Sæculum Novum
- Thread starter Janus_Antoninus
- Start date
Interesting take. I can certainly see that. You might be interested in giving this a read if you ever get the chance (It's pretty quick, I breezed through it in 2 days).
Either way, I look forward to how you develop religion in this timeline.
Another assistance that came across my mind. Diocletian's centralization of the bureaucracy left a lot of room for Christians to fill the void locally speaking once Constantine and his sons started favoring and promoting Christianity. Cities were patronized by local elites generally who lavished money on new buildings and renovations and all that good stuff for their home/adopted cities and towns-running/being the important men in their local town/city was the height for most minor aristocrats. So when Diocletian centralized everything, there was a void to be filled there. As I understand it, the clergy partially filled that void after Constantine, as did, of course, wealthy newly converted Christians (for the reasons I mentioned in the previous post), who funded the construction of a church here and there, rather than a temple.That's a helpful noteRegardless of which religion I make dominant, I will keep this process in mind! Your other comments on how the turmoil of the 3rd century accelerated people's displeasure with the prevailing religion is also an interesting point (although if this process did occur there then it would seem to be the exception rather than the rule when considering (a) other shitty periods in the history of civilizations and (b) other major demographic shifts in the religious beliefs of civilizations).
I always wondered what more Galen could do with a little more support and luck. Good to see you're exploring that in this timeline. Look forward to it.
Interesting, a Commodus out of the picture, Marc Aurelius having a strike of luck finding a really gifted boy, stoicism go for the best in Rome, while TTL Baden-Wurtemberg were secured for the Empire. Naturally my thoughts goes over the big elephant in the room so the clashes of religions. Seems favoured Mithraism but let's see how things will goes...
I want to open by apologizing profusely for the long delay in this post. In early May, I started a new job and had been spending weekends traveling between cities to say goodbye to old friends leaving the country, keeping my mind entirely off writing. Fortunately, my schedule has stabilized now so I should be able to maintain a weekly posting of new installments of Sæculum Novum. The present post, coming in the middle of the week, will be an exception to this plan.
In any case, here is, as promised, a post on the start of Galen's career with Sulla and a few other events from the first decade and a half of his reign (I'm debating whether it's better to post by period of time or by topic within a reign - I'm open to feedback on this point, as on everything else).
In any case, enjoy!
============================================================================
With the greatest threat from his father's reign subdued and his position in Rome more secure, Sulla directed his attention to seemingly lesser dangers [1]. His primary concern at this time was the plague that had ravaged the empire for the prior 20 years. As the personal physician of Sulla since 181, Galen of Pergamon warned of this persistent threat and advised confronting the issue before it resurfaced. Perhaps largely for this reason, Sulla commissioned a center for medicine in the eastern provinces, a region more closely associated than any at this time with the epidemics of plague [2].
Built upon the aescvulapivm of Alexandria, this new facility was put under the administration of Galen in 187, only a few years before construction finished on the last of its buildings. From this platform, Galen and his colleagues launched an exploration into the physiology of man and the nature of disease. For this purpose, medical treatises from throughout the known world were copied for storage in its expansive library. Within a few decades, a medical student at its academy could access nearly the entirety of his civilization's written knowledge about medicine in one location. The resulting breadth and depth of knowledge for medici and chirvrgii coming out of this school was a dramatic change from education on medicine - earlier physicians could only benefit from the specific knowledge of their local mentors and the parochial traditions on medicine.
With this vast library at his disposal, Galen worked with his peers in settling the doctrinal disputes that plagued the medical practice of their day - emboldening the discussions that arose frequently between the proponents of each school. Physicians were broadly split between the schools of the Methodici, Empirici, and Dogmatici. For his part, Galen was an opponent of the Methodic school for its rejection of patient history in the treatment of disease and took his own methods from sources as diverse as Hippocrates, Aristotle, Chrysippus, and the other two conventional schools of Greek medicine. Bringing these practices to the discussion of medical research, Galen assisted in bringing about a shift toward doctrinal unity in the medical community, a state of affairs that was on the horizon even in 195 [3].
Meanwhile, Sulla turned his attention on Aelia Capitolina and the province of Syria Palestina. During the peace celebrations following the end of the Marcomannic Wars, the young emperor extended an olive branch to a group of people that had been the cause of other bloody wars in the past - the Jewish people - by repealing Caesar Hadrianvs' edict outlawing circumcised men from the former city of Hierosolyma. Not even the thought of evicting Roman colonists that had taken up residence there arose, nor were there any plans of dismantling Roman temples, but the older parts of the city were opened for Jewish settlement and became the focus of public funding for the thousands of returning Jews. Making a grand event of their return, Sulla emphasized the benefits of cooperating with Rome and the need for peaceful relations between Romans and Jews.
Many Jews were distrustful of the sudden kindness of Rome but, over the next decades, tens of thousands more Jews returned to Syria Palestina as aspects of the 'exile' mindset began to slowly evaporate. Jewish communities around Aelia Capitolina were generally segregated from Roman communities (in a self-imposed sense) but the two interacted constantly. On the one hand, some Romans heaped scorn upon the Jews, as crimes committed within the city tended to be directed at these distrusted non-citizens, while on the other hand, commerce between the Jews and more tolerant Gentiles was strong, allowing the business of money-changers to flourish [4].
Back home, Sulla enjoyed the reputation that would normally follow a victorious general - as a result of the association that he had deepened with the heroes of the Marcomannic Wars by joining them in their triumph and keeping those still in Rome within his close circle. In this way, he dispelled the opposition of some senators to the restoration of Jews to a Roman colony and enlarged his reach in the provinces, sending the other generals to govern under his auspices. One setback in these plans was the death of Clodius Albinus in 186 during a military response to an uprising by Gauls against Roman taxes; the popular general received a heroic funeral, a distraction from debates about the changes going on in the Palestine region. The grandeur of this public funeral also went toward dispelling the growing idea that the emperor was stingy with his purse, due to his persistently lackluster festivals and games in the two years since the grand triumph. Indeed, Sulla was reported to have openly shut down suggestions of gladiatorial games in the Senate - a likely source of this reputation.
Another close ally, Helvius Pertinax, had garnered some personal popularity in 188 from defeating an organized invasion by the Chatti when, under a deficiency of legionaries during his governance of Germania Svperior, he made decisive use of his auxiliary archers. Pertinax made every effort to play up his victory to his peers [5]. When he returned to the frontiers in 196, this time as governor of Dacia, he added several cohortes milliaria sagittariorvm to the local forces. With the arduous terrain and widespread fortifications in the region, these archers saw even more extensive use than legionaries in the field. Control over Dacia had been facilitated, at this time, by the reconstruction in 188 of the Pontvm Traiani, a segmental arch bridge over a kilometer long. Although the bridge had been destroyed decades earlier due to the risk of foreign invaders, these dangers were now outweighed by the utility for securing an enlarged Dacia.
