Update 45B - Charles Skutawenondi (part II)
  • Update 45B - Charles Skutawenondi (part II)

    P { margin-bottom: 0.21cm; } (New Bristol, July 1635)


    The town of New Bristol was smaller than Charles had thought it would be. From all the talk he'd heard back in Nouvelle Géneve, he'd figured that New Bristol was a city ten times the size of Hochelaga. Certainly, it was much larger than Nouvelle Géneve, but Nouvelle Géneve was barely more than a village. Now that he was here, New Bristol seemed to Charles to be only half the size of Maisouna, maybe a quarter the size of Hochelaga. [1]


    However, while the size of New Bristol was distinctly unimpressive to Charles, he still found the city itself quite remarkable. While the buildings were more or less similar to those he had seen in Nouvelle Géneve or Hochelaga's Petite Rochelle, their architecture still seemed strange and exotic to Charles, and the buildings here were certainly much grander than anything in Nouvelle Géneve. What impressed Charles most of all, though were the ships in the harbour. In Hochelaga, Charles would often see the Kanata Boats [2] which sailed upriver from Stadacona. He had always assumed that the ships which carried Kanata's furs across the ocean to France would be more or less similar to these Kanata Boats.


    But the ships that Charles now saw in the harbour of New Bristol dwarfed the Kanata Boats as much as the Kanata Boats dwarfed his own people's canoes. These ships were the size of Hochelaga's largest longhouses, and great trees sprouted from their decks to support sails larger than anything Charles had thought was possible. All that he had read about ships and sailing had not really prepared him for the reality. [3]


    “I can take you down to the harbour later,” spoke Jean Frechet, Charles' traveling companion. “Right now, I need to introduce you to the Bishop.” Frechet was one of Nouvelle Genéve's Huguenot ministers and the teacher at the Huguenot school. He had taken a liking to Charles ever since he had met him three years ago. Since then, Charles had gone on to become one of Frechet's best students, and Frechet had made it his mission to prepare Charles for a proper education in Calvinist Theology.


    The Bishop who Charles was about to meet was the Anglican Bishop of the Diocese of New England. While the Huguenot Church of Nouvelle Géneve, like all Huguenot churches, was independently governed at the congregational level, it shared much doctrine in common with the Church of England. [4] The French Bibles used by the Huguenots were printed on English printing presses, and many Huguenots were sent to England to attend Theology school. Frechet travelled to New Bristol every summer to meet with the Anglican Bishop. This summer, he had decided to bring Charles along.


    New Bristol's cathedral was much smaller and plainer than the Jesuit Church in Hochelaga. This, Charles thought, was likely due both to New Bristol's smaller number of parishioners as well as the Calvinist abhorrence of decadence. However, there was something about the straight lines and simple geometric perfection of this cathedral which captivated Charles. It was almost as if everything organic had been drained from the cathedral's structure, leaving nothing but its mathematical skeleton. But somehow, this skeleton was more beautiful than the flesh clinging to it had been. [5]


    Frechet brought Charles inside the Cathedral, where he was greeted by a small middle-aged man with a kindly face. “Bishop Woodrow, how good it is to see you!” Frechet called out. He spoke in Latin, likely for Charles' benefit, although Charles had been studying English for a number of months in order to prepare for this meeting.


    “Jean, my friend!” the Bishop replied. “Please call me 'Thomas'. You're not my subordinate, and formality shouldn't be necessary between us after all these years. Who is this who you bring along?”


    “This is Charles Skutawenondi,” Frechet replied, “he is the student I was telling you about. He is only sixteen years old, yet he is able to astound me with his insight into Scripture.”


    “Ahh, yes, you did write to me about him. He is a little…” the Bishop paused to find the right word “…darker than I thought he might be.”


    “Well, he is a Kanatian,” Frechet replied, “he may look like the savages you find around these parts, but his people are much more civilized. [6] Besides, he is just as much a Christian like you or I.”


    “It's a pleasure to meet you,” Charles broke in, speaking English. He caught a look of surprise on the Bishop's face.


    “Thank you, Mr. … uh … Skawendy?” the Bishop said.


    “Skutawenondi,” Charles replied.


    “How about I just called you 'Charles Wendie'? I don't think I can quite wrap my tongue around your last name.” As the Bishop spoke, Charles replied with a nod. “By the way, your English is quite good. How long have you been studying it for?”


    “Only two months,” Charles replied.


    “He's a quick learner,” Frechet broke in. “I have been astounded many times with how quickly this boy can pick things up. To be honest, I'm starting to reach the limits of what I am capable of teaching him, and I really think he'd benefit from travelling abroad to attend University. I don't want to send him to France where he'd be studying under Catholics, so sending him to England is probably the best bet. However, in order to get him admittance into Oxford University, he'll need someone to recommend him. I was hoping that maybe you could play that role.”


