want to establish that, despite their relationship, both men are married with children by this point. This is going to come into play later.
[FN5] Although the Persians did not possess a great navy in the region, their conquest of the Eastern Mediterranean gave them access to a number of important ports, such a Antioch. They were able to employ local craftsmen to help in the construction of a fleet. Although this fleet was small, they enlisted many local sailors to help make it as effective as possible. It managed to harass the Rhoman fleet at a number of occasions, and also draw the Rhomans out from Constantinople in the waning days of the reign of Justinian II, which allowed them to ferry troops across to besiege Constantinople.
[FN6] Sorry. I would love to include a few lines here, but I’m not well versed in Persian forms of poetry, and I would hate to insult the school with my amateurish attempts. If anyone of your know the forms used at the time and want to try your hand, I would be more than willing to include is as an canon exerpt! Until then, I shall maintain my focus on Germanic alliterative verse, with which I do have a great deal of experience.
[FN7] As had been foreshadowed several chapters ago. Amalamir’s death in defense of Tiberius greatly impressed the Rhomans. Despite their misgivings about his character (always seeing him as a barbarian and all), his paying the ultimate sacrifice to help restore the Eastern Empire against the forces of Persian and Nestorianism stuck with them. As we have seen, later generations would use this to help argue that the Goths and Rhomans were forever tied together by the sacrifice of Amalamir. Meanwhile, the affect effects of Amalamir’s reign and the chaos that is about to follow, soured his reputation within his own homeland. And so, that is how one of the greatest generals of his era comes to be better remembered by other nations and remembered badly within his own realm.
I’ve had fun writing Amalamir – I always envisioned him as a deeply flawed and troubling character. Someone willing, and able, to lash out ina fit of depression and paranoia, yet also able to stand up and do what he felt was right, up to and including making the ultimate sacrifice for a friend and ally. I think he’s one of the most complex figures I’ve written (and I can’t believe its been over two years of his presence in this timeline! Good god! I need to write more often), and I truly hope that I’ve done him justice in the end.
Great Men are Born in Fire
Era of Yearning depiction of the Battle of Manzikert. Note the many historical anachronisms present in the painting, including the types of armor and banners displayed
“War is a game chess, and it is often important to remember where every piece lays on the board. Often, it is the overlooked pawn which drives the dagger into the King’s heart.” - Einer Skulson, in The Art of Politics and War
Constantinople, Rhoman Empire
August 622
“Do they know we are here,” Amalamir asked, looking down at the Scout.
“No”, the Scout said, stammering lightly, as he spoke to the Emperor for the first time, “No they don’t. We caught several of their own scouts before they could bring work back to the camp.”
“Hmmm,” Amalamir said, “their absence will be noticed soon. We had best be ready to move as soon as possible.” He looked over at the assorted men before him – his messangers. “You all, I want you to ride to our camps and notify the chiefs and kings that we ride in the next hour. God willing, we will catch them unawares and drive them into the walls. There our brothers in the East can finish them off.”
The men all cheered and rode off on horses to notify the different camps of the orders.
Amalamir sighed and looked down at the roughly drawn map in front of him. It had been drawn based on maps of the region from the Gothic archives in Ravenna, as well as information provided by his scouts. The map presented a grim picture, but not a hopeless one. Although the main camp of the Avars had joined the Goths after the collapse Samur’s rule, a majority of their forces had not been present at Adrianople. Instead, they remained encamped outside of Constantinople with their Slav allies. With them were a number of Persian forces that had been able to sneak across the channel while the Rhoman Navy had been teased out of the harbors by a diversion.
Although smaller than the Gothic army, they were well entrenched and armed. Amalamir was a gifted warrior, possible one of the best generals which the Amalings had ever produced – despite his bravado, he had learned at a young age to never underestimate an opponent. If only his brother had learned the same lesson, Amalamir might still be rotting in prison, and Theodebert would be ruling over an empire that included the lands of the Vandals.
So, surprise was of the upmost importance. If the Goths and their assorted allies could catch the attackers unaware, they could drive them up against Constantinople’s walls and let the Rhomans cut them to pieces. Luckily, those Avars that had joined the Goths after the fall of Khan Samur, had proven loyal – they hadn’t forgotten the promise of recognition and land that Amalamir had promised them and, he would be damned if he forgot them either. Therefore, the plan was simple – the Avars would ride first to their comrades who would accept them with open arms, not knowing of the change in leadership. Once the Avar camp descended into chaos, the Goths and the rest of their allies would descend upon the camp and drive the survivors into the walls.
There were risks, of course, but Amalamir had spent most of his life in the saddle, and was used to risk. He would either win, or he would die = it was as simple as that. At a certain point, no matter how much planning you had done, there came the time when one had to order the attack and put their faith in the Lord of Hosts. That time had now come. [FN1]
The Empire of the East: a History of Rhomania from Constantine I to Justinian IV
Ewan McGowan
[Royal University Press: Carrickfergus, Kingdom of Gaelia, 2010]
The Battle of Constantinople has been rightly called the turning point of the last great Rhoman-Sassanian War. Although the Rhomans still controlled the sea – save for a mauever that the Persians used to draw the Rhoman Navy away from the Capitol for long enough to ferry a small number of Sassanian heavy calvary across to support the Avars and Slavs – Constantinople remained in very real danger. The fall of Egypt to the Persians and the overthrow of Justinian II by Tiberius II had badly damaged morale within the Empire’s capitol, and there was a very real threat of insurgency against the untested Tiberian government. The constant presence of armies on both sides of the Bosporus must have been a frequent reminder to the population of the city of the government’s inability to protect them. Meanwhile, pro-Belisarius forces continued to spread rumors and propaganda which undermined morale even more.
