The Amalingian Empire: The Story of the Gothic-Roman Empire

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So, I'm giving some thought to how the events of this timeline might eventually spread to India and what the impact may be. Don't worry, it will be some way down the road before I touch on it (I need to finish up this series of Middle East events and then I want to turn back to the Goths since, you know, they are the major focus of the timeline), but I was wondering if anyone had any ideas of how India might be developing?
The Goths are unlikely to significantly affect India. However, if the Byzantines don't bring silkworms to Constantinople and cultivate the good domestically, the emphasis on the Silk Trade may be greater than in reality, which could increase the wealth of Indian states producing silk.
 
The Goths are unlikely to significantly affect India. However, if the Byzantines don't bring silkworms to Constantinople and cultivate the good domestically, the emphasis on the Silk Trade may be greater than in reality, which could increase the wealth of Indian states producing silk.

Oh, i don't suspect that the Goths will have much direct impact on India (or, at least, not for a few centuries, at any rate). However, butterflies have been flapping for over a century now and I expect that the impact of events in the Middle East will certainly be felt in India, and even China. I'm just not sure, yet, what those impacts have been :)
 
Chapter 42 A Hot Desert Wind
Chapter 42
A Hot Desert Wind

Benjamin-Constant-Portrait_of_an_Arab_Woman.jpg

A modern portrait meant to represent Daliyah, the wife of Al-Hassan

“Do not hate a man who worships God or his children by any other name. He prays to the same Father as do you. All Gods and Prophets stream forth from the same well of knowledge” - saying attributed to Agmundr Thorson



Summer, 617
Desert, in the vicinity of the city of Ma’in.



Abbas al-Hassan leaned forward on his couch, in anticipation; his stomach growled and rumbled out of anxiety, and he did his best to fight back any outward physical signs of his distress. He was the veteran of countless battles, the chosen successor of the Prophet himself, and one of the most reknowned man in all of Arabia; why did he feel sick to his stomach?

Haubas ibn Al-Nabi, leaned forward and placed his hand gently upon Abbas’ shoulder. “All will transpire as the God of Light wills it; we are but his tools in the war against Satan.” [FN1]

Abbas let out a breath through his teeth and turned towards Haubas, the spiritual leader of their community, “I never asked for this,” he said. “I never dreamed of it. I don’t aspire to rule men.”

“Which is why you are the ideal man to do so. Abbas,” the younger man said, showing a level of familiarity that would have been impossible in more formal settings, “I was still a child when my Father brought you to our camp. You were dying of thirst, dirty and scared. You had so much guilt upon your head, because you had been the only one to survive the attack on our caravan. Since that time, no one has been more loyal to God or the faithful than you. You say you have never sought to rule men, and I believe you, but men have asked you to rule them, and God himself has set you upon this path. Trust in him, trust in your fellows. Now, and this is a direct order from the Son of the Prophet himself; relax. All will be as it will be.”

Abbas smiled again, a broader grin than the pensive one which had previously scored his lips. “And I remember you, when I first met you. You came running through your father’s tent, chasing some stray dog that you were convinced wanted to be friends with you, squeeling at the top of your lungs.”

“Well,” Haubus said, “some of us have changed more than others, I suppose.”

Abbas cast his eyes down at the dog which lay at the curled up and content at the feet of his friend.

Haubus clearned his throat, “It was once revealed to me, while deep in prayer, that Dogs were created by God to be man’s loyal and constant companion. They are dear to his heart.” He reached down and ruffled the fur of the lazy mutt, which rolled over and continued to snore without a care in the world.

At that moment, a messanger pushed his way into the tent, and quickly bowed his head, “My Rabb, they have arrived, just as promised.”

Abbas stood up and smoothed out his robes. Thas he time had come, whether he wished it or not; everything was in the hands of a greater power than he now, he could only hope that God lead him true.

“Go, gather the rest of our council, and then send our visitors in. They have asked for this meeting, and now we shall hear what ever it is that has drawn us away from our desert.”