In more mundane affairs, the Senate began to bring the main cities of Ægyptvs under the same currencies as the other cities in the empire, completely dissolving the Egyptian tetradrachm [6]. The grain trade and loans to merchants provided natural means of bringing about this change but a large portion of the Senate's efforts went through local money lenders, affording a gradual transition from the tetradrachm to the denarivs and as. Motivating the removal of the tetradrachm was a dramatic inflation in Egyptian prices, hurting the purchase of grain by Rome, and blamed on Sulla's revaluation of the more widespread Roman currency. Over the next few decades, this transition, perhaps largely due to increasing senatorial purchases and imports in the region, restored the price of grain and settled the growing frustration of the local poor.
Only a few years after these expenses began, they were curtailed in face of a more pressing endeavor. From 194 to 195, Parthia had been tampering with the loyalty of the king of Osroene, in an attempt to remove the primary Roman client in the region and add to their own vassal kingdoms. Sulla responded by attacking Parthia, bringing four legions from Europe to supplement local forces. Although Sulla had earlier reduced the garrison in Arabia to bolster forces in Britannia, in reaction to the overruning of the Vallvm Antoninvm by Picts, the eastern legions remained one of the largest Roman contingents. With Sulla at their head, the four European legions arrived in Syria after the spring storms of 195 [8]. The stage was set for another iteration in the wars between Rome and Persia.
----------------------------
[1] This next threat is equally as serious, if not more so, than the threat of Germanic and Sarmatian invaders.
[2] As the source of the Antonine Plague.
[3] The shift toward doctrinal unity on medicine is only partially the result of the authority that Galen had acquired within the medical community and depended more on the tendency of the new academy to promote open discussion of medicine as well as the philosophy of medicine. Of course, the unified doctrine that results from this consensus will take decades to permeate the entire medical community, large and diverse as the Roman Empire is.
[4] Profane currencies (e.g. the denarius) were frequently exchanged for religious, especially around Jewish festivals where pilgrims flocked to former Jerusalem.
[5] Archery was an uncommon form of combat for Roman soldiers, except through the auxiliaries, until the 4th century.
[6] Provinces such as Egypt did not use Roman currency for most commerce. It is worth keeping in mind that the "use" of a currency within a region was nowhere near as homogeneous or widespread as modern currency.
[7] Granting that Septimius Severus instigated the war with Parthia at this time, an invasion by Parthia may be considered a divergence from OTL, perhaps instigated by Sulla doing something to sour Roman-Parthian relations.
[8] In my mind, Pertinax convinced Sulla to bring several regiments of foot archers for the war.
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The next post will delve into Galen's discoveries about the human body (bringing Roman knowledge in this area up to the 16th century OTL through his dissections and vivisections). For now, I'm interested in the response to my decision of where to locate his academy and, similarly, to the choice of restoring parts of Jerusalem to the Jewish people. I enjoy scrutiny of all my decisions but I feel these may be more open to constructive criticism
In any case, here is, as promised, a post on the start of Galen's career with Sulla and a few other events from the first decade and a half of his reign (I'm debating whether it's better to post by period of time or by topic within a reign - I'm open to feedback on this point, as on everything else).
In any case, enjoy!
============================================================================
A Brief Pax Romana
185-195 CE
With the greatest threat from his father's reign subdued and his position in Rome more secure, Sulla directed his attention to seemingly lesser dangers [1]. His primary concern at this time was the plague that had ravaged the empire for the prior 20 years. As the personal physician of Sulla since 181, Galen of Pergamon warned of this persistent threat and advised confronting the issue before it resurfaced. Perhaps largely for this reason, Sulla commissioned a center for medicine in the eastern provinces, a region more closely associated than any at this time with the epidemics of plague [2].
Built upon the aescvulapivm of Alexandria, this new facility was put under the administration of Galen in 187, only a few years before construction finished on the last of its buildings. From this platform, Galen and his colleagues launched an exploration into the physiology of man and the nature of disease. For this purpose, medical treatises from throughout the known world were copied for storage in its expansive library. Within a few decades, a medical student at its academy could access nearly the entirety of his civilization's written knowledge about medicine in one location. The resulting breadth and depth of knowledge for medici and chirvrgii coming out of this school was a dramatic change from education on medicine - earlier physicians could only benefit from the specific knowledge of their local mentors and the parochial traditions on medicine.
With this vast library at his disposal, Galen worked with his peers in settling the doctrinal disputes that plagued the medical practice of their day - emboldening the discussions that arose frequently between the proponents of each school. Physicians were broadly split between the schools of the Methodici, Empirici, and Dogmatici. For his part, Galen was an opponent of the Methodic school for its rejection of patient history in the treatment of disease and took his own methods from sources as diverse as Hippocrates, Aristotle, Chrysippus, and the other two conventional schools of Greek medicine. Bringing these practices to the discussion of medical research, Galen assisted in bringing about a shift toward doctrinal unity in the medical community, a state of affairs that was on the horizon even in 195 [3].
Meanwhile, Sulla turned his attention on Aelia Capitolina and the province of Syria Palestina. During the peace celebrations following the end of the Marcomannic Wars, the young emperor extended an olive branch to a group of people that had been the cause of other bloody wars in the past - the Jewish people - by repealing Caesar Hadrianvs' edict outlawing circumcised men from the former city of Hierosolyma. Not even the thought of evicting Roman colonists that had taken up residence there arose, nor were there any plans of dismantling Roman temples, but the older parts of the city were opened for Jewish settlement and became the focus of public funding for the thousands of returning Jews. Making a grand event of their return, Sulla emphasized the benefits of cooperating with Rome and the need for peaceful relations between Romans and Jews.
Many Jews were distrustful of the sudden kindness of Rome but, over the next decades, tens of thousands more Jews returned to Syria Palestina as aspects of the 'exile' mindset began to slowly evaporate. Jewish communities around Aelia Capitolina were generally segregated from Roman communities (in a self-imposed sense) but the two interacted constantly. On the one hand, some Romans heaped scorn upon the Jews, as crimes committed within the city tended to be directed at these distrusted non-citizens, while on the other hand, commerce between the Jews and more tolerant Gentiles was strong, allowing the business of money-changers to flourish [4].
