Map 12 - Circles of the German Empire
BTW, I just made a quick map of how the German Empire will be divided between the five electors. Each elector will have his own Electorate as well as a Circle over which he holds jurisdiction. When the German Empire eventually breaks up, the Circles will form the post-Imperial successor states.

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Very interesting. Is there much geographical continuity between the modern Federations and the old Blocks? I imagine Russia is likely to remain outside the Block system: what of Poland?

The Bloc system only really covers Western Europe. The trends in Eastern Europe are completely different. Poland-Lithuania is undergoing a period of federalization where the monarchy is growing in power at the expense of the magnates through a division of the monarchy into separate Polish, Lithuanian, Livonian, and Ruthenian branches. While the Polish-Swedish alliance is more or less permanent by this point, their will be little desire for economic integration between the two of them, so no bloc system there. Russia is definitely a more monolithic empire in its own right, as is the Ottoman Empire, although both will have different foci from what they had OTL. Russia will have a more Southerly focus than OTL (the permanent placement of Cossacks in key positions in the civil service has helped shape this focus), and the Ottoman Empire will have a more Southerly focus as well (due to the destruction of Constantinople and the relocation of the capital to Alexandria).

Edit: it also occurs to me that with Britain and the Netherlands cooperating, and a much larger potential pool of immigrants, the New Netherlands doing it's Marsh nach Westen in North America becomes rather more understandable.
'
Yes, that's been a part of the plan for a while. I'd always wanted a more diverse North America, so I couldn't have one power controlling the entire Eastern Seaboard. Which meant I both needed a stronger Netherlands as well as a more or less permanent peace between England and the Netherlands. That had been in the cards for a while (since at least the update entitled 'the Protestant Colonies').

To a certain extent the motivation for me to come up with the bloc system was when I was trying to think of how to avoid OTL's Anglo-Dutch wars. These wars were based upon mercantilist policies such as the Navigation Acts, and so I wanted to create a situation in which it would make sense to extend the Navigation Acts to allow not only for English shipping, but also shipping by England's allies to trade freely. And that's where 'bloc mercantilism' came from....
 
One quick question for readers. I am now done getting Europe caught up to the 1660s and so now can turn to cover the 1660s and 1670s in North America. There are three events from the 1660s that I want to cover, and I'm not sure what order to cover them in, so I'm hoping for feedback/suggestions. The three events are:
1. Dutch explorers and their Native allies reach the Mississippi (the Ohio River was already discovered by the Dutch in the 1650s - it was briefly mentioned in a previous update I believe)
2. Kanatian traders set up a trade post/colony at the site of OTL Chicago
3. tension begins to grow between the Kanatians and the Wabenaki Confederacy (which will eventually lead to the 'Second Wabenaki War').
Any thoughts as to which one would be the most interesting to cover first?
 
I don't care either way but if I had to choose, I would love you to cover the Kanatians setting up shop in OTL Chicago.
 
Update 56 - Andray Ehundayga
Update 56 - Andray Ehundayga

(Lake Michégami, November 1646)

Andray Ehundayga [1] watched the shoreline as he paddled his canoe down the lake. The Western shore of the lake that the canoes followed was already mottled with shadow; within an hour or two, the sun would disappear behind the first line of hills. However, the group of canoes paddled on. “We're almost there,” said Andray's companion, a Menomini man by the name of Keso.

“Remind me again why we're still paddling South. Couldn't we have camped out by the village that we passed three days ago?”

“The village we passed three days ago was a simply a waystation, a fishing camp. It's the place where the Inoka who live far to the inland come in order to fish in the lake. There are no farms there. We need to spend the winter somewhere where there are farms, somewhere where there is enough corn to last us through the winter.” [2]

When Andray had left Fort Matawang in the Spring, he had never intended to spend the winter with the Menomini. His job had been to provide them with a shipment of Atsiju [3] and teach the Menomini warriors how to use them. For most of the summer, his mission had gone according to plan.

However, in the early fall, the band of Menomini with whom he travelled had been attacked by a large group of Potawatomi and Ojibwe warriors. The Menomini, while they carried better weapons than their enemies, had been vastly outnumbered, and the band that Andray had been following had been forced to split up into small groups and flee into the forest. By the time Andray had reassembled a group of a few dozen men, and by the time this group had been able to construct new canoes with which to travel, it had already been well into the fall. There would not have been time for Andray to return to Fort Matawang before winter set in, so instead he had followed the Menomini men to rejoin their families in their winter camps to the South. It was to one of these winter camps that the small fleet of canoes was headed, a camp near a village belonging to the Inoka Confederacy.



As the canoes rounded the next headland, Andray caught sight of a small river draining into the lake. “We're almost there!” exclaimed Keso. “This river may be small, but near its headwaters lies a larger river which flows South away from the lake. It is along that larger river than the Inoka people have their farms, and the trail between the two rivers is short and easily travelled. We will make camp along the banks of the smaller river, and there we will await the rest of our band.”

Looking over at the grass-lined bank, Andray caught sight of something. At first he thought it was one of those herds of buffalo that the Ojibwe would tell stories of, but then he noticed the men standing watch over it. It wasn't a herd of buffalo, but a herd of cattle. André had never thought he would see cattle this far inland. Certainly the Atirhagenrat and Mescoutens were raising cattle at this point, but, by his judgement, they must now be far to the West of the land of the Mescoutens.

Tell me,” Andray asked his companion, “these people, these Inoka, do they go by another name?”

“Well, the Odawa call them 'Illinwek',” Kesa replied.

“That wasn't the name I was thinking of. Are they, by any chance, the same people as the 'Mescoutens'?”

“No!” Kesa replied, laughing, “the Mescoutens and their cousins the Meskwaki and the Shawanwa [4] are great enemies of the Inoka. The Meskwaki dwell to the East of here, past the great dunes at the Southern end of Lake Michégami. The Mescoutens are even farther East still and the Shawanwa are to the South. The Potawatomi winter with the Mescoutens and Meskwaki as we winter with the Inoka. In the summer, the 'triple alliance' of the Mescoutens, Meskwaki, and Shawanwa often make war on the Inoka, although my grandfather told me that this was not always the case. What do you want of the Mescoutens?”

“Oh, they trade with our enemies, the Atirhagenrat. We have encountered them on our journeys Southward along the shores of Lake Wendake, and they have sometimes been hostile to our traders. It is good to know that they are not the same people as the Inoka.”

By this point, the canoes had turned to enter the river. The current was weak, and paddling upstream was easy. The land on either side of the river looked fertile, although it was hard to tell this close to winter. But, here, unlike further North, there were still leaves on some of the trees.

Rounding a bend in the river, the group of canoes came upon a series of encampments on the banks. André recognized the Menomini style of dress on a number of the people, although he didn't yet recognize any of the individuals he had spent the summer with. Amongst some of them were people of a different dress, probably these Inoka who Keso spoke of. Many of them were engaged in vigorous trade.

“What is this place called?” Andray asked.

“Chikakua” [5] replied Keso.

* * * * *
(Fort Ouentironk, April 1652)

It had been years since Andray had visited Fort Ouentironk. Before the construction of Fort Michégami, and Andray's posting there, he had been based out of Fort Matawang. Before that, he had been in training in Hochelaga at the Arkevujay heaquarters. But, the command structure of the Arkevujay was such that Fort Ouentironk was where he needed to be. The commander of Fort Michégami didn't have enough men and supplies to give Andray what he needed, so he had sent Andray off to speak to his own superior, who led Fort Ouentironk. If he couldn't get what he wanted from Fort Ouentironk, Andray might have to follow the chain of command back to Hochelaga itself, although by then it might be too late to make anything happen this year.

The traders of Fort Ouentironk had greeted Andray as he'd arrived, and Andray, after showing his letter from the commander of Fort Michégami, had been ushered toward the commander's office. He now waited outside the door for the commander, a man by the name of Vransua [*François] Gvirut, to be ready to see him. “Come in,” called a voice, which must be that of Gvirut himself.

“Thank you sir,” Andray began, “I have been sent to you from Fort Michégami, with a formal request for the men and supplies required to build a new trade post…”

“Yes, yes, I have read the letter,” Gwirut replied, “I know what your plans are. I am just not sure why you are so eager to open trade relations with a confederacy of farmers. Our mission is to seek out new supplies of furs. Farmers tend to import more furs than they export. We need more trade partners like the Menomini or Ojibwe who are nomadic hunters. Settled farmers won't do us any good.”

“But you see,” replied Andray, “our logistical capacity is already strained to its limit trying to ship foodstuffs Westward to the Menomini, Ojibwe, and Potawatomi. We can't expect nations of hunters and trappers to meet our quotas unless we have food we can trade to them to feed them through the winters, and the grain shipments from Wendake can only make it as far West as the end of the Great Lakes. If we want to expand our trade network beyond the Great Lakes, we will need to have new sources of corn to the West.”

“And that's where the Inoka come in,” Andray continued, “they already have trade relationships with number of nations of hunters to the West of the Lakes, and they have access to a mighty river system on which they could ship their own grain. They already do import furs from farther West. All we need to do is give them something that they desire more than furs, and we can tap into their existing trade network.”

“And what would that be?” Gvirut asked.

“Cloth,” Andray replied, “we have looms back in Hochelaga, and even in Wendake, capable of making woollen cloth. It is not as warm nor as durable as furs, but we can make it in much larger quantities. Besides, the Inoka, having never seen cloth before, will probably value it as a luxury item. Iron will probably also be useful to them. While they are able to obtain copper from the Menomini people, [6] they only use it for decorative purposes. Iron tools could be of great value to them.”

“So the Inoka do not have another source for Iron goods?”

“Well, not yet. You remember that, a few years ago, the Haudenosaunee began trading with the Dutch again. Our raiding parties against the Atirhagenrat intercepted shipments of metal tools destined for trade farther to the West. Well, the Atirhagenrat trade network has so far reached to the Meskwaki Nation, and the Meskwaki are neighbours of the Inoka. They are enemies right now, but, once the two nations make peace maybe the Inoka too will be added to the Atirhagenrat trade network. If we don't make contact with the Inoka now, we may be too late.”