The Desert Wheel: The Rise of Manichaeism in Arabia [vol. VI of “The Cross, the Star, the Flame and the Wheel: Studies in the Faiths of the Middle East”]
By: Dariush Esfahani
[Mar Simon University Press, Ctesiphon, 2009]



The death of King Ishamael the Rightious ushered in a period of chaos that would spread throughout all of Arabia. Although understandable, it is unfortunate that at this point the native sources of Himyar fall abruptly silent. So to do the sources of outside observers; as the Rhoman Empire and Sassanid Persia became embroiled in the cataclysmic war which would shake both to their foundations, their attention to the outside world began to waver. If any royal reports on the situation in far Arabia were ever recorderd, they have long since been lost to the sands of time.

Because of this, we are forced to turn towards the archeological record as well as the account of the Manicheans. The prior is problematic because so little physical evidence has been uncovered which can corroborate the stories told of the fall of Himyar. Although a few battle sites which date from the period have been uncovered, finding tangible proof of the tales told has proved frustratingly elusive. The Manchicaen sources tell of the fall of Himyar in great deal, but here to there are problems. The earliest accounts which survive come to us from no earlier than the early 8th century CE, nearly a full century after the events they describe. Although they seem to be based upon earlier sources, those sources have now been lost to us. Furthermore, many had already begun to show the influence of the mythic traditions which were already then attaching themselves to the stories, and which would come to dominate them in the centuries hence. [FN3]

Luckily, there are things which we can say for certain. We know that King Ishmael died in the year 614. The stories tell us, and there seems to be no reason to doubt them, that he was succeeded by his young son Ibrahim II. Ibrahim II was still a minor and, although we can not say his age for certain since the surviving sources are contradictory on this issue, was likely between the age nine and twelve. As a result, many of Ishmael’s top advisors stayed on to act as regent for the young boy.

Furthermore, the sources all agree that this was a time of political upheaval throughout Arabia. One Manichaen source in particular states that:

“Satan, foul and corrupting, saw his chance to spread chaos throughout the realm. He set forth his many demons to recruit human agents who would whisper in the ears of Kings. They turned the Rhomans and Persians against one another, plunging the world into chaos, and also whispered in the ears of the Pagans of the Hejaz and said ‘now is your chance to do my bidding. Go forth and strike at your legimitate king, for he is young but beloved by God. Should he come of Age, he will become a greater ruler who shall hear the Word and set up a mighty kingdom. But he is now weak and, together, we might yet slay him.

“And so the men of Hejaz agreed and the built a mighty army; so large that it the very earth itself shook under their foot, and they moved upon Zafar.”

The sources also state that an angel of God appeared to Abass Al-Hassan and told him to flee with his men to the desert and to take no part in the conflict until a sign had been given to them. Although this story has been obviously mythologized, the core tenants of the tale seems to indicate that the regency was unable to maintain control over the Hejaz and, possible, large swaths of the Himyarite Kingdom. Sensing an opportunity, the leaders of Hejaz, which had long been hostile to Himyar and chaffed under its control, chose to attack the capital. Escavations in Zafar in the 1920s have uncovered some evidence to validate this story, as a collapsed city wall from between the 6th and 7th century was uncovered. Unfortunately, there was no fire damage, and it was suspected by the lead archeologist, Sigmir Smitha that the damage might relate to an earthquake or other natural event. However, in recent years, the archeological community has begun to turn up arrow heads and swords which seem to point to a pitched battle having occurred at the site. [FN4]

According to the sources, the Hejaz army, after a pitched battle, stormed the city and viciously sacked it. They then forced their way into the royal palace, found the young King, bound him, and threw him from the top of the temple. One of the most famous scenes in the narrative to this very day is that young Ibrahim refused to cower and, instead, confronted the men and told them to “do the will of your Lord Satan, for I shall tonight rise to see the face of our creator.” Although heart warming, and showing the high levels of respect that the Manichaens continue to show to the Himyar kings, it is likely that this story developed out of political concerns. Throughout much of the 7th century, the Manichaens, who inherited Himyar and built upon its legacy, often strove to depict the Himyar Kings as precursors to the Manichaen Rabbs.



Following the death of Ibrahim, the rulers of the Hejaz set up a puppet ruler of the Himyar lands, known to history as Na’man the Accursed. He immediately began a vigorous persecution of the Jewish faithful, and sought to cleanse the land of the influence of the previous Himyar dynasty. He also sought to track down any remnants of the Himyar royal dynasty, for several members escaped, including Ibrahim’s daughter Daliyah.