Back home, Sulla enjoyed the reputation that would normally follow a victorious general - as a result of the association that he had deepened with the heroes of the Marcomannic Wars by joining them in their triumph and keeping those still in Rome within his close circle. In this way, he dispelled the opposition of some senators to the restoration of Jews to a Roman colony and enlarged his reach in the provinces, sending the other generals to govern under his auspices. One setback in these plans was the death of Clodius Albinus in 186 during a military response to an uprising by Gauls against Roman taxes; the popular general received a heroic funeral, a distraction from debates about the changes going on in the Palestine region. The grandeur of this public funeral also went toward dispelling the growing idea that the emperor was stingy with his purse, due to his persistently lackluster festivals and games in the two years since the grand triumph. Indeed, Sulla was reported to have openly shut down suggestions of gladiatorial games in the Senate - a likely source of this reputation.
Another close ally, Helvius Pertinax, had garnered some personal popularity in 188 from defeating an organized invasion by the Chatti when, under a deficiency of legionaries during his governance of Germania Svperior, he made decisive use of his auxiliary archers. Pertinax made every effort to play up his victory to his peers [5]. When he returned to the frontiers in 196, this time as governor of Dacia, he added several cohortes milliaria sagittariorvm to the local forces. With the arduous terrain and widespread fortifications in the region, these archers saw even more extensive use than legionaries in the field. Control over Dacia had been facilitated, at this time, by the reconstruction in 188 of the Pontvm Traiani, a segmental arch bridge over a kilometer long. Although the bridge had been destroyed decades earlier due to the risk of foreign invaders, these dangers were now outweighed by the utility for securing an enlarged Dacia.
In more mundane affairs, the Senate began to bring the main cities of Ægyptvs under the same currencies as the other cities in the empire, completely dissolving the Egyptian tetradrachm [6]. The grain trade and loans to merchants provided natural means of bringing about this change but a large portion of the Senate's efforts went through local money lenders, affording a gradual transition from the tetradrachm to the denarivs and as. Motivating the removal of the tetradrachm was a dramatic inflation in Egyptian prices, hurting the purchase of grain by Rome, and blamed on Sulla's revaluation of the more widespread Roman currency. Over the next few decades, this transition, perhaps largely due to increasing senatorial purchases and imports in the region, restored the price of grain and settled the growing frustration of the local poor.
Only a few years after these expenses began, they were curtailed in face of a more pressing endeavor. From 194 to 195, Parthia had been tampering with the loyalty of the king of Osroene, in an attempt to remove the primary Roman client in the region and add to their own vassal kingdoms. Sulla responded by attacking Parthia, bringing four legions from Europe to supplement local forces. Although Sulla had earlier reduced the garrison in Arabia to bolster forces in Britannia, in reaction to the overruning of the Vallvm Antoninvm by Picts, the eastern legions remained one of the largest Roman contingents. With Sulla at their head, the four European legions arrived in Syria after the spring storms of 195 [8]. The stage was set for another iteration in the wars between Rome and Persia.
----------------------------
[1] This next threat is equally as serious, if not more so, than the threat of Germanic and Sarmatian invaders.
[2] As the source of the Antonine Plague.
[3] The shift toward doctrinal unity on medicine is only partially the result of the authority that Galen had acquired within the medical community and depended more on the tendency of the new academy to promote open discussion of medicine as well as the philosophy of medicine. Of course, the unified doctrine that results from this consensus will take decades to permeate the entire medical community, large and diverse as the Roman Empire is.
[4] Profane currencies (e.g. the denarius) were frequently exchanged for religious, especially around Jewish festivals where pilgrims flocked to former Jerusalem.
[5] Archery was an uncommon form of combat for Roman soldiers, except through the auxiliaries, until the 4th century.
[6] Provinces such as Egypt did not use Roman currency for most commerce. It is worth keeping in mind that the "use" of a currency within a region was nowhere near as homogeneous or widespread as modern currency.
[7] Granting that Septimius Severus instigated the war with Parthia at this time, an invasion by Parthia may be considered a divergence from OTL, perhaps instigated by Sulla doing something to sour Roman-Parthian relations.
[8] In my mind, Pertinax convinced Sulla to bring several regiments of foot archers for the war.
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The next post will delve into Galen's discoveries about the human body (bringing Roman knowledge in this area up to the 16th century OTL through his dissections and vivisections). For now, I'm interested in the response to my decision of where to locate his academy and, similarly, to the choice of restoring parts of Jerusalem to the Jewish people. I enjoy scrutiny of all my decisions but I feel these may be more open to constructive criticism
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Question time!
1. Do we know anything about Sulla having any children yet? Will he continue the tradition of adopted succession?
2. While Sulla is mending relations with the Jews - ending their exile really early - what did he do about those pesky Christians during his early reign? Anything? Does he feel like promoting any Roman cults just yet?
3. Vologases V seems to have great influence in the Caucasus - given that he currently rules Armenia directly as Vagharsh II Arshakuni (has not yet given that throne to his son Khosrov, who was neutral IOTL) and has another son Rev on the throne of Kartli. What sort of role then will these allies of Parthia play?
4. Speaking of the Jews, what does Judah the Prince think of all of this?
5. The Cimmerian Bosphoros during this time is ruled by Sauromates II (r. 174-209 OTL). He seems to have campaigned successfully against invading Scytho-Sarmatian tribes around this time IOTL and worshipped a cult of Aphrodite. Still the Goths creep ever closer onto the Pontic Steppe, and I fear that without Roman support the vibrant hellenistic Kingdom may fall to those Germanic barbarians. Whatever shall you dooooo?
6. After dealing with Parthia I feel that rather significant action should be taken against the Caledonii who not only have overtaken the Antoine wall but threaten the Hadrian Wall as well. Who are they led by I wonder? Who would lead the Roman campaigns? Is it too late to try an expedition into Hibernia? A general overview of the Brittanian situation would not hurt either.
7. Speaking of border regions, what will Roman Africa do since Severus does not yet campaign against the Mauri and Garamantes as in OTL?
8. Back to Dacia, a vast number of Sarmatians, Basternae and Dacians have just found themselves under Roman suzerainty. In some future update, can we take a long good look at their customs, culture and religion/mythology (including Zalmoxis) to get a better impression of the larger impact they will have throughout the next century and beyond?
9. Is it too early in Roman history for Sulla to try creating foederati with the Nabatean-Palmyran tribes of Arabia, or should he find a different approach?