“It is for this reason that I don't think it's enough to just establish a trade post amongst the Inoka. Certainly, trade is a useful first step. However, if we want to actually keep the Atirhagenrat from extending their trade network to the West, we need to establish a military alliance with the Inoka. We need to arm them the way that we armed the Menomini, and we need to destroy the Meskwaki. If we wait, the Atirhagenrat may begin trading Atsiju to the Meskwaki, and, by then, it will be too late.”

Gvirut sat and thought for a moment. “You've made a good case,” he soon said, “so what do you propose we do.”

“Well, this summer, we need to send a dozen traders and a boatload of cloth and iron tools to Chikakua. We'll build a trade post there, and start initiating contact with the Inoka. We'll overwinter with the Inoka and gain their trust. Then, next year, we'll begin showing them the power of our weapons. We'll do some military exercises, and offer to teach one or two of them how to use an Atsiju. Once word spreads of how good allies we could be, we'd offer to send their chiefs back here for a proper diplomatic council. Maybe we can get them to agree to a fur quota. How does this sound?”

“Well, it sounds like a solid plan,” the commander replied. “But, I'm still not convinced that trade with the Inoka will be profitable. I will find the men and supplies to send with you this summer, but, I need you to make sure to send a shipment of furs back here by the time of the first snows. If we don't have a large enough shipment of furs, then the trade post at Chikakua will have to be abandoned. Is that acceptable?”

“Yes it is,” Andray answered.

* * * * *

(Fort Chikakua, July 1655)

Andray looked at the men under his command. They were a motley crew: fourteen Arkevujay Traders, [7] most of who had never been to war before, seven Menomini warriors who had happened to be in the area, and thirty-two Inoka trainees. Two of the Menomini men had fought alongside Andray when they had fought together against the Ojibwe and Potawatomi, and one of the Arkevujay Traders had served with Andray at Fort Michégami. The rest of them, though, had only had a chance to use a Atsiju in training or for hunting. None of them had shot another man before.

If Andray's scouts could be believed, there were over six hundred enemy warriors hidden in the forest. Thus, Andray's war party was outnumbered ten to one. He had never fought at such a disadvantage before. When fighting alongside the Menomini, Andray had often fought against war parties twice the size of his own, but never ten times as big. However, he'd also never before fought from behind the walls of a fort. The Menomini never settled down for long enough to build a fort, and the Ojibwe and Potawatomi had been too cautious to ever attack Fort Michégami directly.

The wooden fort [8] had never been built to hold fifty men. It was designed to protect the fourteen traders and their stocks of food, trade goods, and ammunition. However, with such a large war party on its way, the Inoka trainees and Menomini warriors had been summoned to help with the defence. The space within the fort was quite crowded, and Andray knew that they could never last for long cooped up in here. However, he hoped that they could last long enough to turn back the enemy war party.

“My comrades,” Andray called out to his men, “the war party out there outnumbers us ten to one. You have all shown your bravery already in being willing to come here and defend this fort with your life. If we act together as fight as one, we can turn back the enemy before they get close enough to hurt any of us. However, if we show any dissension in our ranks, that might be enough for the enemy to reach the walls, burn them open, and bring an end to all of our lives.”

“Before the battle begins, I need to tell all of your how important this fight is. Our people, the Arkevujay and the Inoka, are on the brink of establishing a solid, lasting trading relationship which will benefit both our people. You amongst the Inoka have only been given the Atsiju you carry today and taught how to use them because we have been here. However, we have enemies out there who don't want us to be here, who want the Inoka not to have access to our technology.”

“Those people are the Atirhagenrat, the Haudenonsaunee, and their allies the Mescoutens and Meskwaki. They stand outside this small fort prepared to kill all of us and burn this fort to the ground. If they have their way, the trade link between the Arkevujay and the Inoka will be severed, and your people will be denied the marvels we have to show you. However, if we win, and our enemy is turned back, we will be able to remain here. Many more of your brothers and sons will learn how to use these marvelous weapons, and our trading relationship can continue.”

“This fort, built for a smaller number of defenders, only has seven loopholes on each side through which we can fire upon the enemy. I have organized the best shots amongst you into four ranks of seven. The first seven will fire upon the enemy as soon as they leave the shelter of the woods, and then will immediately get out of the way to let the next seven aim and fire. You can use the time after you've moved out of the way to reload your Atsiju, but you must be ready to fire again by the time your rank makes it back to the loopholes.”

“While the walls of this fort are make out of solid logs, there are small cracks between the logs through which an arrow or ball might penetrate. If you get hit, you will need to move out of the way so that others can access the loophole. If you are badly injured, others might have to pull you out of the way. Some of you have been assigned the job of moving the injured, while others have been given the job of filling in any gaps in the ranks made by casualties. Others have been giving the job of standing by the doors of the fort with iron weapons in case the enemy makes it to the walls. You all have your own role in the battle today, and I need you to stick to it.”

“Andray, Andray!” came a shout from the lookout. “I think I see movement in the woods!”

“Then it's time to take your places. Get your firearms loaded and in position. First rank, be ready to fire on my mark.” Andray moved into the lookout position himself, so that he could see what was going on outside and shout orders accordingly.

A loud cry erupted from outside, and men began emerging from the forest all along the Eastern side of the fort. They entered the area between the forest and the fort that had been painstakingly cleared over the past few years, and began to advance towards the fort.

“Fire!” Andray called out. Seven shots rang out together in unison. While only one of the shots hit its mark, the noise and the surprise seemed to startle some of the other warriors, and a group of them, probably Meskwaki based upon their dress, began fleeing back to the woods.

“Second rank, ready, fire!” Andray called. More shots rang out, and more men fell and fled. The third volley was loosed, then the fourth volley. From his vantage point, Andray noticed a group of men separating itself from the crowd. He saw the glint of metal on one of their backs… they must be the Atirhagenrat fire-warriors!

“Men!” Andray announced. “I've found the fire-warriors. They're on the right side of the enemy formation. Concentrate your fire on them. They're the most important targets!” As the defenders changed targets, the first of the enemy fire-warriors raised his own Atsiju. A loud crack ran through the fort as the first shot hit the wall.

Splinters flew through the air as several more volleys hit the fort. While most of the enemy fire would simply lodge itself in the wood, about one shot in every volley would find its way through a crack and enter the fort. One of Andray's men was struck in the leg, then another in the side. They were quickly dragged to safety and fresh men deployed in their place.

While the defenders were taking casualties, so were the attackers. One or two would fall with every volley that Andray's men unleashed, and there hadn't been that many enemy fire-warriors to begin with. Each fire-warrior who fell would be dragged to safety by one of their comrades from the Meskwaki or Mescoutens. The fifty fire-warriors were soon only thirty, and then only ten.

A shout rang out from the enemy formation, and the remaining fire-warriors left on the field started running for the woods. At the same time, from the other side of the field, came a group of warriors running with burning branches in their hands. They burned brighter than plain wood should, so they must have been coated in some sort of flammable oil or wax.

“They're going to try to burn down the fort!” Andray called, “Iron-warriors, we need you ready at the back door. Fire-warriors, concentrate your fire on the men carrying the brands!” Soon, the torch-carriers began to fall as the shots rang out amongst them. The bodies of the first group began to delay the advance of the group behind, but still the advance came. One torch could be enough to set fire to the wooden walls, and Andray wasn't about to let that happen. Already, Andray could see small grass fires starting where torches had been thrown down, although the grass was still green enough that he knew those fires wouldn't spread.

While the enemy warriors continued to fall, Andray saw two men disappear from sight as they reached the wall below him. “Iron-Warriors, go!” he called. He heard the back door of the fort open, as the men he had placed there ran out. He couldn't see what was happening, but he knew what they should be doing. Their job was to kill the men who had reached the fort and put out the fire they had started. They were luckily that the group that had reached the fort was so small, they could easily overwhelm them and get back inside before any more could arrive.

Andray was relieved when he heard the back door close. It seemed that, luckily, all of that group of men had made it back in one piece. Some had some cuts and bruises, and one had a burn, but the fire started at the base of the walls was now out.

Looking back out at the battlefield, Andray realized that there were much fewer men with torches than there had been. Many of them were still lying dead on the ground, but it seemed that many more must have fled. A loud call came up from the woods, and the few men still on the field turn and ran. The enemy was in retreat!

“We've won!” Andray called out. “They're retreating. You can hold your fire.” While Andray wasn't there in the woods, he could practically hear the dialogue that must be going on. The Meskwaki and Mescoutens had lost over a hundred warriors in the battle here today, and had nothing to show for it. They would probably right now demand that the Atirhagenrat let them raid the nearby Inoka village for supplies and captives. And the Atirhagerat would refuse to help them, as they still held out hope for establishing trade relations with the Inoka. The enemy would probably be divided here, with the Meskwaki and Mescoutens out looking for easier spoils while the more disciplined Atirhagenrat would return empty-handed.

If the Meskwaki and Mescoutens did attack the Inoka, that would only help the Arkevujay in the long run. Andray's men could help the Inoka in a retaliatory strike against the Meskwaki, further cementing the Arkevujay-Inoka alliance. While the enemy was still in the field, and would probably still fight on tomorrow against Andray's Inoka allies, his strategic goal was all but won.

* * * * *

(Fort Chikakua, May 1669)

Andray waited on Fort Chikakua's dock as the lakeboat [9] pulled up. The oars were raised and stowed inside the boat and ropes were thrown to the men standing on the dock. The first man who stepped off the boat would be the captain, and, as usual, he had a large packet of mail to present to Andray.

However, this time, there was another man behind him. The beads he wore signified that he was an officer of the Trader branch. “This is Vernard Duva [*Bernard Dubois], he is here to replace you,” the captain announced.

“Replace me?” Andray questioned. “Why do I need replacing? I'm not even fifty years old yet!”

“Because,” Vernard replied, “you have been promoted. The Head Trader back in Hochelaga wants you as one of his advisors. He feels that your record shows that you have a good strategic vision, and he needs someone familiar with the Interior, someone who has lived in the West for years. He needs advice on how best to counter the Dutch threat.”