All of this changed on July 15, when Amalamir and his Goths burst over the hills outside of the city and descended upon the surprised Avars, Persians and Slavs. The Avar’s under the new Khan Apsich, hailed their co-compatriots who were completely unaware of the change in leadership. Once they drew close enough, Apsich and his Avars drew their weapons and attacks the other Avars who were caught totally unawares. As the Avars descended into chaos, Amalamir and his allies crested the hill and broke into three columns – the first drive directly into the besiegers lines, while the other two drove into the flanks in a pincer movement. The besiegers were driven backwards and pressed against Constantinople’s stalwart walls were they were picked off by archers. Eventually the Rhoman army came forth from the gates and joined in the general slaughter. It would prove to be one of the greatest victories ever recorded during the era.
…
Contemporary Rhoman chronicals take special pleasure in recording the grand procession of Amalamir and his men as they entered the capitol – for the second time in several generations, a Rhoman Emperor had seen his rule established by the intervention of a Gothic Emperor of the West. These chronicles pay close attention to Emperor Amalamir himself, portraying him as a semi-cultured and warlike, but manly and virtious, western barbarian. Several make reference to the smell of his and his men’s sweat, contrasting it to the purfumes worn by the Rhoman retainers who met him along with Tiberius. These dipictions, although completely in character with the cultural attitudes of the era, are unfair – despite his own best efforts to present an image of many virility, one would be remiss to note that, as the Emperor of the West and the son of an Emperor, Amalamir was the recipient of a classical education worthy of the Roman nobility. He was also, immediately, the greatest general which the Rhomans had at their disposle.
To his credit, Tiberius II seems to have recognized this almost immediately, despite the apathy of many of his own supporters and staff. Amalamir’s victory had worked to secure his own rule, and Tiberius had need for the Gothic Emperor’s expertise as well as his manpower. Due to this, as well as the close relationship that existed between the Amalings and the House of Justin, Tiberius appears to have made every effort to appear a generious and benevolent host to Amalamir and to meet his demands and suggestions to the best of his ability.
Unfortunately, some of these demands proved more difficult to meet than others. All surviving chronicals agreed that Amalamir made the official recognition of an Avar homeland south of the Danube to be one of his chief concerns. The Greek writers – each of them attempting to ape Tacitus – presented this as Amalamir holding true to his vow and honor, as any good barbarian would. There may be some truth to this. Whereas his brother had long identified with Roman culture, Amalamir often depicted himself as an arch-Goth in his iconography and all surviving written depictions of him clearly indicate that he was a man who held his personal honor as sacrosanct. Whatever the case, this proved a difficult demand for Tiberius to meet. Not only had the Avars recently besieged Constantinople, there was the added difficulty that the Danube frontier had long been one of the weakest in the Empire. The Avar presence to the south of the river had caused problems for decades as they often allowed an opening where for Slavic tribes and bands to cross, unimpeded, and raid and even settle into the depopulated Rhoman Balkans. Furthermore, the Arian faith of many Avar nobles made them appear to be a Gothic federate tribe occupying Rhoman territory. In the end, however, necessity overwrote political concerns –
Tiberius agreed to recognize the Avar Khanate’s presense south of the Danube and pay them compensation for years of raids in exchange for them agreeing to no longer allow Slavs to pass through their territory unimpeded. This decision would have longterm ramifications for the development of the Avars as a people and a state. [FN2]
…
Meanwhile, events in the South were working to destabilize the Persian occupation of the Levant and the cause of Belisarius.
Of Fire and Might: A History of Politics and Religion in Sassanid Persia
By: Coahm O’Seachnall
[Royal University Press: Carrickfergus, Kingdom of Gaelia, 1992]
Although the Persians had been forced to take on administrative duties of the terrtiories they conquered, neither Belisarius, nor the Shah Khoasrau backed down upon their insistence that the Rhomans were to maintain their independence and that the war was simply to install Belisrius upon his rightful throne. As a result, early in the war, Belisarius sought a city in which he could establish his court and rule as a true Emperor – athough he still spent much of his time in the field commanding armies. With the fall of Antioch, early in the conflict, Belisarius had found his temporary capital and wasted no time in forming a court to help rule the Empire. For political reasons, many of the most notable officials were Nestorians who had openly embraced Belisarius’ cause, or Rhoman officials who saw the pretender as their best path to prominence. Despite this, most of Belisarius’ closest advisors, especially in military affairs, remained those men who he had spent years campaigning with or known at court.