10. I will also PM you on any portrait commissions of people who do not yet already have busts dedicated to them.
1. Do we know anything about Sulla having any children yet? Will he continue the tradition of adopted succession?
2. While Sulla is mending relations with the Jews - ending their exile really early - what did he do about those pesky Christians during his early reign? Anything? Does he feel like promoting any Roman cults just yet?
3. Vologases V seems to have great influence in the Caucasus - given that he currently rules Armenia directly as Vagharsh II Arshakuni (has not yet given that throne to his son Khosrov, who was neutral IOTL) and has another son Rev on the throne of Kartli. What sort of role then will these allies of Parthia play?
4. Speaking of the Jews, what does Judah the Prince think of all of this?
5. The Cimmerian Bosphoros during this time is ruled by Sauromates II (r. 174-209 OTL). He seems to have campaigned successfully against invading Scytho-Sarmatian tribes around this time IOTL and worshipped a cult of Aphrodite. Still the Goths creep ever closer onto the Pontic Steppe, and I fear that without Roman support the vibrant hellenistic Kingdom may fall to those Germanic barbarians. Whatever shall you dooooo?
6. After dealing with Parthia I feel that rather significant action should be taken against the Caledonii who not only have overtaken the Antoine wall but threaten the Hadrian Wall as well. Who are they led by I wonder? Who would lead the Roman campaigns? Is it too late to try an expedition into Hibernia? A general overview of the Brittanian situation would not hurt either.
7. Speaking of border regions, what will Roman Africa do since Severus does not yet campaign against the Mauri and Garamantes as in OTL?
8. Back to Dacia, a vast number of Sarmatians, Basternae and Dacians have just found themselves under Roman suzerainty. In some future update, can we take a long good look at their customs, culture and religion/mythology (including Zalmoxis) to get a better impression of the larger impact they will have throughout the next century and beyond?
9. Is it too early in Roman history for Sulla to try creating foederati with the Nabatean-Palmyran tribes of Arabia, or should he find a different approach?
10. I will also PM you on any portrait commissions of people who do not yet already have busts dedicated to them.
11. Regarding butterflies - I just made a chart of famous peoples according to timeframe and found several people who will already be butterflied away. Galen and Cassius Dio are safe, but Plotinus (founder of Neoplatonism) is not (born 204). Tertulian of Carthage (no wait actually he may not be converted ITTL) and Clement of Alexandria are safe, but Origen is not (born 184). He may be born a similar person but not as we know him. As for Persia, Ardashir (OTL Sassanid founder) is fine (since butterflies don't hit Persia until 195 or so). But Mani is toast (Born 216), very important thing that he isn't. I'll see what atmosphere made him preach his ideas in a bit, see if the possibility exists for a similar prophet. Irenaeus is also currently attacking Gnosticism from Lugdunum with his "Adversus Haereses" as of 180 OTL. Perhaps we should put him down a peg so that Gnostic sects get a better chance ITTL.
Regarding the place for his academy-I think the best location would be Alexandria. This isn't entirely because Alexandria was the center of medical knowledge during the Hellenistic and early imperial period (which it was), but because as I understand it, disections of the human body were seen more as taboo in the rest of the Roman and Hellenistic world. In Egypt, these taboos did not apply-It is no coincidence that it was in Egypt that Herophilus and Eristratus were the first to practice dissection and vivisection, and that they chose Alexandria to open their school of anatomy.
Also, this is a less important point, but it'll make life a lot easier for acquiring all the written medical knowledge Galen and his medical colleagues can get their hands on if they have easy access to the library of Alexandria.
Otherwise, another thing I'm interested in seeing is the developments in Parthia that led Vologases to be strong enough to contemplate invading Roman allies. They were in a pretty rough and unstable state between the sack of Ctesiphon and their ultimate fall to the Sassanians OTL.
Also, this is a less important point, but it'll make life a lot easier for acquiring all the written medical knowledge Galen and his medical colleagues can get their hands on if they have easy access to the library of Alexandria.
Otherwise, another thing I'm interested in seeing is the developments in Parthia that led Vologases to be strong enough to contemplate invading Roman allies. They were in a pretty rough and unstable state between the sack of Ctesiphon and their ultimate fall to the Sassanians OTL.
I'll see if I can find that at a library nearby. Thanks, that seems like a useful source.
So a summary of the factors you've cited for the rise of Christianity in the Roman Empire would include: hard times of the 3rd century destroying faith in the old religion, Constantine and his successors favoring Christians for promotions, offices, ranks, etc., centralization of power leaving a vacuum filled by the clergy, and public works in small communities by Christian elites. I'll keep these factors in mind as I post the timeline and will weigh them as I decide the direction of Roman religion. I have a few other factors in mind, the inevitability of heno/monotheism being one, but I appreciate you emphasizing these other points.
Ah, Grouchio, let's begin a little dialogue on these points of yours, shall we? You touch on a number of thoughts that I want my timeline to address so I hope we can come to some consensus on these points:
- By 195, Sulla would have had several natural children with Polonia, after all they would both be in their early thirties. Despite having natural children, I am having Sulla, under political pressure and out of a desire to maintain meritorious rule, adopt a successor and to hold off adopting his choice until his sixties. Does adoption seem a realistic choice for an emperor with natural sons?
- My original concept had Sulla enforce tolerance of religions (not in a modern way, but in an analogous manner to the Mughal Akbar) but the supposed treatment of Christians by Marcus Aurelius seemed in opposition to this stance. Certainly in the first few years of his reign, Sulla would have persisted in the policies of his father toward Christians. In the later part, I am unsure. How do you think a moral, Stoic emperor would treat Christians at this time?
- Armenia and Kartlia will of course fight alongside Parthia in the coming war. However, the result of the war will almost certainly be the removal of the Arsacid dynasty in Armenia and its replacement by a king loyal to Rome. I imagine that some look into the failures of Lucius Verus to do the same a few decades earlier will be instructive here. I also intend on elaborating on the casus belli for the war with Parthia, possibly to reverse the direction of the declaration of war.
- Great question, I confess I had not heard of Judah the Prince until now. Could you (or anyone, I'm happy to have anyone answer my questions here ) enlighten me on his beliefs and practices? What did he think of Rome? How closely did he look to tradition? What did he feel of the exile of the Jews?