“Well, it's good that the Head Trader is finally taking heed of the advice I've been passing on. Every year, I hear word of Piskatawij traders being spotted further and further West. They've already reached the lands of the Shawanwa, and the Inoka will surely be next.”

“Sir,” Vernard interrupted, “I know you probably have a lot to tell me about strategic matters, but our time is of the essence. You're supposed to be leaving with the lakeboat. They will probably spend the rest of today unloading, and will take tomorrow as a day of rest, but they will be leaving again the day after that. It's imperative that you brief me on whatever you think are the most important things I need to know.”

“Oh, my lieutenant can do that!” Andray replied. “He's been here almost as long as I have. I requested that he retire to be my administrative assistant after he was wounded in that battle fourteen years ago. But, I'll use the rest of the day to give you a tour of this fine fort you'll be commanding. You'll see that it's a little different than Fort Michégami or Fort Matawang.”

Andray led Vernard off the dock, and up the trail that led to the wooden palisade. The land outside the palisade was covered with fields, and a small cluster of buildings stood outside the palisade gate. It looked just as cultivated as the area outside any Kanatian town. “You see,” Andray said to his companion, “Chikakua is more than just a trade post. We've remade it in the model of Fort Dekektare or Fort Untareo as a self-sufficient town. We've invited the Inoka to take refuge with us inside the palisade in times of war, and, in return, they farm the land outside. The Inoka, though, don't follow the same Clan system that we do, so their Chiefs and Clan Mothers live with their people, rather than joining us inside.”

As the two of them passed through the gate, they saw the town inside. From the shape of the buildings it was clear that they were workshops and not just houses, the smoke coming out of one or two of the roofs clearly indicated the presence of forges. “And here is our 'Petite Rochelle',” continued Andray. “The Inoka people have always placed great value on goods such as cloth, metal tools, and beer, so we've decided to make sure they're produced locally rather than having to ship them in via lakeboat. The Inoka herd sheep, and we spin and weave their wool into cloth; they grow corn, and we brew it into beer; they give us their old tools, and we melt them down and make new ones.”

“We've always made a point,” Andray continued, “of making sure that our industries can't ever be copied by the Inoka. Craftspeople in Chikakua must be members of the Arkevujay, and are only allowed to take Arkevujay recruits as apprentices. While I have had some Inoka boys who've wished to join the Arkevujay corps, they must first go to Hochelaga for training, and the Head Trader makes a point of having them serve far from Chikakua. Moreover, while we reforge old iron and weave cloth here, we don't build looms or smelt ore. All our iron ore and all our looms are imported by lakeboat to ensure that Chikakua remains dependant on Kanata.”

By now, the two men had reached the fort in the centre of the palisade. The old wooden fort which had been built in 1653 still stood, but it now formed only one of many buildings set inside a strong stone wall. “Here,” Andray said, “is our Arkevujay compound. You will see that it is much bigger than Fort Michégami which holds an equal number of Arkevujay Traders. It is because, in addition to the Traders posted here, we also house the local Inoka warriors who serve under us. The purpose of Fort Chikakwa is not only to trade with the Inoka, but also to aid in their defence against their enemies. As we live amongst prime agricultural land, we such much larger enemy armies here than forts such as Fort Michégami or Fort Matawang, which are isolated in the woods. Thus, the Inoka settled nearby aid in our defence.”

“One advantage of having the Inoka militia here is that their presence means that the Arkevujay Traders almost never have to risk their lives. The Inoka engage in all of the front-line fighting while officers such as myself simply train them and command them in times of battle. Not that I have done much commanding these days, my role is now mostly that of an administrator. My tactical lieutenant handles the training and commanding. Do you have a background in tactics?”

“No,” Vernard replied, “I came up strictly through the Trader branch. My skills are in negotiation and administration, although I do know how to use an Atsiju.”

“I guess they're no longer training recruits the way they used to,” Andray replied, “when I was young, we all had to learn tactics. If there hadn't been so many of us with backgrounds in tactics, we wouldn't have been able to train the Menomini and win the Michilimakinak War.”

“There are still some Traders learning tactics,” Vernard replied, “but fewer and fewer every year. The Warrior branch controls the training grounds, and have been making a point of encouraging Traders not to learn combat skills. Instead, they've been encouraging Trader-controlled forts to take in ex-Warriors as officers and administrators, and making sure a small garrison of Warriors is placed at every Fort, even those traditionally under Trader control. I'm surprised that hasn't happened here yet.”

Andray looked around to see that they were alone before he spoke. “Well, they have been trying. Every year, I get an offer from the Warrior branch to post a garrison here, and every year I refuse. I trust my Inoka militia as much if not more than I would trust a Warrior garrison. The Inoka treat us with the deference and respect we deserve, while every Warrior I've met recently seems to think I'm a coward for joining the Trader branch.”

“To be honest,” Andray continued, “I think the Warrior branch is jealous of us. We control the Taresara Mine, and we control the gunpowder workshops in both Hochelaga and Untareo. We outnumber the Warriors two to one. While they still control the administration in Hochelaga, we control the Lakes, and our trade network extends farther and farther inland every year. They know that, sooner or later, we will not be willing to be governed from afar, and they want to be prepared so that we cannot overthrow them.”

“Sir,” Vernard broke in, “when you go to Hochelaga, be careful what you say. If the Konta hears you speak in Hochelaga the way you spoke to me, you could be accused of insubordination and could even be shot. I think you are right about the Warriors being afraid of us, but they're doing the best they can in Hochelaga to keep us afraid of them. Watch your back and be careful who you speak to. Also, if you ever make enemies in Hochelaga, remember that you have a friend here. You have done an admirable job keeping the Warriors out of Chikakua, and I will try to follow in your footsteps.” [10]

Footnotes:

[1] The main characters in this update do not speak French. Thus, while they are Christian, and have been baptised by the Jesuits with French given names, they would spell these names using Kanatian orthography. The Kanatian language has only six vowel sounds: a e i o u and ay. Thus, there is no distinction between é, ay, etc. There is also no 'b' or 'f' in Kanatian, with the letter 'v' used instead.

[2] The traditional lifestyle of the nomadic Northern Great Lakes people involves travelling South in the winter in order to trade furs for food with the agricultural people of the Southern Great Lakes. While people such as the Odawa and Omamiwinini would winter with the Wendat and Kanatians, respectively, the Menomini would winter with the Inoka (the peoples of the Illinois Confederacy). Note that this is a relationship that would have extended back to Mississippian times, where Great Lakes hunter/gatherers/copper miners would have traded with Mississippian farmers, although, since then, the Mississippians have been replaced by the Inoka, who are descended from hunter-gathers but have adopted many Mississippian practices such as farming [ok, we don't really know their origin story, but I tend to believe the oral history which says that all Algonqian-speakers (including the Inoka) started in the Eastern Woodlands and migrated Westward after the Mississippian collapse].

[3] Atsiju is a Kantian word (from 'Atsi' = fire and 'ju' = fight) which means 'firearm' or 'gun'. The firearms made by the Kanatians are based on the 16th-century French arquebus, but are different enough by this point that I don't feel comfortable using the word arquebus to describe them.

[4] The Shawanwa are better known OTL as the 'Shawnee' and the Meskwaki as the 'Fox'. In TTL, due to butterflies, both tribes have stayed put in their original homelands in OTL Northern Indiana and Southern Michigan, and are allied with the Mescoutens who live near OTL Detroit.

[5] If the small-river-and-portage-to-larger-river-flowing-South description didn't reveal where this is, he name should. This is OTL Chicago.

[6] The 'Copper Ranges' South of Lake Superior were exploited OTL by the Native peoples in the area. In OTL, the copper-mining cultures had been displaced by non-copper-miners by the time of the arrival of European explorers. In TTL, the Menomini have preserved more of their predecessors ways than they did OTL, partly because of their good relationship with the Kanatians who are also engaged in mining.

[7] Remember, the Trader branch of the Arkevujay is the branch that deals with economic matters: this includes trading for furs, but it also includes mining for iron, producing gunpower, and generally carrying out any of the skilled trades. All Traders do also have rudimentary training in combat, but are usually sent to postings where they don't expect to see much combat.

[8] This fort is a simple two-story blockhouse built using log-cabin type construction.

[9] A 'lakeboat' is something between a canoe and a galley. It is designed specifically for hauling freight across the Great Lakes, so it is much larger and has deeper draft than a canoe (and deeper draft than the riverboats used on the *St. Lawrence and *Ottawa Rivers). However, it is definitely canoe-inspired in its design, and is built partly using bark rather than planks for its skin. This is partly because uniformly-cut planks are still quite expensive: there may be one or two water-powered sawmills in Kanata by this time, but most planks still need to be sawed and planed by hand.

[10] Andray Ehundayga will play a pivotal war in the upcoming Kanatian Revolution. His story doesn't end here, but there are a number of other updates that need to be posted before I can cover the Revoluiton.
 
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Will read more of this in a bit, and possibly comment more, but I thought I'd comment on one point now

In Iowa, there's a significant Meskwaki Reservation (by that name), and people are more likely to use that name than 'Fox'.

Thanks. Yeah i've encountered the word 'fox' in my research largely because it was the more common name in English between 1800 and 1970-ish (which means that a lot of secondary sources from that erase use it). I'm glad it's no longer 'commonly used', because it was definitely one of those strange names which in the end amounted to a huge misunderstanding (the French fur traders mistook a clan name for the tribe name).
 
Even without the Europeans sticking an oar in, Great Lakes intertribal politics gets complicated, doesn't it?

In some ways, that is part of the point of me writing this TL. I feel like Native North Americans are often treated as simply colonial pawns by both OTL history and AH writers, and I want to try to truly treat them as sophisticated people with just as complicated political structures as, say, the Classical Mediterranean world.

The problem with writing both OTL and AH history about these people has to do mostly with the lack of pre-colonial literacy, meaning that the earliest accounts we have are those of missionaries and fur traders, who never really existed inside these societies and thus only had an outsider's view. So, my goal was to introduce literacy (and a moderate tech boost), and see what happens. To explore the politics that result...
 