It has become fashionable in modern history to view Belisarius’ reign as a precursor to the so-called Empire of Antioch that would develop in the following century – especially in light of the modern day collapse of Rhoman rule over the region and the reestablishment of the Kingdom of Israel, Syria and Egypt. Although religious differences certainly played a part in the development of Antioch, it is stretching credibility to see Belisarius as a prelude to that ill-fated state (if so it should even be considered one). Belisarius was a Nestorian, and a devoit one, but he was an opportunist first and foremost. He was willing to exploit the religious and political differences which existed between the Rhoman Empire and its provinces. But he did so with Persian backing and relying almost entirely upon the advice of Persian military advisors. To see him as anything besides a puppet of the Sassanian regime would be to commit the historical sin of reading the present into the past.
…
Belisarius spent most of his time in the field, only returning to Antioch when the campaigning season was over. This won the loyalty to his troops, but often left his advisors in charge of administrating the Empire in his absence. Although many capable advisors existed, they were few in number, and this gave the provincial governors a free reign in building up their own local power bases. The most capable advisors and administrators, by far, were those Persians who had been ‘loaned’ to Belisarius by Khoasrau. However, for political reasons, these men often had to remain in the shadows and ruled only by suggestion. Instead, the field was often left to men of less stature who were less interested in securing Belisarius’ rule, than in securing power for themselves or acting out of provincial grudges against their opponents.
As long as Belisarius’ star seemed to be on the ascent, these officials and governors were kept in check by the might of his own reputation, as well as the threat of the Persian power which backed him. After the Battle of Constantinople, however, cracks began to emerge in Belisrius’ façade; as his attention was drawn into Anatolia and the expected Rhoman-Gothic counter attack, his control over his own provinces began to wane. Provincial governors began to exercise more and more control, unchecked by the ‘central’ government which existed in Antioch. Since Persian forces were required to fight the war in Anatolia, this left the local territories with no one to curb the influence of these officials. This growing decentralization would eventually lead to disaster as a major rebellion from an unepected source doomed Belisarius’ and the Persian’s war efforts.
…
The Good Samatitans: Samaritans in the Restoration Age and Beyond
By: Aaron Ben Geza
[Solomon’s Ring Press: Jerusalem, Kingdom of Irael, 1998]
Relations between the Samaritans and the Rhoman authorities had always been tense. A number of revolts had occurred during the early years of the Eastern Empire the cumulated in the Revolt of 495 when a Samaritan woman lead a mob which attacked the Church of Saint Mary near Mount Gerizim. Emperor Anastasius I was forced to send in the military to help resecure order in the region.
…
During the 7th century, it is estimated that the Samaritans numbered in the hundreds of thousands. As the power and prominence of the Jewish citizens of the region dwindled due to the Jewish revolts of centuries earlier and overt Christian hostility, the Samaritans had rushed in to fill the void. They had become a major cultural and political force in the territory of northern Judea. Their strength did not go unnoticed, either by the remaining Jewish population which viewed them to be heretics, or by neighboring Christians who loathed them for not accepting Jesus Christ and maintaining their own traditions.
…
Following the revolt of 495, tensions between the Samaritans and Christians continued to grow, with the Christians often attacking or attempting to mitigate the economic and political power of the Samaritans. Emperor Justinian I attempted to address these issues by issuing an edict which, effectively, made the practice of Samaritanism illegal within the Empire. However, the Nika Riots and his own death, largely made this a moot point. As the Empire descended into chaos, the Samaritans were able to play bth sides against one another, eventually throwing their support behind the Emperor Belisarius who granted them the freedom of religion in the regions that currently controlled. The Patriarch of the time supported this move, pointing to the story of the Good Samaritan as evidence that Christ wished Christians to show mercy upon the Samaritan people. [FN3]
This policy of tolerance was extended by Germanus, when he assumed the Purple, after the Samaritans were some of the first people to throw their support to him against Photius. Unfortuantely, the Samaritan betrayal was not forgotten by Photius’ son and grandson. After capturing Antioch and securing the Levant, Belisarius turned a blind eye as Jews and Christians began to attack the Samaritan population. These events cumulated in 623 when an army of Christians attacked the Samaritan holy site of Mount Gerizim, killing hundreds in the process and destroying the complex that was located near by.
This single event spurred on the Great Samaritan Revolt of 623. Joseph ben Sabar, the grandson of Julanius ben Sabar, mobilized the Samaritan people and began to attack Belisarius’s outposts throughout the region. Showing a political savy that was long overlooked by scholars, he attacked only those communities of Nestorian Christians which supported Belisarius and protected Orthodox communities which had also come under attack by Nestorians. Knowing that his forces weren’t strong enough to meet Belisarius or the Persians directly in battle, he instead chose to use hit and run tactics, attacking small units and using political assassination to spread terror through his enemies. Terror was to be an important weapon, as the Samaritans would descend upon Nestorian churches during services and slaughter all they found, or attacked Persian soldiers in the street, leaving their bodies as warnings to others. These tactics horrified Belisarius and Khoasrau, but they were unable to respond. When ever the Persians recaptured a Samaritan encampment, the fighters simply faded into the desert to attack again at a later time. Although they were able to capture the city of Nablus in the vicinity of Mount Gerizim, and killed many of the inhabitants, this simply spurred the rebellion on to greater heights as the Samaritans assassinated the commander of the army sent to occupy the city as well as all of his officer corp in a single night.