Daliyah’s flight, in particular, has been well remembered in Manichaen tradition to this day, with many faithful going on pilgrimage to retrace her supposed route. As can be expected, this route became more fanciful in succeeding years, as she seems to have traveled to every important site in the Middle East, seeking help. However, an early manuscript from the 7th century exists which lists an abbreviated form of the pilgrimage that some scholars believe is closer to the original tradition. In this manuscript, it was said that Daliyah and her entourage first fled to the lands of Axum and, from there, traveled north to Egypt. At Alexandria she set sail for Constantinople, hoping to meet with the Emperor in order to secure soldiers to help restore her Kingdom. As Rhomania was engaged in war with Persia, she was denied and, from there, made her way down through the Holy Lands, at great personal risk due to the war, and stopped in Jerusalem to pray at the remains of the Second Temple. She eventually returned to the former Himyar lands where she still had many loyal supporters among the population.


What follows next is one of the most charming stories of the Manichaen tradition. Seeking help, she sent a letter to Abass Al-Hassan, believing him to be the most powerful independent ruler of the region, and pledged him her hand in marriage if he would help restore her to the throne. Al-Hassan was reluctant, feeling that God had not called him to be the ruler of the world, because he felt too many rulers fell into the grasp of Satan. However, on the council of his advisors, he chose to meet her, stating “It would not be the will of God to turn back a woman is distress.”


They met outside the old city of Ma’an and, Al-Hassan was immediately smitten with her beauty. However, he had pledged himself to not marry until God himself provided a sign. Furthermore, there were problems; Al-Hassan refused to marry anyone who was not Manicahen, and Daiyah sought to convert him and his flock to Judaism. However, they spent many nights together, talking until the early hours of the morning, but never giving in to carnal desires. Then, one morning, just before sun rose, the two were walking through the desert and talking of matters of faith. Al-Hassan was growing frustrated, and cried out “what will it take you to see the truth of which I speak?”

Daliyah responded, “When the heavens themselves cry out for my error, then I will believe what you say. And when will you finally agree to marry me?”

“Then those same heavens cry out at my error. Then I will concent to be your husband!” [FN5]

At that moment, shooting stars began to streak through the sky. Immediately seeing the error of her ways, Daliyah fell upon her knees, kissed Al-Hassan’s hand and vowed to convert and marry him if he would accept her. Al-Hassan fell to his knees and said “And I have been a fool, for the God of Light has placed an angel before me, and I was too blind to see. Of course I shall marry you!”



Although a fanciful tale, it likely holds a grain of truth, as one would expect any alliance between the Jewish house of Himyar and the Manichaens to flounder over just such issues. Whether the heavens themselves opened up to tell them both of the error of their ways, we do know that the alliance was soon made formal. Al-Hassan and Daliyah were married and they soon marshaled their forces. We are unsure of the size of that army, but we are told in every surviving source that they were outnumbered by the forces of the Hejaz and Na’man the Accursed.

Tradition records a series of twelve battles between the Manichaen-Jewish forces and their pagan foes. A rough geographic spread of these battles immediately strikes the researcher as unrealistic, as they, once again, fall at every major site in Arabia and Axum, and the chronology is skewed. The sources would have us believe that the Manichaens began their campaign in modern day Yemen, traveled to Axum, traveled to the north Hejaz and then traveled south in order to attack Zafar. However, there is a small cluster of four in modern day state of Yemen which are not at major cities and would seem to represent a campaign that is focusing on the capital of Zafar. Also, these four battles have the most vibrant traditions associated with them from the earliest sources and remain major cites of pilgrimage to the modern day.



The last and final of these battles occurred roughly twenty miles to the south east of Zafar along the coast of the sea. There it was said that the Manichaens confronted the numerically superior forces of Na’man the Accursed and managed to strike him down, at which point his army broke into a retreat and many sufferendered, offering to pledge themselves to the Manichaens from that time forward. One of those who surrendered was a commander by the name of Malik al-Qasim who would go one to become one of the most successful generals of the early Alkumnulith.