Update 57 - the North American Fur Trade 1650-1700
Update 57 – The North American Fur Trade 1650-1700

a chapter from Europeans in America: A History of Colonization by Georges Hantero (Turtle)

While the history of the European fur trade in North America dates back to the 16th century, the early fur trade was often more a peripheral activity engaged by fishers and whalers when they came ashore. In the early 17th century, the Canada Company and the Robertsburgh Company [1] would be the first two companies established with the explicit mission of acquiring beaver furs for sale in Europe. However, it would not be until 1650 that the fur trade would become important enough that competition for fur supply would trigger conflicts between the European colonial powers. This was because the 1650s and 1660s saw a spike in European fur prices, vastly increasing the value of the fur trade for European merchants.

The 'fur boom' of the 1650s and 1660s was caused by a number of factors. The first of these was the dwindling supply of easily accessible furs in Sweden and European Russia, increasing the cost of furs which now had to be shipped in from farther and farther afield. The second was the end of the Second Schismatic War which increased demand for furs as money that would have been spent on military costs could instead be spent on fashion. While this 'fur boom' would begin the race to explore the North American interior to secure new fur supplies, this race would not stop until well after 1700. The Period from 1650-1700 can be thought of as the period of greatest exploration in the fur trade, while the period after 1700 would consist more of wars undertaken by one colonial power to attempt to capture fur-producing areas from another power.

In this chapter, I will cover the various colonial powers engaged in the fur trade, and will discuss their initiatives undertaken to explore the interior and establish control of the fur supply. It should be noted that I making a particular point to try to tell the story of the fur trade from a European Colonial perspective. I will not spend much time discussing the various Native peoples (most conspicuously the Kanatian Arkevujay) who did most of the legwork of the fur trade, and instead I will be focusing on the Colonial middlemen who bought the furs from them and shipped them back to Europe.

The Canada Company

In histories of the French Colonial Empire, the period from 1650-1700 is often described as a time of stagnation in New France. The initial exploration of French Canada had been finished by this time, and the agreement which gave the Canada Company a monopoly on trade with the Kanatian Arkevujay had already been settled. While the Canada Company's profits increased tenfold from 1650 to 1700, this increase in profit is often attributed to an increase in the value of furs, and efforts by the Arkevujay to expand their own trade network. The Canada Company is often seen as a purely rent-seeking entity making profits off of the trade they had already established.

However, there were dramatic changes that took place in New France between 1650 and 1700, and the Canada Company did pursue many innovations in order to meet new challenges. The first challenge was the regular wars fought against New England and their Wabanaki Allies. As New England's population grew, its military strength increased, and, at the same time Wabanaki raiders increased in ferocity as their own traditional lifestyles were made impossible by the growth of New England.

In order to respond to the threat of war, the Canada Company had to make arrangements to increase the defensive capabilities of their colony. Financial incentives helped increase the rate of settlement of French Canada (although, by 1700, much of the growth of New France was due to large family sizes rather than new settlers), and militia organizations were set up amongst the settlers to aid in the colony's defence. New forts were constructed along the principle rivers leading down from the Abenaki Mountains, in order to help defend against Wabanaki raids.

The second major challenge faced by the Canada Company was the Kantian Revolution of the 1570s. The ongoing civil war between the Trader and Warrior branches of the Arkevujay resulted in a halt in the flow of furs from the Kantian Interior to New France. While the end of the Kantian Revolution resulted in the resumption of the fur trade, the years of lost profits led to a desire by the Canada Company to ensure stability in the Kantian Republic by taking an active interest in its government. [2]

While the Canada Company would take a greater role in influencing the politics of the Kanatian Republic, the Kanatians would also gain a greater role in the running of New France, as Arkevujay mercenaries were soon recruited to aid in the defence of New France. The presence of French advisors in Hochelaga and Kanatian soldiers in Stadacona would begin the process which would blur the boundaries between Canada and Kanata and eventually lead to the arrangement described by Europeans as the 'Kanatian Protectorate'. [3]

It is also important to note that, while the Canada Company obtained the majority of its furs through the Arkevujay, it was also engaged in ongoing exploration and exploitation of the fur-bearing forests North of French Canada. [4] The Atikamekw, Tadoussac Innu, and Laurentian Innu, who inhabited these forests, had long been trade partners of the French, although the trade had largely been small-scale before 1650. After 1650, the Canada Company began to focus a greater effort on sending traders, recruited from the settlers of New France, up the Northern rivers to establish new trading relationships with bands located farther to the North (the so-called Interior Innu [5]). This exploitation, especially intense during the years of the Kanatian Revolution, would destroy much of the beaver population in the region, forcing all the fur trading powers to begin to look Westward for a new supply.

The Ohiejo Company

The Dutch in the New Netherlands had been engaged in the fur trade since the founding of New Holland by the West India Company. However, with the destruction of the Haudenosaunee by the Kantian Arkevujay, New Holland's position in the fur trade was made marginal. The Dutch colonists would only re-enter the fur trade in 1549 when the Piskatawij Colony would establish a trade relationship with the Seskwahenog, who had recently joined in alliance with what remained of the Haudenosaunee.

The Piskatawij Colony was, at the time, a private colony owned by a partnership known as the 'Brouwer Party'. In addition to controlling the Piskatawij Colony, the Brouwer Party also had a relationship with the Piskatawij Nation whereby Piskatawij men of appropriate age would serve as a sort of mercenary force defending the Piskatawij Colony. As the Piskatawij Colony grew through the 1650s, the proximity of the Piskatawij Nation became more a liability than an asset, as settlers would often be loathe to trust the armed Natives. Thus, the Piskatawij warriors were instead sent on war expeditions into the interior to bring back furs and captives to be enslaved to work on tobacco plantations. [6]

During this time, the Haudenosaunee (with which the Brouwer Party traded via the Seskwahenog) were engaged in an ongoing conflict with the Erielhonon nation. As the Erielhonon were seen as a threat to the Haudenosauneefur trade network, the Brouwer Party began to encourage the Piskatawij warriors to focus their attacks on the Erielhonon. While the Erielhonon were thought to be more numerous that the Haudenosauneeand Piskatawijcombined, the Haudenosaunee and Piskatawij both had access to firearms through the Dutch. By 1560, about half the population of the Erielhononhad been either enslaved in the Piskatawij Colony or adopted into the Haudenosaunee. The remainder of the population had been displaced to the Northwest, although they would still engage in warfare with the Haudenosaunee for another generation.

While the Natives allied to the Brouwer Party would succeed in their war against the Erielhonon, the Brouwer Party themselves would become embroiled in quite the fight of their own. The Brouwer Party's relationship with the Piskatawij Nation was based out of Fort Brouwer [OTL *Georgetown, D.C.] on the Koongaruten [OTL *Potomac] River. The Brouwer Party had always claimed that Fort Brouwer was located North of the 39°N parallel, and was thus outside of the jurisdiction of the Van Hoorn Company. [7] However, in 1656, the Van Hoorn Company discovered that Fort Brouwer was in fact located South of that line. The Van Hoorn Company thus claimed that it had a right to collect a toll on all cargo passing through Fort Brouwer, cutting into the Brouwer Party's profits.

The dispute with the Van Hoorn Company, together with the death of a number of the original members of the Brouwer Party partnership led to the sale of Fort Brouwer in 1561. The remaining members of the Brouwer Party would have to content themselves with running the Piskatawij Colony proper while Fort Brouwer would be taken over by a newly-formed company of Dutch merchants – the Ohiejo Company.

Along with Fort Brouwer, the Ohiejo Company would buy the Brouwer Company's relationship with thePiskatawij Nation and the fur trade rights to the land conquered by the Piskatawij from the Erielhononin the Ohiejo Valley (from which the company took its name). The Ohiejo Company would begin reorganizing their relationship with the Piskatawij to be centered on trade rather than warfare, and would send the young Piskatawij men who had previously served as mercenaries into the interior to trade for furs and bring them back to Fort Brouwer.

While the lands South of the Great Lakes did support the trapping of beavers for fur, the furs trapped in the region were not as thick nor as plentiful as those trapped farther North. Thus, the Ohiejo Company soon began to desire access to better fur trapping lands, and began to commission explorers to send to the interior with Piskatawij guides in search of better fur-trapping lands.

The most famous of these explorers was a Zeelander by the name of Jan Muis. His first expedition in 1668 mapped the Ohiejo Valley and established contact between the Dutch and the Dhegiha Confederacy, [8] which inhabited the lower Ohiejo Valley. His second expedition in 1670-1671 travelled down the Ohiejo to where it joins the Malabussi [OTL *Mississippi], and then mapped the Malabussi to its mouth. His third expedition in 1673-1676 would map the Malabussi upstream from its confluence with the Ohiejo, and would discover the great Nieutatchi [OTL *Missouri] River.

While Muis would establish good relations between the Dutch and the both the Dhegiha Confederacy and Nieutatchi Nation, [9] his expeditions would be met with hostility by the Inoka Confederacy, who inhabited much of the upper Malabussi. The Inoka in turn were allied with the Kanatian Arkevujay, and already exported the furs that they collected through Fort Chikakua; they had little need of a new fur trading relationship with the Dutch. In fact the expansion of the Dutch trade network up the Malabussi threatened the Inoka's own trade network, and a number of wars were fought between the Dutch-allied Dhegiha and Nieutatchi and the Kanatian-allied Inoka in the 1680s and 1690s.

By the 1690s, the Ohiejo Company had control of a trade network leading deep into the interior. The Nieutatchi would trade furs to the Dhegiha, who would in turn pass them on to the Piskatawij, would would carry them over the Alleghevian [10] Mountains to Fort Brouwer. While the Nieutatchi and Dhegiha would carry on their trading more or less independently from Dutch oversight, the Piskatawij at this time were under strict Dutch supervision to enforce the Ohiejo Company's monopoly.