The Samaritan Rebellion would proe to the distraction that Belisarius and Khoasrau could not afford
…
Of Fire and Might: A History of Politics and Religion in Sassanid Persia
By: Coahm O’Seachnall
[Royal University Press: Carrickfergus, Kingdom of Gaelia, 1992]
…
The Battle of Constantinople and the Samaritan Revolt greatly undermined the cause of Belisarius and Khosrau. The Revolt, in particular, upset them as they were both forced to send troops to the south to quell it at a time that both knew they needed to prepare for the Rhoman and Gothic counterattack into Anatolia. Even more distressing at the time, Rhoman propagandists began to disseminate stories that Belisarius and Khosrau were lovers – a great affront to both the Christian and Zoroastrain faiths of the time. Its impossible to know the toll that these stories and the military reversals took upon the Persian soldiers and their Rhoman allies, but this period marked a series of brutal military reversals which would undermine the Sassanian cause in the region and lead to Tiberius’ triumphant campaigns [FN4]
For over a decade, Belisarius and his Sassanian allies had conquered the vast majority of the Rhoman Empire’s Asian possessions, pushing them back into the depopulated Balkan lands. Now, after the Battle of Constantinople, and facing an open rebellion in their own heartland, their accomplishments began to crumble, and quickly. Tiberius II and Amalamir spent the remaining campaigning months of 622 regrouping their forces and preparing for the campaign ahead. They also sought out further allies and were able to entice the Vandals to lend them naval support for the campain – that despite the Vandal King’s personal hatred of Amalamir. The Vandal fleet would appear in the Eastern Mediterranean in May of 623 as it helped the Rhomans to beat back the Persian navy in the region. [FN5].
That June the combined Rhoman and Gothic forces crossed into Anatolia and won a string of important victories that liberated the peninsula for the Rhomans and gave them breathing room. Meanwhile, Belisarius and the Persians were forced to fall back to Antioch while their own forces attempted to quell the growing rebellion of the Samaritans which had now spread to the local Jewish and Orthodox Christian poplations – although these three groups did not coordinate and often attacked one another, limiting their effectiveness.
In October, out of season, Belisarius decided to attack the main Rhoman army, hoping to catch it by surprise and score a resounding victory. Although Belisarius was a reknowned general, and a match for Amalamir and any others on the opposing side, this time his luck failed him. Amalamir and Tiberius captured a Persian scout which detailed the entire plan – legend states he was given a large estate in eastern Anatolia as payment for his unwitting service. What ever the case, the Rhomans and Goths were waiting for Belisarius and, at the Battle of Sisium, Belisarius fell when an arrow struck him in the knee and he fell from his horse and was trampled.
…
If anyone thought that the death of Belisarius would end the war, they were sorely mistaken. Khosrau was driven into a rage by the death of his friend and supposed lover – Rhoman writers at the time compare him to Achilles after the death of Patroclus. Persian tradition states that, after learning of the death of Belisarius, Khosrau locked himself within his palace for a period of twelve days during which he refused to eat or drink anything, nor see anyone. It was only when a Zoroastrian mystic arrived at the palace and confronted the Shah directly that Khosrau agreed to leave his isolation and return to the war effort. To this day, many Persian scholars believe that the “Lay of Belisarius,” an ode to the dead pretender with distinct erotic overtones, is the actual work of Khosrau – although other scholars are less sure of its authorship, athough they agree it comes from the late Sassanian era. [FN6]
…
Following the death of Belisarius, Khosrau and the Persian strategy changed. Whereas before they had been focused on the establishment of a pretender upon the Rhoman throne, they no fought for open annexation. There is also evidence that the Shah had taken to the more apocalyptic policy of scorched earth, as he burnt any Rhoman city that he captured during his counter attack of 624. In the face of this fury, the Rhomans and allies were forced to fall back. However, this rage could only last so long before it was expended, and so it would be at the Battle of Manzikert in central Anatolia where two Emperors would lose their lives, a war would end, and a battle would forever etch itself into the imagination of the Western world.
August, 624
Manzikert, Rhoman Empire
Amalamir hadn’t felt this alive in years; not since his first campains against the Franks as a young man. For over a year, he had battled as a staunch ally of Tiberius II and the Rhoman Empire and they had witnessed many great victories and the occasional setbacks. The recent fury of the Persians had caught Tiberius and his generals by surprise, but not Amalamir – he knew a wounded animal when he saw it, and knew when one was fighting out of pure passion and blind rage. Had he not seen it from the Frankish King, or the numerous animals he had run to ground? Hell, had his own brother not reacted the same way in the final months of the Fourth Punic War (as people were already calling that maddening and depressing conflict?)
“What if they take the city,” Tiberius asked, looking at his ally.
“I suspect they will do the same as they did with the last several cities they captured. Put them to the sword and burn them to the ground. They couldn’t have done us a better favor.”
Tiberius gave the Gothic Emperor a questioning look.
Amalamir reminded himself that, as much promise as Tiberius showed – and he had won several battles on his own merit – he was still a young man and not given to thinking of the larger picture. “Each time they burn a city, they put more iron in the backs of the next city. The people know they will receive no quarter, and so there is nothing to do but resist. Manzikert will hold, and we can do the same to them that we did to the Avars at the beginning of this – drive them against the walls and let the defenders cut them to pieces.”