- My plans for Sulla and the Cimmerian Bosporus is that around the 220's, when Gothic invasions would be picking up, Sulla would attempt to ally with the Alanic Sarmatians to help the Cimmerians repel the Goths; I am open to commentary on his odds of success in that endeavor. However, I have in mind that his successor will be averse to military affairs and the efforts of his generals will be focused on the escalating incursions into Upper Germany, leaving the Bosporan kingdom to fall. However, I imagine that the Goths would move south after bringing down the Cimmerians and Rome would be forced to focus its efforts on expelling them from the region, restoring a Cimmerian kingdom in the region. At least, that's an outline of what I see happening.
- Ah, you will not be disappointed The next post will elaborate on how Sulla responded to the Caledonians moving past the Antonine Wall and will cover, if not the entirety, at least the beginning of his conquest of Caledonia. I do not see sufficient incentive nor capability for an invasion of Hibernia, although my original concept has such a thing occur in the 4th century in response to Hibernian piracy.
- My knowledge of the situation around Africa Proconsularis and Numidia is that there was no urgent need for a campaign against the Garamantes and that Septimius Severus was likely motivated by his personal ties to the Romans in those provinces. I do not see Sulla campaigning against the Mauri or Garamantes. I have in mind that this will have some consequences for his successor.
- Absolutely! The Dacians were an underappreciated group in my original concept of the timeline so I'd like to shine some light on how their integration influences Roman culture, religion, and politics. Alongside your mention of Zalmoxis, do you have any other suggestions in this regard?
- At the moment, I do not see a reason for Rome to take an interest in the Nabateans. However, the province of Arabia Petraea is a representative part of Roman culture and politics at this time and trade with the Nabateans quite significant so I imagine that the influence of Roman culture on the Nabateans would be significant regardless. Do you have any reasons for Rome to create foederati in this area at this time? (I will do some more research into this possibility in the meanwhile)
- I look forward to receiving it!
- I would very much like to see this chart I had similar thoughts that the doctrines of Manichaeism would arise regardless of the existence of Mani. In my original concept, I kept the name and timing of Mani but your comment has convinced me to go against my earlier ideas there. As for Irenaeus, his influence on Christianity seems hard to mitigate, given his position and given that his works were in fact influential, but I do see Gnosticism gaining more ground ITTL before anything major happens to the broader community of Christians (either its decline or its rise, in light of what seems reasonable). The growth of Gnosticism is in the tradition I mentioned earlier of an accelerated tendency of philosophy toward mono/henotheism ITTL.
I encourage anyone, who so desires, to answer my questions in the above list; I hope to have discussion from as many directions as possible as I work on improving this timeline
Ozymandias said:
Ah, I hadn't known about the lack of taboos against dissection of the human body. That changes a lot but I think there would need to already exist a major center of medicine in Alexandria for it to be chosen as the location of Galen's academy. I will try to find out whether the medical school of Herophilus and Eristratus was still around at that time or if there was an aesclepion already in the city.
I intend on editing the details of why Parthia invaded Osroene. My earlier understanding of the situation was that Vologases IV had invaded Osroene while Severus fought Clodius Albinus and had pushed Severus to war a few years earlier by offering assistance to Pescennius Niger while tampering with Roman rule over Osroene. However, I am convinced that the direction I chose for the start of this Parthian War was probably ill-conceived and I will be editing my previous post, if that is still possible. Your comment was helpful in changing my mind
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IOTL, Galen spent a lot of time at the Museum in Alexandria. A quick look at Wikipedia shows that it was in Alexandria where Galen examined human skeletons and already dissected animals (though interestingly the wikipedia article states the taboos against human dissection extended to Egypt at this time, which I personally doubt, since I'm skeptical that what was not taboo in Egypt in the Hellenistic era suddenly became taboo in the imperial period). So there's definitely a lot of history OTL at least with Galen and Alexandria.
Ah okay. I imagine it will be great either way.I intend on editing the details of why Parthia invaded Osroene. My earlier understanding of the situation was that Vologases IV had invaded Osroene while Severus fought Clodius Albinus and had pushed Severus to war a few years earlier by offering assistance to Pescennius Niger while tampering with Roman rule over Osroene. However, I am convinced that the direction I chose for the start of this Parthian War was probably ill-conceived and I will be editing my previous post, if that is still possible. Your comment was helpful in changing my mind
1. It appears to still be general tradition to adopt heirs, except that Vespasian had no qualms passing the throne to his son Titus, who passed it to his brother Domitian.
2. Hmm. OTL Septimus Severus made a Christian his personal physician and saved several high-born converts from mobs, yet local persecutions continued as before. Marcus Aurelius himself is not known to have a personal opinion, but the general consensus of Emperors at this time was to leave such matters to their subordinates to handle. In this new version, I would still like to see if Sulla or his successor could start introducing powerful cults more openly, paving the way towards Henotheistic dominance.
3. Now I wonder who would become the new dynasts loyal to Rome? House Mamikonian perhaps? And who would they worship?
4. Well...
5. Now why would Gothic incursions, although present at this time, be able to bring the Bosporan Kingdom to it's knees so early in their involvement? IOTL, the Goths weren't a serious threat until at least 235 CE, and even then took another century to finally overrun the Bosporus. Unless you're planning for butterflies to generate a powerful early King of the Goths capable of such a feat.
8. Well, I would suggest doing some good research on the topics of Dacians and Sarmatians, regards to their customs, etc and figuring that out yourself.
9. I would suppose for similar reasons why the Romans formed a Foedus with the Ghassanids against the Sassanids and Lakhmids IOTL.
11. Again, I promise to look into what formed Manicheanism specifically.
2. Hmm. OTL Septimus Severus made a Christian his personal physician and saved several high-born converts from mobs, yet local persecutions continued as before. Marcus Aurelius himself is not known to have a personal opinion, but the general consensus of Emperors at this time was to leave such matters to their subordinates to handle. In this new version, I would still like to see if Sulla or his successor could start introducing powerful cults more openly, paving the way towards Henotheistic dominance.
3. Now I wonder who would become the new dynasts loyal to Rome? House Mamikonian perhaps? And who would they worship?
4. Well...
5. Now why would Gothic incursions, although present at this time, be able to bring the Bosporan Kingdom to it's knees so early in their involvement? IOTL, the Goths weren't a serious threat until at least 235 CE, and even then took another century to finally overrun the Bosporus. Unless you're planning for butterflies to generate a powerful early King of the Goths capable of such a feat.
8. Well, I would suggest doing some good research on the topics of Dacians and Sarmatians, regards to their customs, etc and figuring that out yourself.
9. I would suppose for similar reasons why the Romans formed a Foedus with the Ghassanids against the Sassanids and Lakhmids IOTL.