The Ohiejo Company established Fort Ohiejo in 1678 where the Monongehaila River met the Ohiejo [OTL *Pittsburgh]. This fort would be staffed by Ohiejo Company traders who would meet the Dhegiha here and negotiate a fair price for furs. The furs would then be transported by the Piskatawij who served the Company up the Monogehaila River, over the mountains, and down the Koongaruten River to Fort Brouwer. At first, furs were transported in canoes and in backpacks, but, by the late 1680s, a mule trail (the 'Ohiejo Trail') had been established connecting Fort Ohiejo to Fort Brouwer. [11] The reason for the building of the Ohiejo Trail had little to do with mule train being a more efficient form of transport than canoe and backpack. Ohiejo Company documents indicate that when furs were transported by canoe and backpack, furs would tend to get 'lost' during the many portages between Fort Ohiejo and Fort Brouwer, and would find their way to buyers in the Van Hoorn and Piskatawij Colonies. Thus, the introduction of mule trains supervised by Company representatives ensured all of the cargo reached its destination.

The relationship between the Ohiejo Company and the Piskatawij Nation would deteriorate over time. At first, the Piskatawij had been a force a mercenaries happy to serve the Ohiejo Company. However, after the Erielhonon had been driven out of the Ohiejo Valley, those mercenaries became little more than traders; they were demoted again when they became simple labourers carrying the furs over the passes. This demotion led to discontent amongst the Piskatawij, and many of them would flee to join other neighbouring nations (most notably the Powhatan and Haudenosaunee Confederacies). Others would die due to diseases, leading to a depopulation of the Piskatawij Nation, and a shortage of labour for the Ohiejo Company.

This shortage of labour would be replaced from two sources. The first would be African slaves who had arrived in the Van Hoorn and Piskatawij colonies in the 1560s and 1570s as plantation labourers. These slaves were soon recruited for positions loading and unloading the mule trains, although they proved of little use as teamsters driving the mules, as they would often run away into the woods as had the Piskatawij before them. The second source of labour would be white settlers from the Piskatawij and Van Hoorn colonies who were looking for an escape from the malarial lowlands. They would be settled on farms in the foothills along the Ohiejo Trail on both sides of the mountains, and would raise mules and support the Ohiejo Company with food for the traders and fodder for the mules. These white settlers would form the nucleus of what would become the Ohiejo Colony, overseen by the Ohiejo Company.

The relationship between the Ohiejo Company and the Piskatawij and Van Hoorn colonies was never simple. While the Ohiejo Company claimed ownership of the entire Malabussi Basin, and controlled their own settlements in the Ohiejo Colony, the lower part of the Ohiejo Trail passed through both Piskatawij and Van Hoorn Colonies before reaching Fort Brouwer (which was itself located in Van Hoorn). Thus, both Piskatawij and Van Hoorn claimed the right to collect tolls on the fur trade coming down the Ohiejo Trail, and arbitrators were often sent over from Amsterdam to help determine a fair rate for these tolls. It was partly the expense of paying these tolls that led the Ohiejo Company to establish a new fur export route in the early 18th century, beginning the colonization of the Malabussi Valley. [12]

The Cisalleghevian Trade: New England, the New Netherlands, and Danish Florida

While the inland trade networks were dominated by the Ohiejo Company and the Kanatian Arkevujay, the fur trade in the Cisalleghevian [13] region was dominated by private individuals and small companies. By 1700, there were few beavers left East of the Alleghevian Mountains, but in the 1650s and 1660s Cisalleghevian trade was still important.

In New England, the local fur supply had been mostly trapped out by 1660, meaning that the Wabanaki Natives could no longer trap their own furs, and often resorted to raiding the shipments travelling between Kanata and New France. These raids were the cause of the wars that took place between New France and the Kanatian Arkevujay on one side and New England and the Wabanaki on the other.

The various New Netherlands colonies had mostly been founded later than New England, and thus had a greater remaining beaver population. While New Holland had few beavers left by 1660, Lenni fur trappers in the New Brabant region and Powhatan trappers in the Van Hoorn region were known to be active as late as the 1710s. These trappers would trade their furs to the local settlers in the Dutch colonies, who would in turn pass them on to the New Brabant and Van Hoorn colonial companies. It was partially this draw of the fur trade that led ex-indentured servants of New Brabant and Van Hoorn to begin to move inland from the coast and settle the Voorgeberte region [14]. Until the 1690s when the Ohiejo Trails was finally made fully secure, the furs trapped by the local Natives would also be supplemented by those smuggled out of the Ohiejo Company lands by the Piskatawij.

The beaver furs in Danish Florida were of distinctly lower quality than those trapped farther North. However, this did not stop the colonial governor in Christiansborg from encouraging his Cheraw allies to secure a supply of as many furs as possible. While the first phase of Cheraw expansion (from 1570 to 1620) can largely be attributed to the aftermath of the Juan Pardo expedition and the Cheraw's adoption of ironworking, the second phase of expansion (from 1640 to 1690) is better explained by the Danish desire for furs. The Danes would trade muskets, gunpowder, and balls to the Cheraw, which the Cheraw would use against their Northern and Western neighbours. By displacing the Cheroki and Tuscarora (amongst other Nations) the Cheraw would gain control of the entire Southern half of the Alleghevian Mountains, securing a vast supply of (admittedly poor-quality) beaver pelts. The Cheroki would go on to displace the Chicaza and Alabamaha, setting off the chain reaction which would be known as the Second Malbussian Migration Period. [15]

The Marian [16] Fur Trade: New Scotland and New Navarre

New Scotland had had control of the Labrador fur trade ever since the original founding of New Aberdeen. However, the Queen Mary Gulf, while claimed by Scotland since its first discovery, had been under-exploited by the fur trade since the War of the Scottish Succession and Supplicant War had created division within the Scottish colonies. By 1650, New Scotland was firmly under the control of the Kingdom of Edinburgh, and the Robertsburgh Company, based in New Found Land, could again think of expanding its trade network.

In the 1630s, Scottish [17] ships had briefly visited the Queen Mary Gulf [OTL *Hudson Bay] and Strachan Bay [OTL *James Bay], and had found no one willing to trade with them. In 1654, with the fur boom well underway, a new Scottish expedition was sent to the Queen Mary Gulf, in the hopes of discovering new peoples willing to engage in trade. While the Strachan Bay fur trade of the 1610s had been with the Nahira people who had lived there then, the Nahira had been gone from Strachan Bay by the 1630s. By the 1650s, the people the Scots discovered on the shores of Strachan Bay were not Nahira, but a new group who the Scots called 'Nashina'. The word 'Nashina' was later found to be a corruption of Anishinaabe, although at the time many Scots thought that these people were simply the Nahira by another name.

The Nashina had their origins as dissidents amongst the Odawa, Omamiwnini and Ojibwe people who had been unwilling to accept the fur trade quotas forced upon them by the Kantian Arkevujay. Their home Nations, unwilling to see a repeat of the Michilimakinak War, had driven these dissidents out, who had in turn travelled North to the shores of Strachan Bay. Before the Scots arrived in 1654, the Nashina had adopted a lifestyle based upon hunting and fishing for food, although, with the Scots arrival, the Nashina would prove willing enough to engage in the fur trade.

The re-establishment of the Marian fur trade between the Scots and the Nashina would in turn cause the development of a novel trade relationship between the Nashina and the Odawa, Omamiwinini, and Ojibwe from whom they had fled. While the Nashina and the 'Old Anishinaabe' Nations were both exporters of furs, the trade goods they received in return for their furs were often different. While both the Scots and the Kantians would bring metal tools and cloth as part of their trade goods, many manufactured items (like glass beads) would be brought by the Scots but not by the Kanatians, while foodstuffs and raw agricultural goods would be brought by the Kanatians and not by the Scots. This meant that Kanatian Datari [18] bread would sometimes be offered to the Scots by the Nashina and Scottish beads would sometimes find their way to Fort Matawang.

The prosperity of the Nashina which would result from the Scottish trade at the newly-rebuilt Fort Strachan would not be unnoticed by the Nashina's neighbours. The depletion of the fur bearing regions along the Laurentian North Shore and the Labrador Coast had driven many of the Innu farther inland in search of furs. This had led to a stratification of Innu society where Innu bands along the coast (the Aberdeen, Tadoussac, and Laurentian Innu) would act as middlemen between the trappers of the interior and the European fur traders. While this arrangement was relatively stable, many of the Interior Innu were dissatisfied with their position, and some would migrate Westward to the Marian Coast. There, they would form the fifth major division of the Innu: the Marian Innu.

By 1700, the Robertsburgh Company would have three trade posts established on Strachan Bay. Fort Strachan [near OTL *Fort Rupert], in the Southeast, was still the most important outpost, but Fort Bruce [near OTL *Fort Albany] in the West and Fort Eglinton [near OTL *Fort George/Chisasibi] in the Northeast were also active. Each of these trade posts would be manned year-round by a small number of traders, and would be visited by ship once a summer to pick up furs and drop off new trade goods. In addition to the three Strachan Bay forts, the Robertsburgh Company still maintained New Aberdeen on the Labrador Coast (which by now had become a year-round settlement), and still controlled the New Found Land fishery.

While New Scotland and the Robertsburgh Company were not challenged in their dominance of the Eastern Marian Fur Trade, the Western half of the Queen Mary Gulf was another matter entirely. The Scots had always focused their exploration and trade efforts on Strachan Bay as the Southernmost (and therefore most hospitable) part of the Marian shore, although they had explored and charted the Western parts of the Queen Mary Gulf. These same Western areas (especially the Northwestern corner of the Queen Mary Gulf) were frequented by Basque whalers, who had, in previous decades been driven out of the St. Lawrence Gulf by the French. These whalers would often come ashore for water, and when doing so, would come into contact with the Natives and trade with them. These Natives, known as the 'Elilu' [19] to the Basques, were really another subgroup of the Nahira [we would say 'Swampy Cree' in OTL] who had absorbed the Western Nahira when they had fled Strachan Bay.

News of the potentially lucrative fur trade with the Elilu made it back to Bayonne, where many of these whalers were based, in the early 1650s. In 1655, King Charles V of Navarre was refused the Dutch throne, which instead went to his younger brother Willem. Disappointed at his lack of acceptance in the Netherlands, Charles returned to Bayonne, where he was almost immediately approached by a group of Bayonne merchants asking for Royal funding to set up fur trade outposts in the Western part of the Queen Mary Gulf. Charles saw this colonial opportunity as a way to make up for his disappointment in the Netherlands and restore glory to the Kingdom of Navarre, and soon, with Royal backing, the Colony of New Navarre was born.