“But”, Tiberius said, “you’re assuming they will give. They’ve been fighting like demons this entire past year.”
“Yes. But that’s the point. Tht type of fighting takes a lot out of a man. That sort of brutality. They’re already broken. Thy just don’t realize it yet. All we need to do is make one great push, and they will collapse. Its going to be bloody, but we’re going to win this battle. And if we capture Khosrau, this war ends today. Its like I’ve said before …”
Tiberius smiled and cut him off “You must put your faith in the Lord of Hosts.”
“Exactly! I may not know everything about how you Greeks rule, but I know men, and I know war. Now rally your soldiers and lets put an end to this once and for all!”
The Empire of the East: a History of Rhomania from Constantine I to Justinian IV
Ewan McGowan
[Royal University Press: Carrickfergus, Kingdom of Gaelia, 2010]
Even more than the Battle of Constantinople, the Battle of Manzikert changed the direction of the Empire. With the support of Amalaric, Tiberius II had created an unexpected friendship and forged a surprisingly strong alliance. Although his Greek generals were initially reluctant to heed the advice and commands of the Gothic Emperor, feeling him to be an uncouth barbarian, experience and success had won many of them over. It had been Amalaric that had charted the successful strategy at the Battle of Sisium and, though he had not personally slain Belisarius, it was well known that it had been one of his Avar allies that had cornered the pretender and cut him down.
Khosrau’s blistering counter attack in 624 had caught many by surprise, but Amalamir seemed to relish it. Once again, Rhoman chronicalers of the era mark this up to his ‘barbarian’ nature. However, a letter which Tiberius sent back to Ravenna following Amalaric’s death points at another option – that the Western Emperor had viewed the depredations as the work of a desperate man near defeat. Showing a shrewdness and coldness that would have matched that of any Rhoman general, he was willing to sacrifice several cities in order to strengthen the defenders of those that remained and choose the proper field of battle upon which to engage the enemy.
Amalamir and Tiberius II both agreed that Manzikert was the proper location. Khosrau’s position in the levant had collapsed as the Samaritans had pushed the Persians from their land, and this left Egypt weak and defenseless. It was time to draw the Persians into Anatolia where they could be cut off and left exposed.
…
The Battle of Manzikert would prove to be a decisive Rhoman victory. Although they lacked the element of surprise which had won the day at the Battle of Constantinople, Amalamir’s Avar force were able to soften their foes with archer attacks while the main force of the Gothic and Rhoman calvary charged into the midst of the Persian forces. The Persians were driven against the walls where the defenders of Manzikert rallied and poured forth from the walls to assail their besiegers. Caught between these forces, the Persians were encircled and cut down, losing some of their greatest military commanders and forces within a matter of hours – a fact that would be spell near ruin for the Persians in the years to come. A Persian poem, written half a century later, purports to tell the story of one of the soldiers fighting, stating “tears welled in my eyes/ as I saw our men – our glorious men/ cut down like sheep to be slaughtered/ I saw the Shan’s banner/ Fallen in the dust/ and then I wish I had died.”
Despite the great victory, the losses on the Rhoman side were many. Of course, one of the most prominent was Emperor Amalamir himself. Seeing Tiberius’ forces become separated from the main army and surrounded, he rallied his men and charged headfirst into the fray. Although he was able to save the life of the Emperor, his own horse was cut down and, according to Rhoman writers, he was treacheriously slain by a Persian soldier as he struggled to stand up and return to the fight. He had not needed to make this sacrifice as other Rhoman forces were already charging to rescue Tiberius but Amalamir, as befit his legacy, died as he lived – acting on impulse for what he saw as the greater good. No one records his last words, but some later writers created the tradition that he uttered “I died for Christ and Empire,” a noble sentiment that seems completely out of character for the Gothic Emperor This death would send shockwaves throughout the East and the West. In the West it unleashed the Family Wars – or Kuni War which would fundamentally change the Gothic Empire for over a century to come and usher in an era of instability of warfare. In the East, Tiberius would use the sacrifice of Amalamir to help cement his own rule, eventually petitioning the Orthodox Church to name the Western Emperor a Saint – the only Arian to be recognized as a Saint by the Orthodox Church and not the Arian Church to this very day. [FN7]
Perhaps as importantly, the other major casualty of the battle of Khosrau himself who was caught trying to flee and, reportedly, cut down by his own men ho had become disillusioned with his strategy. His successors would make efforts to track down the identity of thise men and bring them to justice with mixed results. The war, effectively, ended with his death, as the Sassanian dynasty fell into civil war to determine his successor. In the process, that would usher in the down fall of the Sassanian dynasty and its replacement by a newer, more vibrant, dynasty. But, for the time being, the last great Sassanian-Rhoman War had come to an end.