    “I don't think…” the Bishop started.


    “Thomas,” said Frechet, “you don't have to make a decision now. Spend a few days, weeks, even months talking with the boy. Give him a chance to impress you with his intellect. Once you have gotten a chance to know him, you will want him to have a chance to attend Oxford just as much as I do. You'll see…”


    * * * * *


    (Oxford, February 1638)


    The air inside the Raven's Eye Tavern was warm and comforting. Charles could smell the scent of fresh food and hear the sounds of his fellow students busy in conversation. It had been months since Charles had been inside his favourite tavern. He had been sick for much of this time. While the fact that he had survived smallpox as a child had spared him from that particular disease, there had been many other illness which had struck him over the past two years. Many, like this last one, had left him bedridden for months.


    “Charlie Wendie! Come over here!” a familiar voice called out. It was Charles' fried Bart, a fellow Oxford student. As usual, most of the tavern patrons were students, and Bart was seated with a group of them, although most looked unfamiliar to Charles.


    “Come, grab an ale, sit down with us,” Bart said, “Harry here was just talking about a Faustus Socinius, and his Arian heresy.” [7] The Raven's Eye was well known as a place where Theology students could speak freely about religious matters without risk of being branded a heretic. Oxford University enforced a fairly strict adherence to Calvinist orthodoxy within the classroom itself, but the Raven's Eye was one of the many places where deviations from that orthodoxy were tolerated.


    “How many times to I have to tell you that Unitarianism is not the same thing as Arianism!” shouted a red-haired student, who seemed to be at the centre of this particular group. This must be Harry, Charles thought. “Arianism holds that Jesus was a divine entity below God but above humans. Socinius, on the other hand, teaches that God was and is the only divine entity. Jesus was simply the human son of God, nothing more.”


    Bart ignored Harry and continued speaking to Charles. “Let me buy you a beer,” he said, “and are you hungry?”


    “Thanks,” Charles replied, “I've been sick for so long that I've fallen behind on my translation work. [8] I haven't been paid in a couple of months, so I haven't really been eating well.”


    “…there's nothing in the Bible that says that Jesus was God.” Harry continued. “Certainly, he was the Son of God, none of us doubt that, but Socinius argues that he couldn't have been God Himself. How can anyone, even God, be his own son? That's just nonsensical!”


    “Harry,” interrupted another student. Charles couldn't remember his name, but he could remember that he was a Navarran, from Pamplona. [9] “What you're saying sounds an awful lot like the Mahometan [sic] teaching that Jesus was a prophet but nothing more. How is Socinius still a Christian and not a Mahometan?”

    “Well, he doesn't follow the teachings of Mahomet for a start. Saying that Jesus is not God is not the same thing as denying that he was the son of God, or denying that, through his sacrifice, he saved us from sin. Really, all that Socinians and Mahometans have in common is that we're - I mean they're - both monotheists! Socinius simply takes seriously the idea that there truly is only one God, rather than three Gods in one!”


    By this time, Bart had returned with ale and a bowl of stew for Charles. Taking a sip of the frothy drink, Charles was reminded of how much better English beer was than Kanatian beer. If he ever got homesick and though of returning home, a taste of good Enlgish ale was enough to convince him to stay. “Ok, Harry,” Bart said, “let's suppose for the sake of argument that there is nothing in Scripture which says that the Trinity exists. At the same time, there is definitely nothing in Scripture which says that the Trinity doesn't exist. So, the question becomes, if both positions are equally unjustified by Scripture, why not go with the one that every Christian has followed since the First Council of Nicaea?”


    “Bart,” Harry replied, “are you really saying that we should believe something just because it's orthodox to do so? If we followed that line of reasoning, wouldn't be still be following the Pope as our ancestors did 100 years ago? What's the point of the Reformation if it isn't to question orthodoxy?”


    “Point taken,” said Bart, “but my question still stands. Why not believe in one God in three persons? What's the reason why God can't manifest himself in three different ways?”


    “Or five different ways,” added Charles in a muffled voice.


    “Five?” asked Bart, turning to Charles. “Why five?”


    “Oh, well, back where I come from, in Hochelaga, there's an order called the Magdalene Sisterhood. They believe that God has manifested himself not just in three different persons, but in no fewer than five. My aunt is one of the leaders of the Magdalene Sisterhood, and I was just thinking of a letter I recently received from her. She's very interested in what I am learning here…”


    “Ok, but back to the five. I'm assuming Father, Son, and Holy Spirit are three of them, but what are the fourth and fifth aspects of God?”