As soon as the first fur trade post was established in 1658, New Navarre would almost immediately become profitable. The Elilu asked very little for their furs, and were a populous (albeit widely-spread) people with trade connections deep into the interior. By 1668, New Navarre was returning larger and more profitable fur cargoes than their neighbours in New Scotland. The Robertsburgh Company became quite envious of the New Navarrese position, as the Robertsburgh Company claimed all of the Queen Mary Gulf as their exclusive fur trade zone.

At first, the Robertsburgh Company called upon the government back in Edinburgh to pressure Navarre to take back its claims. However, the government was unreceptive to the idea, as Navarre was being courted as a potential ally in the Rhineland Wars. Thus, the Robertsburgh Company was forced to take things into its own hands, and began equipping its ships for warfare.

In 1573, the Robertsburgh Company launched its first attack on New Navarre. They sent a pair of ships armed with canon and besieged Fort Béarn [near OTL *York Factory], the chief trade post of New Navarre. The Fort soon fell, the cargo of furs within were captured, and the flag of the Robertsburgh Company was soon raised over the trade post. However, this first Scottish occupation wouldn't last for long. A number of the Navarran traders had escaped and taken refuge amongst the Elilu. They were able to convince the Elilu to help them retake the fort. After the ships had departed, when the Scottish occupiers opened the forts' gates to engage in trade, the Elilu overwhelmed the fort, putting the Basque traders back in control. [20]

The Robertsburgh Company would try various other tactics over the next ten years. In 1576, they would succeed at burning down Fort Béarn, although the fort would be rebuilt within a year. In 1577 and 1579 further attacks on Fort Béarn would be repelled. In 1581, Fort Béarn would again be captured, and would be occupied with a much larger garrison, although in 1583 a fleet of Navarrese ships would succeed at retaking it.

After 1583, the Robertsburgh Company, under pressure from the Edinburgh government, began to give up its goal of capturing Fort Béarn, and instead instituted other methods of trying to force the Navarrans to leave. New Scottish forts were built on either side of Fort Béarn, with the intention of competing directly with Fort Béarn by offerring higher prices for furs, and thus driving the Navarrans out of business. The construction of these new forts would cause the Navarrans to take the offensive: with the help of the Elilu, these new forts were both burned to the ground by 1586, and Navarran ships even launched attacks on the Robertsburgh Company's Strachan Bay Forts.

By 1587, both companies were losing money on the ongoing fight between them, and the Robertsburgh Company had come to admit that it could never fully drive the Navarrans out of the Western Marian Shore. Thus, the two fur trade companies would meet in 1588 to finally discuss peace between them. During much of the times of war, the Robertsburgh Company had had the upper hand, and they were able to maintain control of almost all of the Marian Shore. New Navarre would be allowed to keep Fort Béarn, and were allowed control over the shore on either side. However, this only gave New Navarre a small window into the interior, as the Robertsburgh Company soon established trade posts on either side of New Navarre.

The two most successful trade posts on the Western Marian shore were Fort Béarn, still run by Navarran merchants and staffed by Basque traders, and Fort Brechin, established to the North of Fort Béarn by the Robertsburgh Company. Fort Brechin, at the mouth of the Brechin River [OTL *Churchill River], would support trade with the Dennay [OTL *Dene] people who lived North of the Elilu. The Dennay would grow to compete with the Elilu for the fur supply of Western North America, and a number of Dennay-Elilu wars would be fought in the 18th century.

The Robertsburgh Company and New Navarre undertook different approaches to managing the fur trade itself. The Robertsburgh Company had no desire to intervene in the interior of the continent, as they were already stretched thin managing both the New Found Land fishery as well as the Marian fur trade. However, New Navarre took an approach much like the Dutch farther South, and sent agents to accompany the Elilu into the interior. These agents would seek out new potential supplies of fur, would support the Elilu in their efforts in establishing trade relationships with new suppliers, and would advise the Elilu when it came time for war. Eventually, many of these agents would take Elilu wives, and their descendents would form the Basque-speaking Mestizoak [21] cutlure which would come to play a key role in the history of the Northern Plains.

By 1700, there were three trade networks which had the potential to reach Western North America. The Dutch network in the South stretched down the Ohiejo River and up the Malabussi and Nieutatchi. The Kanatian network in the middle travelled from New France through the Great Lakes, and traversed the portages from the Great Lakes to the river networks of the West. The Navarrese network in the North travelled up the Elilu River [OTL *Nelson River] from Fort Béarn on the Marian Shore, reaching the networks of lakes and rivers which stretched to the West. In addition to those three great networks, local trade networks had been set up by New England, New Scotland, and Danish Florida. However, it would be those three great networks which would control the greatest part of the fur supply going into the 18th and 19th centuries.

Footnotes:

[1] Note that the Robertsburgh Company wasn't really 'established' in order to participate in the North American Fur Trade, but was split off as the North American division of the Northeast Company which specialized in the White Sea fur trade. The author here is over-simplifying.

[2] I'm deliberately being as vague as possible here to avoid spoilers. Hopefully it doesn't break your suspension of disbelief that the in-TL author would be equally vague.

[3] Yeah, as I think I've mentioned before, I was never planning for Kanata to be completely free of colonialism. However, their relationship with the French will be one which will avoid the destruction of their culture, language, and political structures.

[4] We're talking about OTL Northern Québec here. The rivers that drain into the *St. Lawrence from the North (St.-Maurice, Saguenay, etc.) are the source of these furs.

[5] The main divisions of the Innu in TTL are different than they are in OTL (butterflies). In TTL they are divided by where they meet with European patrons for trade, although they have other names for themselves that aren't based upon the names of trade posts.

[6] The importation of African slaves hasn't really taken off yet, so the Dutch tobacco planters are using Native slaves instead, and a sort of trans-Appalachian slave trade has been established.

[7] The Van Hoorn Company has a mandate to colonize the region between 37°N and 39°N; the Piskatawij Colony has been careful to establish its own settlements North of that line.

[8] In TTL, the Dhegiha Siouans remained in the *Ohio Valley, and didn't move West as they did OTL. It is not clear at all what the various Dhegiha tribes' political relationships were with each other prior to the move West, so I'm positing a loose Dhegiha Confederacy.

[9] This is the Nation known OTL as the 'Missouria'. 'Niuachi' is their OTL name for themselves. In both OTL and TTL, the *Missouri River was named after the nation that dwelt along its banks.

[10] In OTL, the mountains we know as the Applachians were often instead referred to as 'the Alleghenies'. The word 'Allegheny' comes from the Lenape name 'Allegewi' which referred to a nation which lived on the banks of the *Allegheny River. In TTL, 'Allegewi' instead became 'Alleghevian', and became the name for the mountain range. If you look at some of my early maps in this TL, I have the name 'Allewegis' for the Erie Nation. This was taken from another map, and I think the author of that map maybe just happened to mis-spell 'Allegewi'??

[11] The 'Ohiejo Trail' follows the route of the OTL 'Nemacolin's Trail'. It travels up the *Potomac to *Cumberland, Maryland, overland through the *Cumberland Narrows to *Brownsville, Pennsylvania, and then down the Monogehela to Pittsburgh/Fort Ohiejo.

[12] As I may have hinted before, OTL *Louisiana will be Dutch.

[13] Cisallegevian = East of the *Appalachians.

[14] Voorgebergte = 'in front of the mountains' . In OTL we would say the 'Piedmont region'.

[15] TTL Malabussian = OTL Mississippian. The 'First Malabussian Migration Period' was what we know OTL as the 'Mississippian Collapse' and it took place in the aftermath of the de Soto expedition. The term 'Migration Period' has been chosen to make an explicit comparison between the Mississippian Collapse and the fall of the Western Roman Empire.

[16] Marian = along the shores of the Queen Mary Gulf known OTL as Hudson Bay.

[17] Remember, TTL Scotland is divided into the Kingdom of Edinburgh in the lowlands/South and the Kingodm of Alba in the highlands/North. While the Kingdom of Alba has the official claim to being the 'Kingdom of Scotland', the terms 'Scot' and 'Scottish' are usually used for the people of the Kingdom of Edinburgh, as they speak the Scots language. The people of the Kingom of Alba are instead referred to as 'Gaels' or 'Gaelic', as they speak the Gaelic language.

[18] Datari is a hard tack-like bread made by the Kanatians as a staple food which can be cheaply produced and easily transported. It's made from corn/maize. It serves much the same purpose in TTL as pemmican did in OTL; it's traded to fur trappers to help feed them through the winter, enabling these same trappers to spend more time trapping and less time hunting for food.

[19] The word 'Elilu' is derived from the Cree word 'Ililiw' for 'man', which has become an autonym of sorts amongst the OTL Cree.

[20] In writing this segment, I read up on the various campaigns by New France against the Hudson's Bay Company in OTL, as the TTL conflicts are taking place around the same time in the same place. There were lots of strange tactics used by the OTL New French that turned out to surprisingly work, and the same thing is happening here.

[21] Yes, this is a Basque version of the OTL Métis of the Canadian Prairies. They might even have their main settlements along the Red River Valley, as the Red River is well-connected to the *Hudson Bay trade network via Lake Winnipeg.
 
Great job with this whole tl! I'm excited to see which nations ride rise and fall next across North America. Are any of Cisallgevian nations going to assimilate/become metis with the Dutch or English?
One thing that has been on my mind is the ttl slave trade. With the changes to Morocco ittl, there would likely have been no Songhai conquest which happened in the 1590's OTL. That means that there's a whole new ballgame in West Africa since there's a powerful KINGDOM in the interior which hampers the effectiveness of those costal merchants to European colonies (e.g. jamaïque, all of the Spanish colonies, etc.)
Portugal still has Angola and Mocambique but with less labour available for all the other colonies, what's going to happen for North America and the Caribbean?
 