[FN1] Its one of the ironies of the Amalings. Although Theodemir and his descendents were functioning generals, most of their greatest victories were political ones. No Amaling, so far, has been the match of a Belisarius or, to use an example from OTL, Charlemagne. None, except Amalamir. Amalamir is, so far, the most capable soldier and general which the family has produced since Theodoric the Great – a man who is happiest in combat and has won the undying loyalty of his soldiers. Under better circumstances, he would likely be remembered as one of the Greatest Warrior Kings in European history. Unfortunately, Amalamir is, at best, a distant and disinterested ruler. In many ways, he resembles a Richard the Lion-Hearted. As a result, the historical record remembers him in very ambigious terms – future historians recognize his brilliance in battle, but also point to his melloncholly and his inability to rule well. We will be examining the after affects of his less-than-glorious rule in coming chapters. Suffice to say, for future historians and even other Goths of the Restoration Era, Amalamir’s genius is respected, but its impossible to overlook many of the negative reprecussions of his reign as well.
[FN2] I’ve hinted at this before, but here is an overview of the situation: Basically, Emperor Amalaric had defeated the Avar Khanate in battle and secured the continued independence of the Gepids. After the battle, he offered the Avars lands south of the Danube in Rhoman territory without securing the permission of the Rhoman Emperor. He also induced the Avar Khan to convert to Arian Christianity. In the decades since, the Avars had existed in a strange twilight realm – they were recognized by the West, but held territory in the East and were seen as invaders. In order to destabilize the East, and secure their own position, they began to allow Slavic tribes to pass through their territory into Rhoman territory (of course, only after paying a ‘tribute’ on both ends o the trip. This made the Rhomans view them as little better than brigands that needed to be rooted out.
Now that the Avars have been recognized on their territory and agreed to stop allowing Slavs to pass through the land, the situation has changed. The Slavs will be forced to try to cross the Danube in other regions (largely controlled by the Gepids). However, there are a large number of Slavs who have settled in the Avar Khanate and become allies of the ruling House. The Avars themselves aren’t farmers and need settlers, especially as the lands they control had become depopulated by Roman settlers decades earlier. Espect more Slavs to arrive in the Avar lands looking for safety, wealth, and lands. This will eventually change the character of the Avar people.
[FN3] And this is the big POD when it comes to Rhoman-Samaritan relations in the ATL. In OTL, Justinian’s edict, issued in 329, inspired a major Samaritan revolt under the leadership of Julanius Ben Sabar who attempted to create an independent Kingdom of Samaria. The revolt was eventually crushed by Justinian, with the help of Arab allies. In the ATL, Justinian reveals his edict a bit later and it is never put into effect due to the earlier Nika Riots. Justinian’s fall, and the civil war that follows, allows Ben Sabar to throw his lot in with Belisarius. His people’s loyalty wins Belisarius over who calls a halt to any persecution of the Samaritans. Luckily, when Belisarius’ son, Photius, falls, the Samaritans are some of the first to declare their loyalty to Germanus. Because of this, in the ATL, they are considered to be loyal supporters of the House of Justin and in a much more secure position than in OTL.
On a side note: Who else includes the Samaritans in an Alternate History?
On a further sidenote: Has anyone drawn any conclusions from the many references I’ve made to the “Kingdom of Israel” and the names of Israelites yet?
[FN4] Okay, a confession at this point. I had lomg intended to depict Khosrau and Belisarius as lovers. I’m a firm believer in depicting LGBT characters in fiction – even in Alternate History – and thought they would be be good candidates for inclusion. Neither are villains in the typical sense (although I’m sure the Gothic and Rhoman Emperors would disagree), and I always imagined them as a rather cute couple. Unfortunately, time and space constraints being what they are, I wasn’t able to fit a good scene into this chapter that fit the story and helped the narrative. Hence this rather random throw away line, where the Rhomans pick up on the relationship and use it for propaganda. I apologize to my readers for not being able to go as indepth in this as I would like. I also want to establish that, despite their relationship, both men are married with children by this point. This is going to come into play later.
[FN5] Although the Persians did not possess a great navy in the region, their conquest of the Eastern Mediterranean gave them access to a number of important ports, such a Antioch. They were able to employ local craftsmen to help in the construction of a fleet. Although this fleet was small, they enlisted many local sailors to help make it as effective as possible. It managed to harass the Rhoman fleet at a number of occasions, and also draw the Rhomans out from Constantinople in the waning days of the reign of Justinian II, which allowed them to ferry troops across to besiege Constantinople.
[FN6] Sorry. I would love to include a few lines here, but I’m not well versed in Persian forms of poetry, and I would hate to insult the school with my amateurish attempts. If anyone of your know the forms used at the time and want to try your hand, I would be more than willing to include is as an canon exerpt! Until then, I shall maintain my focus on Germanic alliterative verse, with which I do have a great deal of experience.
[FN7] As had been foreshadowed several chapters ago. Amalamir’s death in defense of Tiberius greatly impressed the Rhomans. Despite their misgivings about his character (always seeing him as a barbarian and all), his paying the ultimate sacrifice to help restore the Eastern Empire against the forces of Persian and Nestorianism stuck with them. As we have seen, later generations would use this to help argue that the Goths and Rhomans were forever tied together by the sacrifice of Amalamir. Meanwhile, the affect effects of Amalamir’s reign and the chaos that is about to follow, soured his reputation within his own homeland. And so, that is how one of the greatest generals of his era comes to be better remembered by other nations and remembered badly within his own realm.