11. Again, I promise to look into what formed Manicheanism specifically.
- Alright, that fits with my understanding of the situation.
- I'll keep that in mind about Severus. I had heard that Marcus Aurelius was purported to have an intolerant stance towards Christians but I will check my sources again to be sure. Mhm, so far I am looking into which cults will be involved in the upcoming religions tensions for Rome and what an emperor at the time of Sulla would think of them. The worship of Sol Invictus, the Mithraic Mysteries, and local Dacian cults are specifically on my radar, in following people's suggestions.
- House Mamikonian does not seem to have been a force in Armenia at the time of Sulla. Of the major local houses, the Herodian and Artaxiad houses seem extinct at this time but I see contenders in the Ardzruni and Bagratid-Orontid. There is also precedent for the Romans to find a sympathizer within House Arsacid, to place them on the throne of Armenia. Lastly, there is the option of creating a new house, although I dread the thought of inventing its name :/
- haha That was the first place that I looked but thanks anyway. I'm sifting through the books I have for info on his beliefs and for an elaboration/evidence on his personal relationship with Roman emperors.
- I have the "fall" of the Bosporan Kingdom slated for the 250's - in short, the Goths plundering of the Bosporan kingdom escalates more than IOTL and ruins the kingdom. My view is that Gothic power was not lacking for this purpose and that their plundering at that time could just as easily have become outright pillaging and uprooting. Does that seem excessive?
I only asked because it sounded like you had some prior knowledge on Dacian culture.9. I will compare that decision to the historical reasons, or lack thereof, for Rome not allying with the Nabateans. Should be an interesting comparison!
2. I would also include the Egyptian cults of Isis and (to a lesser extent) Serapis, the Phyrgian cult of Cybele and the Celtic cult of Epona (to complement Mithras) as other considerable powerful cults at the current time that may also change with the planned rise of Henotheism.
3. There are plenty of Hayasdani noble houses to choose from here.
5. Not if it's later restored as a Gotho-Sarmatic Kingdom.
3. There are plenty of Hayasdani noble houses to choose from here.
5. Not if it's later restored as a Gotho-Sarmatic Kingdom.
Deleted member 67076
This is awesome. I've always loved Principate Timelines and their so rare now, its quite refreshing to see a change.
While we're throwing ideas out there, how about a henotheistic Christianity?
While we're throwing ideas out there, how about a henotheistic Christianity?
The Triumphs of Sulla
196-204 CE
The East ignited with the flame of war. The might of Rome, alongside its client Osroene, bore down upon the combined forces of Persia, Armenia, Atropatene, and Kartlia - all of whom answered to Arsacid kings [1]. Rome had the initiative in these military operations, taking full advantage of its surprised enemy. Armenia fell first, Sulla showing clemency to all but its royal family and fomenting desertion by the Armenian troops remaining with the Persian armies. Kartlia suffered similar subjugation, leaving Persia with only its smallest vassals against Rome.
In conscious imitation of Trajan, Sulla overran Adiabene in his march to the capital, capturing the city of Assur (among others) and burning the supposedly impossible to capture fort of Atra to the ground - true to its reputation. Reaching Ctesiphon by late 197, Sulla sacked the Parthian capital, approaching from the southeast to cut off the escape of the Shah and to force a reorganization of the defending forces. With most of Parthia under its control and the armies of its great enemy in ruins around the capital, Rome added most of Mesopotamia to its empire, in the process forcing the king of Osroene to step down for a Roman governor - forming the provincia avgvstvm of Mesopotamia. Brought back to Rome for the personal trivmphvs of Sulla, Vologases V was soon ransomed back to Parthia for several decades of indemnities that were planned to amount to nearly 60 million denarii. This new source of revenue paled in comparison with the plunder of Persian cities and the royal treasury in Ctesiphon. Parthia survived this war but would never recover from the defeat - suffering from its lost wealth as well as the almost complete uprooting of its modest foliage in the construction of Roman war machines and kept down by constant but manageable tribute to Rome.
On his way to Rome, Sulla checked the situation in Armenia, finding that it had devolved into a squabbling for power among the local nobility. Upon entering the capital of Vagharshapat, the Romans were received with the highest honors in attempt to garner favor - news of the fall of Ctesiphon had already reached Armenia. One of the larger and more respected houses in the capital, the Koghuvtuni were named Kings of Armenia as a new foederatvs of Rome, forming a dynasty that the Romans would refer to as the Cogutunidae - replacing the earlier Arsacidae which had largely died or fled. Armenia would serve as a useful buffer for Rome in the East and could keep a close eye on the affairs of Persia. A few legions under Pescennius Niger were sent to Kartlia to secure its loyalty, forming another eastern client for Rome.
Sulla took the highs and lows of this victory. Although the sack of Ctesiphon had been a great victory for Rome, his decision to push the offensive rather than risk a lengthy siege cost tens of thousands of Roman lives and left Roman armies drastically undermanned, especially since the empire's manpower had only just recovered from the Germanic and Sarmatian Wars. However, these losses did not dissuade Sulla from his next campaign.
In the northern reaches of Western Europe, the famous general Avidivs Cassivs [2] had successfully subdued the Caledonii and kept British legions in line as governor of Britain from 182 to 189. When the Parthian War came to a close, these Picts had undergone something of a resurgence [3] so Sulla wasted little time bringing four legions of his veterans, blood hot from their glorification at the Triumph in Rome, to put an end to the threat posed by native tribes on the island.
His strategy was as ruthless as it was effective. Under the present climate of roving tribes, engaging in violence on both sides of the Vallvm Hadrianvm, Sulla selected several isolated villages not far north of the wall and had them systematically surrounded as their entire population was slaughtered. Messengers were sent to other Caledonian villages warning of the destruction of these villages by the "same tribes that had sacked Roman towns" and offering the aid of Rome against their rapine neighbors. The rumors polarized the people of southern Caledonia toward Rome; those who chose [4] to ignore this veneer of Roman aid armed themselves for a more organized conflict. As a result, the local enemies of Roman rule were brought to the forefront and the assimilation of Caledonia was accelerated [5].
Fighting continued in Britain until a letter arrived in the Senate in 205 declaring the conquest of Caledonia at an end. The guerrilla tactics of Rome's Caledonian enemies had prolonged the war, as Sulla chose a slow, cautious strategy rather than allow the guerrillas to dictate when and where battles were fought. As treaties were formed with the non-belligerent tribes and the scorched earth tactics [6] of the fighters lent credence to the official story, the conquest gradually unfolded in the favor of Rome. Caledonia was declared a new provincia avgvstvm separated from Britannia by Hadrian's Wall. During the war, the fleets in the Oceanvs Britannicvs had been greatly expanded and trade encouraged between Gaul and Britain, both as means to keeping the legions fed in the face of fewer local supplies. This growth in the number of ships in the region came at a high cost to the treasury, especially since the campaign offered few sources of revenue, but was sustained by the wealth coming in from Parthia.