Great job with this whole tl! I'm excited to see which nations ride rise and fall next across North America. Are any of Cisallgevian nations going to assimilate/become metis with the Dutch or English?
One thing that has been on my mind is the ttl slave trade. With the changes to Morocco ittl, there would likely have been no Songhai conquest which happened in the 1590's OTL. That means that there's a whole new ballgame in West Africa since there's a powerful KINGDOM in the interior which hampers the effectiveness of those costal merchants to European colonies (e.g. jamaïque, all of the Spanish colonies, etc.)
Portugal still has Angola and Mocambique but with less labour available for all the other colonies, what's going to happen for North America and the Caribbean?

There's always North Africans to exploit. There's precedent of the Moriscos being used as peasant labor in South America TTL prior to their revolts. They're closer and there is no threat of dying in the jungles due to disease. You can justify exploiting them due to their religion.
 
Great job with this whole tl! I'm excited to see which nations ride rise and fall next across North America. Are any of Cisallgevian nations going to assimilate/become metis with the Dutch or English?

The English, sadly, are going to be just as ruthless towards the Native peoples as they were OTL. They have a lot less territory to settle than they did OTL, and, by the time their demographics recover from the recent wars in the British Isles, they will have enough settlers to fill that land quickly. The Wabenaki have no furs left to trap, so they will soon be useless as allies, and the other nations of New England are competing directly with the settlers for agricultural land.

The Dutch however, have a much friendlier relationship with their Native allies, largely because the Dutch secured a lot more territory, but have fewer people to fill it with (although they have about 3 times the population they did OTL, and have a constant influx of refugees from the rest of Germany - but they're still less populous than England). They already have one mixed-race colony in Kaningeland (which was settled mostly by Dutch men who took Kanienke/Mohawk wives - remember the Mohawk were driven out of their traditional lands, most of the men were killed or captured, but some women took refuge with the Dutch). Their may be other similar colonies down the line now that the precedent has been set.

The Danish are actually going to be the ones that wind up with the greatest Métis/assimilated Native population East of the mountains as the Cheraw Empire is itching to adopt European tech, and is already sedentary and somewhat urbanized. They will assimilate easily (as the Five Civilized Tribes did OTL), and the Danish colonial population will be kept small both by malaria and by the fact that Denmark is low in population to begin with.

One thing that has been on my mind is the ttl slave trade. With the changes to Morocco ittl, there would likely have been no Songhai conquest which happened in the 1590's OTL. That means that there's a whole new ballgame in West Africa since there's a powerful KINGDOM in the interior which hampers the effectiveness of those costal merchants to European colonies (e.g. jamaïque, all of the Spanish colonies, etc.)
Portugal still has Angola and Mocambique but with less labour available for all the other colonies, what's going to happen for North America and the Caribbean?

Portugal actually no longer has Mocambique. It was captured by the Dutch (see update 51). Also, Fernando Po fell to the Danish, giving them a foothold in Equatorial Africa. Every power bloc does have a source of African Slaves, although these sources will probably be less plentiful (and thus more expensive) than the West African slave trade was OTL:
The Franco-Portugese Bloc will be getting their slaves from Angola.
The Bourbon Bloc (Anglo-Dutch) will be getting their slaves from East Africa (more expensive).
The Dresden Bloc (Danes & Germans) will be getting their slaves from Equatorial Africa (Fernado Po).
The Spanish/Hapsburg Bloc will be using Native rather than African slaves.

Certainly, the survival of Songhai will mean that slaves will be more expensive than the were OTL, but the slave trade hasn't been entirely butterflied. What will likely happen is that sugar plantations in the Caribbean and Brazil (and, to a lesser extent, Danish Florida) will still use African slaves, but that North American tobacco plantations will instead continue to use European indentured servants and Native slaves (and some Africans, but not very many).

But I really should write a post on West Africa at some point. Better start doing my research ;).

There's always North Africans to exploit. There's precedent of the Moriscos being used as peasant labor in South America TTL prior to their revolts. They're closer and there is no threat of dying in the jungles due to disease. You can justify exploiting them due to their religion.

Well, they have just as much a threat of dying in the jungles as Europeans do. Most of the Malaria-resistent genes (that Europeans don't already have) are specific to sub-Saharan Africa (IIRC). There's no more malaria in North Africa than there is in Andalusia, Sicily, or Greece.
 
Great job with this whole tl! I'm excited to see which nations ride rise and fall next across North America. Are any of Cisallgevian nations going to assimilate/become metis with the Dutch or English?

The English, sadly, are going to be just as ruthless towards the Native peoples as they were OTL. They have a lot less territory to settle than they did OTL, and, by the time their demographics recover from the recent wars in the British Isles, they will have enough settlers to fill that land quickly. The Wabenaki have no furs left to trap, so they will soon be useless as allies, and the other nations of New England are competing directly with the settlers for agricultural land.

The Dutch however, have a much friendlier relationship with their Native allies, largely because the Dutch secured a lot more territory, but have fewer people to fill it with (although they have about 3 times the population they did OTL, and have a constant influx of refugees from the rest of Germany - but they're still less populous than England). They already have one mixed-race colony in Kaningeland (which was settled mostly by Dutch men who took Kanienke/Mohawk wives - remember the Mohawk were driven out of their traditional lands, most of the men were killed or captured, but some women took refuge with the Dutch). Their may be other similar colonies down the line now that the precedent has been set.

The Danish are actually going to be the ones that wind up with the greatest Métis/assimilated Native population East of the mountains as the Cheraw Empire is itching to adopt European tech, and is already sedentary and somewhat urbanized. They will assimilate easily (as the Five Civilized Tribes did OTL), and the Danish colonial population will be kept small both by malaria and by the fact that Denmark is low in population to begin with.

One thing that has been on my mind is the ttl slave trade. With the changes to Morocco ittl, there would likely have been no Songhai conquest which happened in the 1590's OTL. That means that there's a whole new ballgame in West Africa since there's a powerful KINGDOM in the interior which hampers the effectiveness of those costal merchants to European colonies (e.g. jamaïque, all of the Spanish colonies, etc.)
Portugal still has Angola and Mocambique but with less labour available for all the other colonies, what's going to happen for North America and the Caribbean?

Portugal actually no longer has Mocambique. It was captured by the Dutch (see update 51). Also, Fernando Po fell to the Danish, giving them a foothold in Equatorial Africa. Every power bloc does have a source of African Slaves, although these sources will probably be less plentiful (and thus more expensive) than the West African slave trade was OTL:
The Franco-Portugese Bloc will be getting their slaves from Angola.
The Bourbon Bloc (Anglo-Dutch) will be getting their slaves from East Africa (more expensive).
The Dresden Bloc (Danes & Germans) will be getting their slaves from Equatorial Africa (Fernado Po).
The Spanish/Hapsburg Bloc will be using Native rather than African slaves.

Certainly, the survival of Songhai will mean that slaves will be more expensive than the were OTL, but the slave trade hasn't been entirely butterflied. What will likely happen is that sugar plantations in the Caribbean and Brazil (and, to a lesser extent, Danish Florida) will still use African slaves, but that North American tobacco plantations will instead continue to use European indentured servants and Native slaves (and some Africans, but not very many).

But I really should write a post on West Africa at some point. Better start doing my research ;).

There's always North Africans to exploit. There's precedent of the Moriscos being used as peasant labor in South America TTL prior to their revolts. They're closer and there is no threat of dying in the jungles due to disease. You can justify exploiting them due to their religion.

Well, they have just as much a threat of dying in the jungles as Europeans do. Most of the Malaria-resistent genes (that Europeans don't already have) are specific to sub-Saharan Africa (IIRC). There's no more malaria in North Africa than there is in Andalusia, Sicily, or Greece.
 
Re the west African slave trade, Songhai is a Sahel state: it has little contact with the coastal forest peoples to the south. Senegal/Gambia/upper Guinea area is the only place where the Songhai get to/anywhere near the coast. So the West African slave trade may take a hit, but it's not going away.


map2.jpg


Slave_trade_transatlantic_projected_exports_with_Africa_map.jpg


The_Songhai_Empire.jpg



So the map of future North America is slowly filling in: I suspect Mexico/Spanish America may have more staying power in the SW than OTL.
 
The second major challenge faced by the Canada Company was the Kantian Revolution of the 1570s. The ongoing civil war between the Trader and Warrior branches of the Arkevujay resulted in a halt in the flow of furs from the Kantian Interior to New France. While the end of the Kantian Revolution resulted in the resumption of the fur trade, the years of lost profits led to a desire by the Canada Company to ensure stability in the Kantian Republic by taking an active interest in its government. [2]
Kantia, not Kanatia?
 
Update 58A - Kitpoo (part I)
Update 58a – Kitpoo (part I)

(Fort Maliseet [1], July 1566)

To the men, women and children in the fleet of nine canoes, Fort Maliseet was a welcome sight. The bay crossing from Lennox Harbour to Fort Maliseet was always a dangerous one, and while L'Nuk canoes, with their high sides and square sails, [2] were capable of making the crossing, their boats were simply not as seaworthy as those built by the English. This time, Kitpoo and his companions had been lucky: the wind had been relatively constant from the South, and there had been few large waves.

Entering the mouth of the Maliseet River [OTL *St. John River], Kitpoo and his band caught sight of the English fort. Fort Maliseet was a modest settlement in comparison to the city of Lennox Harbour, but it was still more imposing than any L'Nuk village that Kitpoo had ever visited. While it was only home to less than a hundred permanent residents, Fort Maliseet still seemed large to Kitpoo, with buildings that were oversized and intimidating.

As the canoes pulled up to the beach next to Fort Maliseet, Kitpoo saw that there was another group of canoes already there, and a camp already set up. By the designs of the canoes, Kitpoo could tell that the band was not L'Nuk. They had probably come from inland to Fort Maliseet in order to trade furs. Kitpoo could see that someone in the camp must have noticed the approaching canoes. By the time the canoes arrived at the beach, there was already a group of men and women at the water's edge, ready to greet them and help out.

“Who are you and what brings you here?” the leader of the band called out.

“My name is Kitpoo. We are from Sikepne'katik [3]. My father is the chief of a small village which used to be located along the South shore East of Owkogegechk [4], the home of the great Glooscap. However, this spring, upon returning from our winter camps, we found that English settlers had taken our village site and were in the process of building a village of their own. We spoke to the Proprietor in charge of the village, and made the customary offer to buy the land from us in exchange for muskets and ammunition for each man in our village.”