After this battle, which has become known as the “Battle of Seagulls,” because it was said that the birds themselves alerted Al-Hassan to the presence of Na’man’s forces, the Manichaens proceeded directly to Zafar where the city opened its gates and welcomed them with open arms. The first thing that Al-Hassan did was to stress that the Jewish population of the city, and the realm, would be treated well and given the respect due to them. He was crowned at the palace of the old Himyar kings, along with Daliyah, and they began the long work of piecing the old Kingdom together into a new, dynamic, regime which would soon make its mark upon the world.

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[FN1] Ibn Al-Nabi literally means “Son of the Prophet.” Haubus took this title upon his ascension as the spiritual leader of the community, meaning to indicate that he had moved passed simply being the son of Abdul-Bari the man, and was now the Son of Abdul-Bari the Prophet. Although Haubus meant for this change in name to have personal meaning for him only, the title “Ibn Al-Nabi” eventually goes on to become a title taken by his successors as well.



[FN2] Dogs hold an ambiguous position in Islam in OTL; they are considered to be unclean, but there are also several stories of Muhammad showing particular kindness towards dogs in the Islamic tradition. This ambiguity does not exist in the ATL Arabic Manichee community. I suspect (but have no evidence to back up this assertion) that the OTL feelings about dogs stem from taboos in the pre-Muslim traditions of Arabia. However, in the ATL, Abdul-Bari has a son who is particularly fond of dogs, and Abdul Bari always found his young son’s connection to these animals to be particularly heartwarming and indicative of the proper relationship of men to God (God favors men and we, in return, should be as loyal to him as a dog is to its master). Several recorded parables of Abdul-Bari make his views explicit and, Haubus, upon his ascension as the spiritual leader of the community, reinforces it.

From the *medieval period to the *modern era, many representations of Haubus Ibn Al-Nabi will show him being followed by a pack of loving dogs.

[FN3] As if you haven’t already noticed that I love to insert references to mythic traditions! Sadly, I don’t know enough about Arabic folklore to take a real stab at how these stories might develop; mythic and folkloric interludes shall, sadly, be restricted to the Germanic and Celtic sphere.

[FN4] One of the things I always strive to do in this timeline to indicate that scholars are not always sure of the exact events which affect the story. I believe this is realistic, as we run into the same haziness of the historical record in OTL. One of the long running things which I have noticed is that there is often disagreement among archeologists over just this sort of issue; such as at the escavations of Troy. I thought this was a perfect opportunity to include such details into the narrative.

[FN5] This is a minor issue, but I kind of imagine Al-Hassan and Daliyah as one of those utterly adorable couples who always bicker and argue, but who are truly devoted to one another. I sometimes worry that the family relations I depict in this timeline are a bit optimistic, considering what history tells us about ruling families during this era. But, I’m a dyed in the wool romantic and I have to include some positives from time to time. For those wanting to witness family dysfunction, I assure you that the next few generations of the Amaling rulers of the Gothic Roman Empire are going to be … interesting, to say the least.
 
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[FN5] This is a minor issue, but I kind of imagine Al-Hassan and Daliyah as one of those utterly adorable couples who always bicker and argue, but who are truly devoted to one another. I sometimes worry that the family relations I depict in this timeline are a bit optimistic, considering what history tells us about ruling families during this era. But, I’m a dyed in the wool romantic and I have to include some positives from time to time. For those wanting to witness family dysfunction, I assure you that the next few generations of the Amaling rulers of the Gothic Roman Empire are going to be … interesting, to say the least.

Family relations around then were in no way different to our modern ones, save the amount of concern when someone died (in medieval and dark-age times, it was regarded as a far more normal event than the depression-triggering event it can be today). Extremely close relationships could still develop (Desiderius or Charlemagne and their daughters), as could distant (Basilissa Irene and her son Constantine VI) all the way to openly hateful (Charlemagne and Karloman). As long as some of each are in a TL, there is no reason to say that any is being favoured, by the logic that perhaps all of the 'hateful' ones, save a couple, seem to be occurring in areas we are not being as well informed about.

If it just so happens that your relationships seem to be optimistic, it is fine to say that the Royal Family in Scotland (Pictland?) or some other far-off place hates each other. Or, the kings in this TL might have just decided to be a bit more careful in choosing their brides.