I’ve had fun writing Amalamir – I always envisioned him as a deeply flawed and troubling character. Someone willing, and able, to lash out ina fit of depression and paranoia, yet also able to stand up and do what he felt was right, up to and including making the ultimate sacrifice for a friend and ally. I think he’s one of the most complex figures I’ve written (and I can’t believe its been over two years of his presence in this timeline! Good god! I need to write more often), and I truly hope that I’ve done him justice in the end.
Alright! So we've ended the Sassanian-Rhoman War! I can't believe that the reign of Amalamir took this long to write but, truth be told, I never lost sight of the man in all of this time. As a deeply conflicted character, I really hope that I portrayed him well - as I stated above, his depression, his ambitions, his military ability, yet lack of interest in governing, made him a fascinating, yet difficult, man to do justice to. So, I'm expecting one more post that will finish up the aftermath of the war in the East, and then we can finally turn out attention back to the West and examine the Kuni War (which I've envisioned for some years, and am excited to finally be able to detail!).
I apologize for the length of this, as well as any typos that got in the way. Unfortunately, due to my reliance on Gothic words and names, Microsoft Word has long ago given up trying to tell me where 'typos' exist. Usually i try to go through and edit a post for any of the most noticeable ones before I hit 'submit' - but Firefox was freezing up on me. I expect to go through in the next day or two and clean this post up, as a result. Until then, I hope that they don't make it too unreadable.
As always, any questions or comments are not only welcome, I pretty much demand them
For you linguistic folks, I hope you stick with me, because I eventually plan on turning my attention back to the Gepids and the Vandals and I would love your saw on how those languages develop due to their unique circumstances (trust me, the Gepids may be on the periphery, but I expect them to be rather interesting, to say the least!). I rely on many of yours' feedback, more than I think you all know.
Anyway, I hope you all enjoyed this post, it was longer than many, and also caught on to the foreshadowing I was attempting. Take care, and I hope to have the last chapter of this 'eastern' section up sooner than later
I apologize for the length of this, as well as any typos that got in the way. Unfortunately, due to my reliance on Gothic words and names, Microsoft Word has long ago given up trying to tell me where 'typos' exist. Usually i try to go through and edit a post for any of the most noticeable ones before I hit 'submit' - but Firefox was freezing up on me. I expect to go through in the next day or two and clean this post up, as a result. Until then, I hope that they don't make it too unreadable.
As always, any questions or comments are not only welcome, I pretty much demand them
For you linguistic folks, I hope you stick with me, because I eventually plan on turning my attention back to the Gepids and the Vandals and I would love your saw on how those languages develop due to their unique circumstances (trust me, the Gepids may be on the periphery, but I expect them to be rather interesting, to say the least!). I rely on many of yours' feedback, more than I think you all know.
Anyway, I hope you all enjoyed this post, it was longer than many, and also caught on to the foreshadowing I was attempting. Take care, and I hope to have the last chapter of this 'eastern' section up sooner than later
Great and interesting update..
It seems that as it is historically common when a great monarch / emperor dies surprisingly, his kingdom / empire falls into a succession war and the Gothic empire does not seem to be the exception ... But it also seems that despite being bigger and destructive than it Which is usual, perhaps because the forces of the belligerent factions are more or less equalized.
So it seems that when this conflict of succession ends there will still be a Gothic empire / state ... but we do not know yet how battered will come out and how much it will recover from the years of civil war and whether or not the new monarch retains control Of all the territories that they owned until the death of the Emperor.
With respect to the Avars it seems that they will covertiran in an autonomous kingdom / Byzantine brand and that gradually they will be slavizaran .. they will fulfill a similar role to the one of Bulgaria, in OTL ... or will be rather similar to the one of the Czechs and Germany ... Because I believe / I assume that they are not likely to fulfill or that it is similar to the historical role, fulfilled by the Magiares?
It seems that as it is historically common when a great monarch / emperor dies surprisingly, his kingdom / empire falls into a succession war and the Gothic empire does not seem to be the exception ... But it also seems that despite being bigger and destructive than it Which is usual, perhaps because the forces of the belligerent factions are more or less equalized.
So it seems that when this conflict of succession ends there will still be a Gothic empire / state ... but we do not know yet how battered will come out and how much it will recover from the years of civil war and whether or not the new monarch retains control Of all the territories that they owned until the death of the Emperor.
With respect to the Avars it seems that they will covertiran in an autonomous kingdom / Byzantine brand and that gradually they will be slavizaran .. they will fulfill a similar role to the one of Bulgaria, in OTL ... or will be rather similar to the one of the Czechs and Germany ... Because I believe / I assume that they are not likely to fulfill or that it is similar to the historical role, fulfilled by the Magiares?
I am going to respond to all comments in more detail tomorrow (I'm currently on my phone, and hate to give detailed answers while typing on this thing).
I would actually love to have a new map made sometime soon. However, a few pages back, there is a map that shows the world shortly before the outbreak of the Fourth Punic War. The cultural and political boarders haven't changed too much since the time, so it may be a helpful source.