    “God the Mother and God the Daughter,” answered Charles, “my people have this idea that there needs to be balance between the male and female aspects of things. Since two of the aspects of God are male, the Magdalenes have come up with the idea that there must be two female aspects to balance these two. God the Mother is supposed to be Mary, of course, and God the Daughter is a supposed to be the form in which God will come to Earth again.”


    “And what do they say to the fact that God the Mother and God the Daughter are not mentioned in Scripture?” this time it was the Navarran who asked the question. The whole group had turned to listen to Charles; Harry was no longer the centre of attention.


    “Well, my Aunt would say that Scripture only mentions the male aspects of God because the Bible was written by men. She firmly believes that there are other Gospels which were written by women apostles, but they have simply been forgotten.” [10]


    “So, do you believe any of this?” continued the Navarran.


    “Well, not really,” replied Charles. “To be honest, I feel that the Magdalenes are much worse than the Catholics when it comes to disregarding Scripture. However, I do feel that we have to be mindful of the fact that the Word of God has been passed down to us by men. I'm wondering if rather than 'God the Father' and 'God the Son', we should really be saying 'God the Parent' and 'God the Child'. I mean, is the 'He' used to refer to God supposed to signify that He is specifically male, or is it the generic 'He' which includes the female. I'd like to think its the latter. A perfect being would have to have both male and female aspects, would He not?”


    “I don't know about that,” added another student whose name Charles didn't know. “Isn't the female just an imperfect version of the male? I mean, wasn't Eve created to serve Adam? Wasn't she created from just one of his ribs?”


    “To be honest,” Charles replied, “it doesn't really matter whether women were created to serve men or not. The fact still remains that there are things that women can do, like bearing children, that men cannot. Any perfect, omnipotent being must be able to bear children, and thus must have a female aspect.”


    “Ok, let's suppose that God in fact does have a female aspect,” said Harry, who had re-entered the conversation. For a while he had had an annoyed look on his face. He was likely disappointed that he was no longer the centre of attention. “Jesus, on the other hand, was a man; he could not bear children. Ergo, Jesus was not God, he was only the son of God.”


    Charles sat back and started drinking a fresh mug of ale which the Navarran had just placed in front of him. He was glad that Harry had shifted the centre of the conversation away from him. It was good just to be able to sit here, eat, drink, and talk with other students. Some day, Charles would graduate and become a Pastor in a church somewhere, but, for now, he was living the easy life of a student.


    * * * * *



    (Muirkirk, October 1641)


    The sun was beginning to set when Charles returned from his walk on the moors. He would have liked to be out longer but the damp cold weather was starting to chill him, and his flask of whisky was nearly empty. It would be better to return to his house to warm up and have his housekeeper make him some dinner.


    While there was a certain natural beauty to the wilderness of rural Scotland, it was nothing like the forests of home. To be honest, a posting in Muirkirk would definitely not have been Charles' first choice. It just happened to be that, when he graduated from Oxford, it had been Scotland that had been most in need of Calvinist Pastors. Besides, while Charles had been made welcome as a student at Oxford, it had been made clear enough that he was just not English enough for a career in the Anglican Church.


    Charles shuddered whenever he remembered why Scotland was in such desparate need of Pastors. The last Pastor sent to this parish had only lasted four years before he had been captured by the Scottish Inquisition. With the Supplicants [11] in control of most of the Ayrshire, Charles hoped that he could now avoid that fate.


    As he approached the small house that adjoined Muirkirk's church, Charles was surprised to see a young boy waiting on his doorstep. The boy was dressed in the military clothes of the Supplicant army, although his clothes were torn and almost falling off his body. As he got closer, Charles realized that he recognized the boy's face, although there was something wrong about it.


    It was only when he was almost at the doorstep that Charles realized where he knew the face from. It wasn't a boy, it was a girl, but she had cut her hair short and put on military clothes. Her name was Margaret, Charles recalled, and she had been a member of the local congregation until a few months ago. Last spring her father and older brother had left to fight in the war, and she had been left behind with her mother. When her mother had died in an accident, she had left to go live with her aunt and uncle in the nearby village of Auchinleck. So, what was she doing back here?


    “Pastor Wendie!” she called out. “I'm glad you're back! Your housekeeper wouldn't let me inside without your permission. I don't think she recognized me…”


    “Oh, poor girl,” Charles replied, “please come inside. What is it that's troubling you?” As Charles opened the door for her, he realized that it wasn't just her clothes that had been damaged. She had bruises on her face and cuts on her arm.