“A lot of the land in Sikepne'katik is being taken that way, isn't it?” the other man asked.

“Well, we hadn't really understood that when we made the decision to move on. Last time we moved our summer village, more than ten years ago, there had been lots of new sites available. This spring, it seemed that all of the best fishing sites were already taken, either by other L'Nuk villages or by English Proprietors. We couldn't find a good site in Sikepne'katik, so we began travelling down the coast towards Kesputkwitk [5]. It was only when we reached Lennox Harbour without finding a suitable site, that we realized how difficult it would be to find what we were looking for. It was then that we decided to try to cross the bay and look for land on the North side. That is what brought us here.”

“You know that this is Maliseet territory, right?” the other man inquired. “You L'Nuk, however desperate your situation, are not welcome to simply come and take our lands for your own summer villages. We ourselves have had lost lands of our own to Proprietors based out of Fort Maliseet. Every year, we move farther and farther up the river, away from the coast where the best fishing spots are. There are no village sites available for newcomers.”

“However,” the Maliseet man continued, “if you're looking for somewhere to go to, you might try following this river all the way up to its source in the Abenaki Mountains [6]. The land in the mountains belongs to the Wabanaki Confederacy as a whole, and not to any individual tribe, so you are welcome to settle there. There are no clams there, and the fishing is not as good as it is here. Instead of fishing, many of the men who live in the mountains spend their summers organizing raiding parties against New France and Nouvelle Genève. They come back with their packs full of tools, cloth, and other useful goods. Sometimes, they're even able to secure gold or jewelry, which the English here at Fort Maliseet will pay well for. We're actually here ourselves to engage in a bit of trading.”

The Maliseet man pulled out a leather bundle, and unwrapped it to show Kitpoo a pile of shiny metal and polished stones. Kitpoo knew that these were objects that the English valued greatly, and that they would pay much for, although he couldn't really understand how these delicate metal trinkets could be worth more than an axe or a musket. “My cousin organized a raiding party against Nouvelle Genève last summer,” the man continued, “this is a small part of what he brought back. He's given this bundle of valuables to me, and I'm here to trade them at Fort Maliseet. We're hoping that we can get new clothing for our whole band here in exchange for these. We might even be able to get some of that stuff that the English call Whiskey.”



That night, as he sat by the fire, Kitpoo couldn't get the image of the gold and jewelry out of his head. He had never seen so much jewelry together in one place before. The idea that a bundle that small could buy enough clothing to cover a whole band astounded him. If that was just a small piece of the proceeds from one raid, Kitpoo couldn't imagine how much he could get from a lifetime of raiding. His band had muskets and ammunition: they were already equipped for raiding. All they needed to do was travel up to the mountains, and find a raiding party to join. Kitpoo knew that joining the warriors in the mountains would be their best chance for prosperity. He just had to convince the rest of the band.

* * * * *

(Upper St.-Joseph Valley [7], June 1667)

Kitpoo and his companion Chegual looked down from their perch in the top of a tree. Kitpoo had always been good at tree-climbing, and this tree was well-positioned to give a vantage point over the whole river valley. This side of the valley had quite a shallow slope, which meant that it was difficult to find a good spot to take in the landscape of the whole valley.

The far, Northern side of the valley was bounded by a long escarpment. At the foot of the escarpment was the St. Joseph River, which flowed westward. A gap in the escarpment was visible, where the river took a sharp turn to flow North towards the land of Kanata. On the banks of the river, just before the bend, was located a large field. From the looks of it, the land must have been cleared by humans, as the borders of the field seemed to form almost a perfect circle. In the center of the circle was located a complex of three or maybe four buildings surrounded by a pallisade. The whole complex was about the same side as Fort Maliseet, although the architecture was different. The buildings here were less square, more arch-shaped perhaps. [8] “Is that Nouvelle Genève?” Kitpoo asked.

“No,” Chegual replied, “Nouvelle Genève is around the bend in the river, on the other side of the escarpment. What you see is Fort Josev. It was built two years ago, and is now occupied by the Kanatian Arkevujay. We need to reach Nouvelle Genève while avoiding the fort. Last year, we tried crossing the river upstream from here, and rounding the Eastern end of the escarpment. However, I've heard that the fort's garrison is now patrolling that route. I'm thinking this year we will travel past the fort, and scale the escarpment West of here. Then, we can surprise Nouvelle Genève by attacking from the West.”

Chegual was three years older than Kitpoo and had been born near Fort Kennebec to the South. However, like Kitpoo, his band had relocated to the Abenaki Mountains. While he still spoke with the Kennebec accent, Chegual no longer referred to himself as being from the 'Kennebec' tribe. Now he just referred to himself as an 'Abenaki', as did most of the others who lived here.

Kitpoo's band had settled in a village site next to the one in which Chegual lived. The two young men had become friends, and Chegual had invited Kitpoo to come with him for the annual raid on Nouvelle Genève. Chegual was an expert raider, and had many stories of the successful raids he had made in the past, although had equally many stories of the friends he had lost while out raiding. This year, he had taken Kitpoo under his wing, teaching him skills he would need on the raiding expedition.

Soon, Chegual and Kitpoo were down from the tree. “Fellow raiders,” Chegual called out to the group of a few hundred who stood gathered at the base of the tree. “We have decided upon our route of attack. This year, we will travel Westward past the Fort, will cross over the hills there, and then will come down on Nouvelle Genéve from the West. We know that the Arkevujay have patrols out in the woods in these areas. If anyone spots an Arkevujay scout, they must shoot him with an arrow before he has a chance to bring a message back to the fort. If a message gets back, we will lose the element of surprise. If anyone hears a musket shot or any sort of cry, we abandon the attack, we split up, and disappear into the woods. I must also reiterate that you are to use only spears, bows, and arrows until we are ready to make our final attack. Muskets must not be used unless absolutely necessary. Shooting off a musket will alert the enemy as to our position, which will mean that we'd have to abandon our attack and start again. Is that clear?”

The men assembled here voiced their approval.

“Great,” Chegual acknowledged. “then it's time for us to move…”

Chegual was interrupted by a cry from the woods, in the direction that one of the scouts had been placed. The cry was followed by the sound of a gunshot. By the time Kitpoo realized what was happening, half of the men around him had already disappeared into the woods. Kitpoo picked up his pack, with his musket and bow attached, and began to run. He dodged branches and leapt over roots as he did his best to isolate himself from the rest of the group. It's easier to hide one hundred men than one army, Chegual had always said. The fewer men were nearby, the more easily Kitpoo would be able to hide without being noticed.

It was only once Chegual had to stop running that he realized he had lost his sense of direction. Run in a random direction at first, Chegual had instructed, but make sure you gradually turn South and East. If we travel South and East, we will all eventually reach the Kwinentucket [OTL *Connecticut] River. From there, we can travel downstream to Fort Henry [near OTL *Colebrook, NH] and regroup. Kitpoo needed to turn South and East if he was to regroup and join in the next raid. However, he wasn't sure what direction was South or East. The day was cloudy, so there were no shadows to give him a sense of direction. He'd have to climb a tree and take a look at the nearby landmarks.

The first thing Kitpoo noticed as he made it to the top of the nearest tree, was that he was almost at the end of the forest. The trees abruptly ended a short distance away, and, after the trees ended, there was a field, followed by a… fort! Kitpoo realized that he had almost run directly into Fort Josev.

Just then, Kitpoo heard shouts from the bottom of the tree in an unfamiliar language that must be Kanatian. He realized that he had neglected to properly hide his pack before climbing the tree, and it must have been discovered. The sound of a shot was heard from below and a ball whizzed by his ear. While he couldn't understand the words being said, Kitpoo got the message and began climbing down from the tree. A dozen Arkevujay soldiers were waiting at the bottom, with ropes ready to bind his wrists. Kitpoo was to be made a captive…

Footnotes to part a:

[1] Fort Maliseet is located near OTL St. John, NB. It is strategically located at the mouth of the *St. John river to control trade with the interior.

[2] A bit of quick internet research revealed the the L'Nuk/Mi'kmaq did make sailing canoes for crossing open ocean. They would have been seaworthy enough for the Bay of Fundy or the Gulf of St. Lawrence, although I can't imagine they would have tried to venture out into the Atlantic.

[3] This Mi'kmaq/L'Nuk name refers to the middle part of Nova Scotia which includes OTL Kentville, Windsor, Truro, and Halifax.

[4] This is the Mi'kmaq/L'Nuk name for OTL Cape *Blomidon.

[5] Southwestern Nova Scotia including OTL Digby, Yarmouth, and Shelburne.

[6] Remember the 'Abenaki Mountains' is the TTL name for the Northern ranges of the Appalachians in OTL Quebec, New Hampshire, and Maine.

[7] Remember, the OTL St-François River is called 'St-Joseph' in TTL.

[8] Kanatian architecture still takes cues from the longhouses which are still the most common type of building.
 
Hey, just wanted to apologize for the long wait without an update, and to let all you folks know that I'm not sure how often I'll be able to produce updates these days. I'm working a bit more than full-time this semester, so I don't really have a lot of spare time to put into writing. My partner is also pregnant, which means that my life's probably going to be getting a lot more hectic coming this winter. I will update when I can, but the updates will likely be shorter and farther between....
 
The idea that a bundle that small could buy enough clothing to cover a whole band astounded him. If that was just a small piece of the proceeds from one raid, Kitpoo couldn't imagine how much he could get from a lifetime of raiding. His band had muskets and ammunition: they were already equipped for raiding. All they needed to do was travel up to the mountains, and find a raiding party to join. Kitpoo knew that joining the warriors in the mountains would be their best chance for prosperity.
Heh. Yeah, I thought this was likely to come to grief. Sure, the early raids hit easy targets (and successes tend to be magnified, while defeats are less emphasized, I'm sure.

My partner is also pregnant, which means that my life's probably going to be getting a lot more hectic
Heh. Even more than you think. My wife and I cheerfully said 'oh, we'll keep on ....' (the one thing I remember was running a local cub pack), and we had to drop so much.
 
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