- BNC
 
Family relations around then were in no way different to our modern ones, save the amount of concern when someone died (in medieval and dark-age times, it was regarded as a far more normal event than the depression-triggering event it can be today). Extremely close relationships could still develop (Desiderius or Charlemagne and their daughters), as could distant (Basilissa Irene and her son Constantine VI) all the way to openly hateful (Charlemagne and Karloman). As long as some of each are in a TL, there is no reason to say that any is being favoured, by the logic that perhaps all of the 'hateful' ones, save a couple, seem to be occurring in areas we are not being as well informed about.

If it just so happens that your relationships seem to be optimistic, it is fine to say that the Royal Family in Scotland (Pictland?) or some other far-off place hates each other. Or, the kings in this TL might have just decided to be a bit more careful in choosing their brides.

- BNC

Certainly all fair points, and I'm happy to see that I haven't been totally off base. I guess, judging from the 'interesting' relations of the Meroving Franks, that my depictions Amalings had been surprisingly optimistic (well, save for the more recent generation). I've been personally justifying it as a response to the fact the Amalings don't divide up their realm in the same way as of the Franks. And, of course, there was the most recent struggle between the two brothers, which is going to play out over the course of the next generation or two. That is going to get ... nasty, to say the least.
 
Certainly all fair points, and I'm happy to see that I haven't been totally off base. I guess, judging from the 'interesting' relations of the Meroving Franks, that my depictions Amalings had been surprisingly optimistic (well, save for the more recent generation). I've been personally justifying it as a response to the fact the Amalings don't divide up their realm in the same way as of the Franks. And, of course, there was the most recent struggle between the two brothers, which is going to play out over the course of the next generation or two. That is going to get ... nasty, to say the least.

The Karlings for reference:

Martel/half-brothers: Started a war.
Pippin/Karloman: Cooperated, although Karloman disappeared after a while.
Charlemagne/younger Karloman: Hateful. Nearly started a war, except Karloman was murdered.
Louis the Pious/brothers: Reasonably friendly, although he outlived them all.
Louis/Lothar/Charles the Bald: A war, but they didn't hate each other so much they were all greedy. From 843 they were happy to negotiate.
Louis/Lothar II/Charles: War. Lothar II gets smashed up.

Each generation 714-870, half were 'friends' or at least cooperative. If the generational order changes for the Amalings, it sounds like you are still going to end up with realistic dynastic politics.

- BNC
 
The Karlings for reference:

Martel/half-brothers: Started a war.
Pippin/Karloman: Cooperated, although Karloman disappeared after a while.
Charlemagne/younger Karloman: Hateful. Nearly started a war, except Karloman was murdered.
Louis the Pious/brothers: Reasonably friendly, although he outlived them all.
Louis/Lothar/Charles the Bald: A war, but they didn't hate each other so much they were all greedy. From 843 they were happy to negotiate.
Louis/Lothar II/Charles: War. Lothar II gets smashed up.

Each generation 714-870, half were 'friends' or at least cooperative. If the generational order changes for the Amalings, it sounds like you are still going to end up with realistic dynastic politics.

- BNC

Thanks! One of the problems with having a timeline that has taken such a long time to write is that even the writer's memory of its beginning can get a bit sketchy of some of the details (even thought I go back and reread relevant previous chapters, the word document containing this TL is over 220 pages). Having really thought about this, I've come to the conclusion that the Amalings are probably a bit more realistic than I had initially feared.

1) Theodemir faces a rebellion early in his reign orchestrated by his own mother (who never forgave him for killing her father Clovis in battle) and had a bumpy relationship with his father Theodoric early on, although they grew closer as he aged.
2) Amalaric was very closer with his older brother Theodebert, but the elder brother was killed by the Franks. He also was a family man and greatly loved his wife and his two sons. Although the conflict between the sons brought him much grief
3) Theodebert and Amalamir have a very weird, love-hate relationship with each always trying to outdo and show up the other.
4) Although I haven't written it yet, the children of Theodebert and Amalamir have very little love lost between them, which is going to have some very real repercussions for the Empire.