    “Please, Pastor, protect me and pray for me. Keep me safe!”


    “Safe from what?” asked Charles.


    “This,” Margaret said, gesturing towards her cuts and bruises.


    “Tell, me, who did that to you? Why would anyone hurt you?”


    Margaret didn't speak for a minute or so. “I should probably start at the beginning,” she finally said. “After my mother died, which was the last time you saw me, I began hearing the voice of the Holy Spirit in my head. The voice talked to me, told me that God had a special plan for me. The voice told me that my father and brother had been killed by the Catholic armies, and that I was needed to go out and fight to save Scotland. The voice told me that I would need to pretend to be a boy in order to join the armies, so I did. I cut my hair, and found boy's clothes, and went off to fight, just like Joan of Arc did.”


    “Joan of Arc, you say?” She must have heard that from the French Priest who was preaching here before the Supplicants took over, Charles thought. No Scot or Englishman would ever tell that story, or at least wouldn't tell it in a way that treats Joan as a heroine.


    “Yes, Joan of Arc went off to fight for France, and I went to fight for Scotland”, Margaret continued. “But,” she paused, as if fearful of what she was going to say next, “but I was a coward! I couldn't do it. God sent me off to war, but I couldn't face battle. God didn't grant me the strength I needed, and I ran away from there as fast as I could. I've prayed to him all I could, but I just couldn't face the thought of all that blood…” she was crying now.


    My child,” Charles said. “It's not in everyone's nature to be a soldier. Remember, God sent you to Earth as a girl, not as a boy. If He'd truly wanted you to be a fine warrior, He would have made you a man. Instead, He must have another plan for you.”


    “But, God spoke to me… He did… I know it…” Margaret seemed even more fearful than she had been before. She was not comforted by Charles' words, and he wasn't sure why. “Unless…”


    “Unless what?” Charles asked.


    “What if I am a witch and I don't know it? What if it was Satan who was speaking to me and not God.”


    Of course you're not a witch,” Charles said, “you're a good Christian. Even good Christians are misled by Satan from time to time. But God is merciful; if you have done wrong, just ask for forgiveness and you will have it…”


    “But I tried that!” Margaret cried out in frustration. “When I came back from the war, I asked my aunt and uncle for forgiveness. I asked them to take me back into their home, and they refused. They said that I was unnatural for wanting to dress in boy's clothes, and they told me that they knew that I was a witch. They said that they had heard me talking to my dead mother. 'Anyone who talks to the dead must be a witch', they said.”


    “Talking to your dead mother?” Charles asked.


    “Yes,” Margaret replied. “When God first started speaking to me, he spoke to me in my mother's voice. I thought He was her at first. It was only later that I discovered that it was actually God who had been speaking to me all along. But, my uncle told me that he didn't believe me. He told me that God would never disgrace himself and take on female form.”


    “I then told him what you told me in your sermon last year,” Margaret continued. Her voice had gotten calmed and more confident at this point. “You told me - you told all of us - that God has both male and female inside of Him. You told me that, just as God once came to Earth as a man, that He might also someday come to Earth as a woman, and that, because of that, all women should be respected and cherished.”


    “But my uncle didn't like that. He told me then and there that I was a tool of the devil, and that all women, including me, were evil. That's when he…” Margaret stopped and gazed at her bruises. Charles could tell what she meant by this.


    “He told me, my uncle told me, that if I ran, if I told anyone about what he'd done to me that he'd have to have me burnt at the stake. He told me that unless I kept quiet, he'd tell the whole village that I was a witch and had killed my own mother. But I knew I couldn't stay there. I knew I had to go. So I came here, because I know that you'll help me, that you'll keep me safe.” [12]


    By this point in the conversation, the night had become quite dark. The stars and moon were out, but there was another glow on the horizon, not in the Western sky where the setting sun had been, but in the South, down by the river. “I'll keep you safe, I promise,” Charles said, “but I need you to get out of sight. Stay put, and don't come out until I tell you to…” Charles got up and went to the door.


    As Charles exited the house he caught sight of the mob. The were coming up the road from the river with torches in hand. They were carrying what must be makeshift weapons, and had an angry look to the way they were walking. As the mob drew closer, Charles noticed that the man leading it walked with a limp and had a black eye. This must be the uncle, he thought, it seems that Margaret isn't quite as bad a fighter as she makes herself out to be. “What business do you have here at so late an hour?” he called out.


    “We're here after a witch!” the uncle called out. “A girl, although she's dressed as a boy. Margaret is her name! Have you seen her?”


    “A witch, you say?” Charles asked. “I haven't seen any witches about.”