Back in Rome, the period of absence of the emperor had been productive. Pescennius Niger had been governing Mesopotamia, assisted by Lvcivs Antistivs Bvrrvs in Syria Palestina after his consulship in 197, albeit with fewer legions than was ideal. Under the lack of troops, the legates in the region leaned heavily on auxiliaries [7]. Nevertheless, the Romans presented a persistent, united front to the Persians and the new status quo was maintained even while the Roman emperor looked elsewhere. In short, the Senate was busy integrating the new Roman territories and dealing with the loss of manpower [8]. As Sulla had forced senators to accept a larger share of the financial burden for public games and festivals, under the role of aedilis, Rome enjoyed only somewhat fewer spectacles than it had in the presence of Sulla [9]. Anti-piracy efforts that the Senate continued from the early part of Sulla's reign ensured a consistent annona for the urban poor and maintained a low price of grain, in conjunction with the recovery of Egyptian markets.
Meanwhile, in Alexandria, the academy of Galen reached its zenith. With the full support of the governor of Egypt, at the orders of the emperor, Galen exercised his freedom to study the human body. Criminals were brought to him on request, allowing him to open the skin and observe the action of human muscles, nerves, and arteries in vivo - to a deeper and more controlled degree than his time with injured gladiators in Rome. The heart was a common focus of his investigations, as an obviously core organ for one of the four humors. In his live studies, he determined the relative weight of blood in a human body and found that more than an ounce of blood left the heart with each beat. This discovery was incompatible with the prevailing theory that blood formed in the heart and liver before being moved in pulses to the organs where it was consumed, since not enough food was eaten to supply that quantity of blood. In its place, Galen hypothesized the circulation of blood through the organs then back to the heart, transforming from venous to arterial at the organs and the reverse at the heart [10]. Originally, Galen believed that venous blood was produced by the liver and arterial blood was formed in the heart by the combination of venous blood and air from the pulmonary artery by passage through the septum of the heart. By 212, careful observation had revealed that the septum was impermeable. Shortly before his death at the ripe age of 89, he added the theory of pulmonary circulation to his model of blood flow [11] and held that blood collected pneuma from its passage through the lungs. Before this final discovery about blood, Galen found that the heart was essential to the motion of blood through its vessels, amending his earlier belief that the arteries themselves were the source of its pulsations.
Regarding the brain and the nerves, Galen expanded on his model of two types of nerves - sensory and muscular - by identifying specific examples of nerves that controlled certain muscles and nerves that conveyed certain sensations (including the laryngeal nerve for voice and optic nerve for sight). Rejecting the theory of Herophilos that the nerves contained pneuma, Galen argued that a unique fluid filled their hollow channels [12] and conveyed instructions in the appropriate direction from the brain, about which he criticized past anatomists (notably Aristotle) for failing to realize its status as the seat of the psyche (intelligence). In this vein, Galen dubbed the nervous fluid psychon and hypothesized about its production in the ventricles of the brain, noting that they contained a raw, inert form of this spiritual fluid [13]. The flow of animal spirits through this fluid were the proposed mode of conduction for instructions from the brain (for motor nerves) and from stimuli on the body (for sensory nerves). His complete theory of the nervous system and human intelligence was published in 215 as De Substantia Intelligentiae, as part of his compilation of his life's work shortly before his death [14].
Aside from these fundamental studies of the two core physiological systems, Galen published hundreds of other discoveries throughout his life, covering as diverse anatomical features as the uterus, appendix, tongue, bones, and the eyes (failing to describe its optical properties). Indeed, his arguably greatest contribution to medicine was the enforcement of strict terms for different anatomical features, inventing most of the labels used today. In medical practice, Galen pioneered new surgical procedures for removing cataracts, for relieving intracranial pressure, and for decompression in the spine, noting that spinal injury could result in different forms of paralysis depending on the location of the damage.
Regarding infectious diseases, Galen expanded upon the miasmatic theory of infection and the humor theory of sickness, wherein a miasmatic essence pervaded from certain objects (corpses, swamps, sick people, etc.) and upset the balance of humors in the body. This miasma could purportedly settle on the skin to be passed by contact with others, noticing that doctors who had done dissections tended to have patients who returned with even greater illness. Following the usual practice for dressing wounds, Galen advocated strongly for the use of concentrated vinegar for removing this miasma and held that since it could spread from the sick to the healthy, even in spite of their balanced constitution, a quarantine of the sick would often be necessary. Strict procedures for quarantining the sick during, especially from the passengers of a ship, were described in the works of Galen, as the great plagues remained an obsession throughout his life.
As the accomplishments of Galen grew, many other medici followed his lead and took to using his more comprehensive texts on pharmacological remedies, surgical protocols, diseases, and human anatomy. His De Remediis published in 196 was a particularly famous codex - a veritable encyclopedia of diseases by their symptoms and treatments. In following his lead, some Pergamum doctors in 198 built a similar, albeit smaller, facility on the site of their famous aescvlapivm, referring to it by the secondary name of galenaria. Other healing centers following this generalized structure - involving a library, atrium for waiting patients, baths for cleansing the sick, and separate cells for quarantining the sick - appeared in other cities over the next few decades, notably Syracuse, Tyrus, and Corinthia, before Sulla returned to Rome and ordered the construction of the largest galenaria yet on the Campvs Martivs.
This building project marked the beginning of an extensive stay in Rome for Caesar Sulla, after holding his second trivmphvs in 205 to celebrate the conquest of Caledonia. Reaching the peak of his reputation with senators, soldiers, and commoners, the emperor was poised for administrative reform in the capital.
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[1] More indirectly in the case of the Kartlian forces.
[2] At this time, Avidius Cassius has remarried. ITTL he marries Vibia Aurelia Sabina, the youngest daughter of Marcus Aurelius, at the designs of Claudius Pompeianus through the familial authority of her brother Sulla.
[3] Enough to cause trouble to Roman cities in northern Britain.
[4] People who disbelieved the official story would have had virtually no evidence against it and the subsequent belief that Romans were the real perpetrators would have been unfounded, although entirely true.
[5] Accelerated but not completed. At best this cold move would have reduced unrest following the conquest and engendered a stronger initial acceptance of Roman rule.