I think, in order to keep things straight for myself as well as for the readers, my next post (before I finish up the Middle Eastern section of chapters) is going to be some in-universe summaries of the different kings and family trees up to the 610s. That should help people catch up and keep everything straight and should also allow me to make sure that I haven't missed any important details as well.
 
Chapter 42
snip
I read this today just before going to university to teach my students about historical Himyar, pre-Islamic Arabia and the preching of Muhammad. Really gets the right vibe. The story about the loving couple seems a lovely re-enactent of the legends of Bilqis and Salomon. I take the matter about dogs (on which you get it right the TL situation) to mirror the well-documented love of historical Muhammad to cats (cats are considered clean in Islam, and extremely well-regarded. For instance there are reports of Muhammad severely punishing mistreatment of cats, although indeed he seems to have extended kindness to all sort of animals).
Nitpick: Al-Nabi would mean "The Prophet". "Son of the Prophet" would be "Ibn al-Nabi".
 
I read this today just before going to university to teach my students about historical Himyar, pre-Islamic Arabia and the preching of Muhammad. Really gets the right vibe. The story about the loving couple seems a lovely re-enactent of the legends of Bilqis and Salomon. I take the matter about dogs (on which you get it right the TL situation) to mirror the well-documented love of historical Muhammad to cats (cats are considered clean in Islam, and extremely well-regarded. For instance there are reports of Muhammad severely punishing mistreatment of cats, although indeed he seems to have extended kindness to all sort of animals).
Nitpick: Al-Nabi would mean "The Prophet". "Son of the Prophet" would be "Ibn al-Nabi".


Thanks for clearing up my Arabic! I will go back to edited it to read "Ibn al-Nabi."

I'm glad that you approved of the post and the general vibe of the piece, as I really do strive to capture the general feel of the different cultures of this world as best I can, and make them seem authentic. Which classes do you teach, if you don't mind me asking? Since you seem to have a much stronger background in this topic than do I, I will take your approval of these series of chapters as high praise, indeed :)

On a side note, Salomon and Bilqis was one of the inspirations for Daliyah and Al-Hassan, so I'm glad that that comes through in the piece. I have to admit that I did not know about Muhammad's love of cats (and I'm rather shocked I have missed that in my readings on Arab-Islamic history over the years; especially since I'm a cat guy myself), but I am glad that is forms an interesting parallel tradition in OTL to match Ibn al-Nabi's love of dogs. On a side note, I almost made Ibn al-Nabi have a love of cats instead; but chose to focus on dogs because I A) don't like putting too much of myself into the different characters, for obvious reasons and B) one of my cats was knocking my computer mouse off of my desk every time I turned around, and I was rather annoyed with the little girl :D
 
Thanks for clearing up my Arabic! I will go back to edited it to read "Ibn al-Nabi."

I'm glad that you approved of the post and the general vibe of the piece, as I really do strive to capture the general feel of the different cultures of this world as best I can, and make them seem authentic. Which classes do you teach, if you don't mind me asking? Since you seem to have a much stronger background in this topic than do I, I will take your approval of these series of chapters as high praise, indeed :)

On a side note, Salomon and Bilqis was one of the inspirations for Daliyah and Al-Hassan, so I'm glad that that comes through in the piece. I have to admit that I did not know about Muhammad's love of cats (and I'm rather shocked I have missed that in my readings on Arab-Islamic history over the years; especially since I'm a cat guy myself), but I am glad that is forms an interesting parallel tradition in OTL to match Ibn al-Nabi's love of dogs. On a side note, I almost made Ibn al-Nabi have a love of cats instead; but chose to focus on dogs because I A) don't like putting too much of myself into the different characters, for obvious reasons and B) one of my cats was knocking my computer mouse off of my desk every time I turned around, and I was rather annoyed with the little girl :D

I teach Arabic Literature, Arabic Philology and History of Islam, the first at both the equivalent of undergrad and (since today) BA levels. I happened to mention Bilqis and Salomon last week, for instance, and indeed my teaching now is obviously focused on the formative decades of Islam and Arabic (written) literature.
Love for cats is really a thing in Early and Classical Islam. There must be a grain of truth in the reports of Muhammad's (and, even more, A'isha's) love and mercy for animals in general, but many reports single out cats as especially well-considered, a fact that the Classical tradition elaborates upon (there are scholars writing fine poetry in praise of their cats, for instance). I would guess this relates to the visible cleanliness of cats (Islam puts a huge emphasis on purity and cleanliness).
 