    “Margaret,” the uncle repeated. “She's my niece. The innkeeper said that she had been seen walking up this road a few hours ago. Are you sure you haven't seen her?”


    “No, I haven't,” Charles said.


    “Then you'd have no objection to us looking through your house to see if she's in there?”


    “You don't trust me, the Pastor of this church?” Charles questioned. “How would you feel if I told your Pastor back in Auchinleck that you ransacked my house because you didn't take me at my word?”


    I'm his Pastor,” another man called out, “and I wouldn't take anyone of your savage race at his word either! For all I know you're a servant of Satan too! Let's go in and get the witch!” As he said this, the mob charged the door. Charles threw himself between the mob and the door, but, before he knew what was happening, something cracked him across the top of his head, and he fell to the ground and blacked out…


    …Charles awakened to the feel of heat and the scent of smoke. His housekeeper, Fiona, was standing above him shaking him and talking frantically. Looking up Charles could see that he had been dragged away from his house, which was now on fire. “Where is Margaret?” he asked, “is she safe?”


    “She's inside,” Fiona replied, “and you're not going back in there. They only let me go just in time to save you from the flames.” Charles heard a scream as the roof of the house collapsed. He felt devastated.


    “Fiona,” he said, “I'm leaving this place. I cannot preach the word of God to those who will not hear it. I don't know where I'm going, but I'll make do. I'm sure I'll be able to find translation work somewhere.”


    “Take this,” he said handing her his watch, “this is your severance pay. And feel free to take anything else of mine that has survived the fire. You've served me well, and I know you'll serve the next Pastor here just as well. Good-bye.”


    Charles head was still ringing with pain, and his flask of whisky was empty, but he forced himself to get up and walk back out onto the moors… [13]


    Footnotes to Part II:
    [1] At this point in time, New Bristol has a population in the thousands while Hochelaga has a population over ten thousand. And Hochelaga's population is just going to keep growing at this point. Hochelaga won't rival major European cities until probably the 19th or 20th centuries, but New Bristol will never surpass it in population. I don't think even TTL's New Amsterdam will ever catch up to Hochelaga in population, but am not really sure.
    [2] The Kanata Boats are one of TTL's alternate techs. They're riverboats built specifically for the fur trade, and have a design somewhere between a European riverboat and a Kanatian canoe. Really, they're fairly similar to OTL's Voyageur canoes, as they serve the same purpose, but have become a
    'thing' a little earlier than OTL.
    [3] While transatlantic ships can make it upriver to Hochelaga, the nature of the dual Canada Company/Arkevujay control Kanatian fur trade means furs have to be offloaded in both Hochelaga and Stadacona, so ocean going ships rarely risk the shoals and sand bars upriver from Stadacona.
    [4] Remember TTL's Church of England is much more radically Reformed than OTL's. Really TTL's Anglicanism is just 'Calvinism, but with Bishops' due to the influence of Edward VI.
    [5] The combination of Calvinist austerity with the monumental architecture called for by a monarch-headed Church, has led to a unique style to TTL's Anglican church architecture which emphasizes straight lines and little decoration while still maintaining some sort of majestic quality. I almost want to say it's kinda like Soviet architecture but with 17th-century technology.
    [6] The fact that the Kanatians have adopted 300% more European technology than their distant cousins in New England leads many of the colonizers to think of Kanatians as in a separate racial category between Europeans and the rest of the North American Natives.
    [7] Faustus Socinius was one of the OTL founders of Unitarianism. He was born before the POD, and grew up soon enough after it that I feel that he could easily have developed the same theological ideas as he did OTL. I'm guessing that his later life was different than it was OTL, although not enough different to prevent his theology from making its way to England.
    [8] Charles' greatest intellectual gift is the ease with which he picks up new languages. Thus, translation work comes easy to him. There is enough translation work available in Oxford that Charles can make enough doing it to cover his tuition.
    [9] Remember that, in TTL, Navarre is an independent Protestant kingdom in personal union with the Netherlands. Theological, the Navarrese share as much in common with the English as the Huguenots do (in fact, much of the Navarran population is made up of Huguenots who fled France).
    [10] The Magdalene Priestesses will have a field day when the Gospel of Mary [Magdalene] is discovered, although they will have to gloss over the fact that the Gospel of Mary doesn't say most of the things they'd want it to say.
    [11] The Supplicants are a sort of Scottish Protestant militia. They're really the same organization as OTL's Covenanters, although the oppression they're fighting is that of the Scottish Inquisition rather than that of the English King. 'Supplicant' was actually the term even OTL's Covenanters used to refer to themselves before the outbreak of the English Civil War.
    [12] Margaret here is an unreliable narrator. Her uncle's abuse started as soon as she went to live with them, and her reason for running away to join the army was due to the abuse, not due to the fact that God spoke to her. She is a little mentally unstable, so she made have heard voices at one point or another, but really she's trying to un-victimize herself by casting herself in the role of Joan of Arc.
    [13] This is not the last you'll see of Charles, I hope. I just felt like it was a good place to end, and a good segue into the Supplicant War in Scotland, which will be the next update.
     