To give a brief overview. The Avars currently hold land that is roughly analogous to modern day Bulgaria. The Bretons control modern day Brittany as well as Normandy. The Lombards currently reside in the OTL region of Croatia. The Vandals are in North Africa, and the Gepids control the trans-Carpathian plains of OTL Hungary. Also, off the top of my head, the Magyar's are settled north of the Crimea and expanding their influence (I haven't touched on them too much, save for some off handed mentions and comments. But that will change. Oh yes, yes indeed *maniacal laugh*)
That's my general view of the Avars, yes. They are likely going to be heavily slavicized over the years and are going to become an independent kingdom that will eventually move into the Rhoman sphere of influence (they are currently closer allies of the Goths at the moment, but proximity alone seems to dictate that they will eventually grow closer to the Rhomans) As for the Goths themselves - the upcoming Kin Wars are going to be nasty and will have some major ramifications for the Empire and the Amaling dynasty, but they won't end up leading to the end of the Empire. The Gothic Empire will eventually collapse, and there has been some foreshadowing to indicate when it will happen, but I can assure everyone that they've got some time left
A good question! I need to do some more fleshing out of the Vandals in the near future. I would say that the Vandals would have been settled heaviest in the territory around Carthage itself - most Vandals would reside in the countryside, either as lords of large estates or as small free holders. They Vandal upper class is also beginning to intermarry with the Berbers of the hinterland to create a Berber-Vandal ruling alliance.
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In that case I think that buy modern times Much of North Africa will be speaking Berber, The prestige language will be a Vandalic with a lot of Berber loans and Latin loans. The fact that Gothic is the liturgical language instead of Latin will help keep Vandalic alive. I would not be surprised if there were some islands of Africo-romantic surviving
For those of you requesting a map to have a better idea of where everything is, here is a repost of the one done about two years back. You will notice that it actually shows Europe right at the end of the Sassanian-Rhoman War. Its nice to see I've been pretty good about sticking to my original plan and outline
Attachments
I think that that's a fairly good approximation of how North Africa will develop. Perhaps we see the development of a language that has a Germanic core, but much of the vocabulary is taken from Berber and Romance. Similar to how English is a Germanic language with a large amount of Romance vocabulary as well. However, with Gothic being the liturgical language, you may see Gothic influence reinforcing the Germanic core (Modern *Vandalic will likely use Germanic words for the most common things, but also for Church concepts. Governmental terms will be taken from Latin, but the influence of Gothic may reintroduce East Germanic elements in both spheres. Berber words would be adopted to describe plants, animals and other features common to the region that were not found in the old Vandal homeland).
Furthermore I would expect that the amount of Berber influence would fluxuate depending on the dialect. For instance, the language directly around Carthage (which has a higher concentration of Vandals as well as Romano-Africans) would contain more Romance loanwords and retain more Vandalic elements as well. Meanwhile, as you get out of the *African provinces, the language contains much more Berber influence. I also expect that the Berber language remains a vibrant tongue in the hinterland, and you may well see pockets of African-Romance holding out in some urban centers for some centuries as well. How does this sound to everyone?
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Seems an 'logic' language formation/evolution also in my opinion...in this Alt historical context it is probably a more wider influence from the Latin/Punic than the Berber because their wider interactions would be with the romanized african population than the Berbers ...lets aside the prestige factor that would led to a human group to choose include vocabulary from a 'source' than other.
That sounds very interesting. Of all potential languages I think that one is my favorite and has the most promise.
Thanks! Its one that I've been writing and developing for some time and I really enjoy the world that I've been creating - my only complaint is that I haven't been able to go into as much detail as I would like (and, yes, I know that this is coming from someone who's average posts are rather rambling and long as it is!). I'm glad you enjoy it and hope you stick around for the ride!
One of the reasons I've been leaning towards some more Berber influence on the language is that, prior to and during the Fourth Punic Wars, the Vandals have made some very real outreach to the Berbers in an effort to secure their own boarders. Berbers who are loyal and convert to Arianism are given a prestigious place within the Kingdom and their right to their own lands is secured. Furthermore, the Vandals have been encouraging Berber chiefs to send their sons to Carthage to be educated (sometimes encouraged ... forcefully, admittingly). The idea being that the sons act as hostages of sorts, but they also learn the Vandal tongue and receive an education so that they can go back and eventually rule after having made connections within the Court and also adopted some levels of Vandal culture. Its an idea that they, with no shame, have adopted from their Roman fore-bearers. Also, the Vandals at this point don't fully trust the native Romano-African population. Although this group eventually helped drive the Goths out during the Fourth Punic War, they are still Orthodox and also welcomed the Gothic invasion with open arms.
You know, I've been thinking. One of the topics which always seems to get people the most excited in this timeline is the development of alternative languages. I agree that the topic is fascinating but, sadly, I have very little background upon which to develop any in-depth posts on the topic. That being said, I would love to this topic developed in more detail as well - it would be amazing to have a few posts detailing the development of Gothic, Gepidic and Vandalic to name only a few. So, I'm throwing this open to everyone - should anyone want to write a canon chapter or two for the timeline dealing with alternative languages, please let me know. I would, of course, have final say on some things (not that I think this would be a problem), but would love to see what people come up with. If anyone is interested, just post here or message me.
I'm thinking that Frankish/Franconian language would have much more in common with its Germanic roots than the Romance language it evolved into. It'd likely evolve in a way closer to the Dutch language than French. And that's not just because the Franks are situated where the OTL Netherlands was. French and Dutch had a common linguistic ancestor and they just evolved in different ways.