I teach Arabic Literature, Arabic Philology and History of Islam, the first at both the equivalent of undergrad and (since today) BA levels. I happened to mention Bilqis and Salomon last week, for instance, and indeed my teaching now is obviously focused on the formative decades of Islam and Arabic (written) literature.
Love for cats is really a thing in Early and Classical Islam. There must be a grain of truth in the reports of Muhammad's (and, even more, A'isha's) love and mercy for animals in general, but many reports single out cats as especially well-considered, a fact that the Classical tradition elaborates upon (there are scholars writing fine poetry in praise of their cats, for instance). I would guess this relates to the visible cleanliness of cats (Islam puts a huge emphasis on purity and cleanliness).

Fascinating! That totally makes sense. While researching this post, I came upon several references to Muhammad's love of animals and the prohibitions against animal cruelty in the faith. It was both interesting and, truthfully, heart warming. Good luck on your teaching; I'm only doing so at the Bachelor's level as an adjunct currently as I only have my Master's (I'm applying for PhD programs in the next few months, actually). Early Arabic history is a very interesting topic, and one that I would love to delve into more in the future.
 
Fascinating! That totally makes sense. While researching this post, I came upon several references to Muhammad's love of animals and the prohibitions against animal cruelty in the faith. It was both interesting and, truthfully, heart warming. Good luck on your teaching; I'm only doing so at the Bachelor's level as an adjunct currently as I only have my Master's (I'm applying for PhD programs in the next few months, actually). Early Arabic history is a very interesting topic, and one that I would love to delve into more in the future.

PM me if you need bibliographical advice on Early Arabia, although my area of expertise in more toward later periods (Medieval philosophy in particular). Also, as a fellow adjunct, I express my solidarity. :D
 
PM me if you need bibliographical advice on Early Arabia, although my area of expertise in more toward later periods (Medieval philosophy in particular). Also, as a fellow adjunct, I express my solidarity. :D

I will have to do that! I do wonder, do you have any insight into the form of Manichaenism that I have develop in Arabia?

Also: Adjuncts Unite, we have nothing to lose but our chains! :D

All joking aside, I've been adoring it. The last three semesters have been the first time I've had my own classroom in years; I had previously taught High School in a particularly rough village in rural Alaska a number of years back, and had moved away from the profession after that. Its been great to remember that I truly am a teacher and how fulfilling it can be (albeit with the usual instructor complaints, such as "Why won't students turn their work in on time", "Do they even listen to me when I give directions" and "I told them I don't accept late work. Will they please stop asking!?" :p )
 
While researching this post, I came upon several references to Muhammad's love of animals and the prohibitions against animal cruelty in the faith. It was both interesting and, truthfully, heart warming.
It might be surprising that there is a whole trend of literary and juridical texts denouncing animal cruelty in Medieval Islam (as P. Crone acutely notes, it looks like cruelty on animal seems to have been regarded as WAY less acceptable than cruelty on humans. And this includes meat animals). The extreme is probably the tenth century Case of Animals against Man, (an English translation exists but I am unsure of the exact title) where all animals sue the humankind in front of the King of Djinn under several charges equivalent to what we would call war crimes today. Humanity finally wins the case, but just barely, acquitted on the rather curious basis that it is the species to whom the Prophet Muhammad belongs - but it is still admonished to treat animals better. It is a fairly striking work.
 
Its been great to remember that I truly am a teacher and how fulfilling it can be (albeit with the usual instructor complaints, such as "Why won't students turn their work in on time", "Do they even listen to me when I give directions" and "I told them I don't accept late work. Will they please stop asking!?" :p )

Ohhh, they are SO CUTE. :D I am indeed very fond of my students, and I can relate very well on everything you write.
 
A4? You should turn it into a book if you have the time!

- BNC

Not sure if a long timeline, not in a novel form, would be viable as a book (as seems to be the case of most of my writing projects, I'm afraid! :p). But, yeah, this entire timeline is over 220 pages and I'm about half way through, I would guess. At this rate, I may finally finish within a decade :p
 
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