    Update 46 - the Supplicant War
  • Update 46 - the Supplicant War

    The following in an excerpt from The Schismatic Wars: Europe in Crisis 1590-1660 by Duncan MacCallum, Ph.D.


    The Supplicant War


    Traditional histories of the Schismatic Wars often treat Scotland as an additional theatre of the Second Schismatic War. They often treat the war in Scotland as an afterthought, a sort of spillover from the war in Germany. In doing so, these histories ignore the fact that the war in Scotland began years before the Second Schismatic War began in Germany, and ignore the fact that it was only because of the conflict in Scotland that England entered the German theatre of the Second Schismatic War.


    The war which began in Scotland in the late 1630s erupted out of an ongoing conflict between the Catholic Bothwell regime and the Protestant Scottish populace. It is important to mention that the population of Scotland was not overwhelmingly Protestant at this time. There was a good part of the population of the Highlands which was staunchly Catholic, but the vast majority of the Scottish population was relatively indifferent on religious matters. For the average person, the proximity of a church to their home mattered a lot more than whether that church had a Catholic-leaning or Protestant-leaning minister.


    Thus, for most of the people of Scotland, the reimposition of Catholicism following the Peace of York was a minor headache, nothing more. They would have to learn Latin liturgy, and they would have to adjust to new norms of worship, but the Scottish people still went to the same churches they had attended before. To a large extent, many of the existing parish Pastors were simply given Catholic Holy Orders and sent back to serve as Priests. As long as the Bishops were staunch Catholics, it was thought that the Priests would fall in line.


    The result of this was that there were many men serving as Catholic Priests who were really crypto-Protestants. They would refuse to condemn Protestantism in their sermons, and some would even openly preach Protestant ideas. While the Bishops did their best to replace such men, the fact that most of these men had the loyalty of their parishioners meant that the Bishops' work was often difficult.


    King James Bothwell was also a fairly moderate Catholic himself. He had been raised as a Protestant, and had only converted to Catholicism under the influence of his wife Margaret Sinclair and his ally King Phillip of Spain. When it became clear that the people of Scotland would rise up in defence of their local clergy, King James instructed the Bishops to refrain from persecuting all but the most radical Protestants, in the hopes of maintaining order. The hope was that the Protestant-leaning clergy could be encouraged to keep relatively quiet until they retired and could be replaced with more Catholic successors.


    To a large extent, King James' plan worked. For much of the 1620s and 1630s Scotland was able to maintain peace as a de jure Catholic Kingdom which was de facto divided between a Catholic Highlands and Protestant Lowlands. While there were a number of low-level revolts, and a number of hard-line Protestants who fled Scotland for Dumfries and Galloway, [1] the reign of King James was otherwise peaceful.


    When King James died suddenly in 1636, he was replaced on the throne by his son, who would become King Charles I. King Charles was a much more unforgiving Catholic than his father, and had little tolerance for the 'Protestant heresy'. Inspired by his wife Anne, daughter of King Phillip III of Spain, Charles decided to introduce an Inquisition in Scotland to root out the crypto-Protestants among the Scottish population.


    The Scottish Inquisition first met in 1637, and, by the end of the year, over one hundred Priests had been executed as heretics. While, from King Charles' point of view, this may have been a success, the brutal repression of the Scottish Inquisition led to a polarization of the Scottish people. The hard-line Catholics who formed a minority in Scotland as a whole (but a majority in parts of the Highlands) were in favour of the Inquisition and supported the execution of heretics. However, the remaining majority was appalled by the crackdown on their clergy, and many of them began organizing in resistance to the Inquisition.


    The Supplicant movement did not have its origins during the time of the Scottish Inquisition, but can trace its roots back to the time of the 'War of the Queen's Marriage', when the country was divided between a Protestant pro-English and Catholic pro-French faction. The Protestants then had formed 'godly bands' in resistance to the Catholics, although these had dissolved once the Protestants had taken control of Scotland. With the Peace of York and the re-imposition of Catholicism, these 'godly bands' inspired the creation of a 'Covenant of Supplicants' as an agreement by all Protestants to defend fellow Protestants against Catholic persecution. [2]


    The Supplicant Order was at first a secret organization dedicated to hiding those persecuted as heretics from the Catholic authorities. However, with the death of King James and the imposition of the Inquisition, the Supplicant Order swelled in numbers as those who had previously been willing to live under Catholic rule were frightened into action by the brutality of the Inquisition. Soon the Supplicant Order was no longer just finding hiding places for those fleeing the Inquisition, but was organizing mobs to drive the agents of the Inquisition out of town.