[6] Scorched earth in the sense of choosing to kill livestock and burn crops rather than allow them to fall to Roman legionaries, often killing the owners of these provisions in the process.
[7] This would be a low point in the number of eastern legions for Roman history. I have avoided stated explicit numbers for the legions here, since I lack records of the numbers under Marcus Aurelius, but suffice it to say it was somewhere around ten before the war and would at this time be around three.
[8] Here "Senate" refers to the legates as well, since they were senators and were the only ones with the requisite military authority to manage these affairs.
[9] Which is to say only as much as private wealth could afford, since Sulla did not allow any more public spending on games than he could get away with.
[10] Galen had earlier made the distinction between venous and arterial blood due to their color (or rather oxygenated and unoxygenated), although it is proper today to call blood from the lungs venous since it is defined by its direction relative to the heart.
[11] That is, he discovered that blood flowed to the lungs where it changed color. In his belief, here pneuma (air) was added to the blood. His terms ITTL were sanguis pneumata and sanguis vacuua for arterial and venous blood respectively.
[12] Galen agreed with past anatomists that the nerves were hollow, although they are, strictly speaking, not, but held that they contained a fluid instead of air.
[13] In reality, cerebrospinal fluid which serves as cushioning for the central nervous system. Galen ITTL believed that the CSF was psychon absent the animal spirits that conferred its functional role.
[14] Less comprehensive statements of most of his discoveries would have long preceded these more systematic publications.
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Coming up next will be some changes to the administrative structure of the Roman Empire - a paradigm shift of sorts in the relationship between Rome and its territories. In short, he will add an intermediate level of administration between province and Rome, one that accomplishes some of the work of the tetrarchial or diarchal divisions of the empire that were attempted IOTL, without compromising the military authority of a single ruler.
Soverihn said:
This never occurred to me as a possibility. I like the idea a lot actually. I'll give some thought into the form it could take, alongside the other possibly dominant henotheistic religions I will consider. It seems possible that the influence that emperors wielded over any early Christian Church would be sufficient to push a henotheistic stance, even in the face of a monotheistic Christian culture. If its founding emperor felt strongly about that change that is, as Constantine IOTL do not seem to have been.
0zymandias said:
I'm inclined to agree with what you've said about the taboo and you've made a good case for the prominence of medical education in Alexandria. I've changed the location of the Galenic academy, in both my posts
Thanks for convincing me!
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Deleted member 67076
The plunder of Parthia will be enough to pay for the campaigns in Caledonia, which in turn will free up troops later on to serve in Germania once the Migration Era begins.
At the same time, alternate advances in medical knowledge begin.
Well done.
Now one thing springs to mind with these administrative reforms: adding another layer of bureaucracy is expensive. Very expensive. Its one of the reasons Late Rome was so cash strapped. Now in this case the additional money from tribute and territory will help cover the costs but in the future this might become a severe drain on the treasure. Not trying to dissuade you, but I feel the need to point this out. Easiest way to counter this would probably be to increase taxes, preferably on the rich- but I dont know the plausibility on taxing Senators in this time period.
Other way to get around this would be by increasing trade as a source of revenue; doable to an extent if the Silk Road is easier to access here or if you can get Rome to like trading more (OTL they seemed to disdain it in favor of landowning).
Third way is ofc to increase the taxpayer population. And thsts a bit hard. You could somehow speed up agricultural advances but I think itd just be easier to import new crops into the region. Probably rice, either from the Sahel (along with Yams there) but citrus and other fruits can be transferred over from Yemen at this time period.
At the same time, alternate advances in medical knowledge begin.
Well done.
Now one thing springs to mind with these administrative reforms: adding another layer of bureaucracy is expensive. Very expensive. Its one of the reasons Late Rome was so cash strapped. Now in this case the additional money from tribute and territory will help cover the costs but in the future this might become a severe drain on the treasure. Not trying to dissuade you, but I feel the need to point this out. Easiest way to counter this would probably be to increase taxes, preferably on the rich- but I dont know the plausibility on taxing Senators in this time period.
Other way to get around this would be by increasing trade as a source of revenue; doable to an extent if the Silk Road is easier to access here or if you can get Rome to like trading more (OTL they seemed to disdain it in favor of landowning).
Third way is ofc to increase the taxpayer population. And thsts a bit hard. You could somehow speed up agricultural advances but I think itd just be easier to import new crops into the region. Probably rice, either from the Sahel (along with Yams there) but citrus and other fruits can be transferred over from Yemen at this time period.
Could we have a map for the roman empire with the new provinces after the conquest of Mesopotamia and Scotland? (does roman control stretch to the Persian gulf? b/c the new frontier is the zargos mountains, how is it fortified?)
What will happen to Babylon? I know that Ctesiphon is just across from it but on the Tigris instead of the Euphrates, but it was said that Babylon was still inhabited until around 200 a.d., which is now. Could it be rebuilt and made the capital of southern Mesopotamia?
Also, what are you going to do with the old superpowers timeline? Update it based on this one?
thanks and good bacon,
Swagmiester
What will happen to Babylon? I know that Ctesiphon is just across from it but on the Tigris instead of the Euphrates, but it was said that Babylon was still inhabited until around 200 a.d., which is now. Could it be rebuilt and made the capital of southern Mesopotamia?
Also, what are you going to do with the old superpowers timeline? Update it based on this one?
thanks and good bacon,
Swagmiester
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The way Galen gained his knowledge of anatomy through vivisection of live subjects.......though we gained much medical knowledge from Nazi and Japanese death camps so...oh, well
Haha Yea, I don't condone what Galen did but you can't argue with the results
Perhaps I have underestimated the cost of adding another layer of bureaucracy but that will be more apparent once I post the next installment. I have made every attempt to track costs and revenues but estimations are hard :/ One preliminary question is: How dramatically would the cost of that system change if the key functionaries were senators (i.e. non-salary bureaucrats)? (so the cost would go into their apparitores and possibly prefects that did the legwork).
Yes! I'll post a map within the week
Babylon is somewhat south of Ctesiphon and, like the Persian capital, is remaining in Parthian hands. My idea for the provincial capital of Mesopotamia is Nisibis.
Definitely! I'm constantly working on the old Superpowers timeline. Wherever I can, I will be editing Superpowers to conform with feedback and decisions made for Sæculum Novum but I expect the two to diverge as time goes on, perhaps in the area of religion in particular. It would be best to think of them as parallel ATLs that will both continue to grow for the foreseeable future