    By the end of 1638, there were large parts of the Scottish countryside which were under Supplicant control. The City of Ayr itself had had its Bishop [3] expelled by the Supplicants, who were now in control of the City. Thus, in early 1639, King Charles decided he could no longer rely on the Inquisition alone to put down the Supplicants, and gathered an army in order to take military action. While the Supplicants who had taken control of Ayr had poor weapons and little military training, Charles was unable to take the City, as much of his army mutinied outside the walls and instead joined itself to the Supplicants.


    The Battle of Ayr marked the transformation of the Supplicant Order into the Supplicant Army. Experienced military officers which had deserted Charles' army began training the Supplicants, and the shops of the City of Ayr were put into use building weapons to equip the Supplicant Army. Charles, in the meantime, purged his army of Protestants and recruited new Catholic mercenaries from the Highlands and from Ireland.


    Throughout the summer of 1639, the Supplicant Army looked abroad for support. The Principality of Dumfries and Galloway was quick to offer logistical and administrative support, but they had no army to speak of. The Supplicants offered the Scottish throne to King Edward of England in exchange for military support, although Edward was unwilling to fight another war in Scotland, for fear of a renewed Spanish intervention. While Edward had given up his claim to Scotland under the Peace of York, it was argued that he was still the rightful heir as Queen Mary's will had stated the order of succession as Henry Tudor, then James Bothwell, then Henry Tudor's sons. Since James Bothwell was now dead, according to Queen Mary's will, Edward was next in line.


    However, despite the unwillingness of England to intervene, the Supplicants only grew in power. The Supplicant Army was able to hold their own against King Charles' mercenaries in the field, and their appeal amongst the people of the Lowlands led to Supplicant-backed uprisings in Edinburgh in 1639, and Glasgow and Dundee in 1640. While King Charles was able to take back Edinburgh and Dundee within weeks, Glasgow, which remembered its rough treatment by King James, continued to hold out. Soon all of the Southwest of Scotland from Glasgow South was under military control of the Supplicants, with civil administration being provided by the government of Dumfries and Galloway.


    The uprising in Edinburgh had forced King Charles to dissolve the Scottish Parliament and move his capital to Stirling. [4] Soon, Charles gave up on trying to repress the Supplicant revolt directly and instead embarked on a strategy of containment. Stirling, which controlled the bridge over the River Forth and Dumbarton, which controlled the road up the West Coast were turned into loyalist fortresses, with the Inquisition taking charge of expelling all Protestants from both cities. Soon defences in both Stirling and Dumbarton were upgraded, and a series of towers were erected in a line between the two cities. Charles' hope was that he, by holding the Stirling-Dumbarton line, he could make sure that any uprisings North of the line could be swiftly and easily put down, and could prevent the Supplicant Army operating South of the line from connecting with rebels to the North.


    Many students of history are surprised that it took as long as it did for England and Spain to intervene in the Supplicant War, as both powers held back until the Second Schismatic War in Germany was well underway. England, for its part, was simply afraid of a Spanish invasion. While an invasion across the Straits of Dover from the no-longer-Spanish Netherlands was no longer a threat, the Spanish control of Dublin meant that Bristol, Gloucester, Chester, and Liverpool were all under threat. Spain at this time was still much more powerful than England, and England was unwilling to go to war with Spain without allies on its side.


    Spain, for its part, was under the rule of King Ferdinand IV. Ferdinand IV, unlike his father Phillip III, and like his grandfather Charles II, was more interested in consolidating his domestic rule and stabilizing Spain's finances than he was in adventures abroad. He resisted coming to the aid of his allies both in the Supplicant War in Scotland as well as in the Second Schismatic War in Germany. He didn't see it necessary to intervene in what he saw as Scotland's internal problems. The only aid that Scotland did receive was from the Spanish governor in Dublin who helped with the recruitment of Irish mercenaries to serve the Scottish King.


    By the summer of 1641, the situation in Scotland had stabilized somewhat. The Supplicants had firm control of the Western Lowlands, and King Charles had cemented his grasp on everything North of the Stirling-Dumbarton line. The only territory which was still up for grabs was Lothian, including the city of Edinburgh. After Edinburgh had been retaken by King Charles in 1639, many of the Protestants had been expelled from the city, preventing future uprisings. Supplicant support was strong in the countryside of Lothian, and Edinburgh was besieged in 1640 and 1641. However, the fact that the Supplicants had no navy to speak of meant that Edinburgh could easily be resupplied by sea via the port of Leith (which never fell into Supplicant hands).


    The relative stability of the military situation in 1641 led to the commencement of peace negotiations between the two sides in 1642. In these negotiations, King Charles made it clear that he was willing to cede a good part of the Southwest to the Principality of Dumfries and Galloway. However, this was not enough for the Supplicants, as they wanted at least the cities of Edinburgh and Glasgow. Thus, the peace talks still stalled, and war would continue.


    It was only in the fall of 1642 that the stalemate would be broken by the entry of England into the war. A few months earlier, Spain had finally come to the aid of their Austrian allies and declared war on France. With Spain now at war with France, King Edward decided that the risk of a Spanish invasion was low enough that he could risk intervening in Scotland. Additionally, Edward had secured a formal alliance with his cousin King Anthony of Navarre. [5] As soon as the Spanish had committed their forces in an attack on French Rousillon, King Edward declared war, and an army which had been stationed in Berwick marched into Lothian to join its forces to those of the Supplicants.


    Edinburgh fell in early 1643, securing everything South of the Stirling-Dumbarton line for the Supplicants and their English allies. However, the new fortifications at Stirling and Dumbarton proved too tough for the English armies, preventing a land-based advance to the North. Furthermore, by the end of 1643, Spanish subsidies had allowed the recruitment of more mercenaries to support King Charles, futher stiffening the Scottish defence.


    Rather than attempting to break through the Scottish fortifications, King Edward decided to attempt a different strategy. A large part of the English navy had been moved to Leith in order to support the conquest of Lothian, and these ships were thus available to carry English soldiers across the Firth of Forth to make a landing at Kirkcaldy. The plan was for the English to be joined by Supplicant militias in a march on the key cities of Perth and Dundee. If Dundee could be taken, the road would be open for the English to support Supplicant uprisings farther to the North.


    The landing at Kirkcaldy went as planned, and Perth had fallen to English troops by July of 1644. However, before Dundee could be attacked, a Spanish fleet arrived in the Firth of Forth. They had come via Ireland and around the Northern tip of Scotland so as to catch the English by surprise. The Battle of Forth was a Spanish victory, although much of the English fleet was able to flee to Leith. However, this meant that much of the English army North of the Firth of Forth was now cut off from resupply.


    In 1644 peace talks were again attempted. King Charles, with no chance of outright victory without greater Spanish intervention, offered to give up everything south of the Stirling-Dumbarton line. However, at first King Edward and the Supplicants refused, as they felt that, once the Spanish fleet was dealt with, they could continue their advance Northward. In the end, King Charles was only able to achieve peace by offering up Fife as well. While this potentially made Charles' Kingdom weaker by giving the English a beachhead North of the Firth of Forth, this same beachhead was also vulnerable enough that Charles hoped Edward would not risk another war.


    Attached to the handover of Fife was the additional stipulation that the Supplicants would be required to use the land of Fife to resettle the Protestant populations of Perth and Dundee, which were expelled from those two cities. Much of the decade following the Supplicant War would be a time of upheaval in Scotland as Protestants would be forced out of the North, and Catholics would be encouraged to flee from the South. This population exchange would help stabilize both states, and would prevent future wars.


    The Southern half of Scotland was annexed to the Principality of Dumfries and Galloway, and the Principality was itself promoted to become a Kingdom. This became the Kingdom of Edinburgh which, for now, would remain in personal union with England. The government of the Kingdom of Edinburgh would be based upon that of Dumfries and Galloway, with much of the power in the hands of Parliament. Similarly, the Supplicants would embrace the Dumfries Kirk, governed by an expanded Lay Synod [6] as the official Church of the Kingdom of Edinburgh.


    The Northern half of Scotland would remain the Kingdom of Scotland for all official purposes, although it would begin to be informally referred to as the 'Kingdom of Alba', as the majority of the remaining Kingdom was now Gaelic-speaking ('Alba' being the Gaelic word for 'Scotland'). To a large extent, the Supplicant War, and the subsequent population exchanges, would result in a division of Scotland between a Catholic Gaelic-speaking Kingdom of Alba and a Protestant Scots-speaking Kingdom of Edinburgh.


    While, in 1644, peace was made between Scotland, England, and the Covenanters, war would continue between England and Spain for the time being. King Edward still felt he had something to gain from ongoing naval actions against Spain, and English troops would serve on the continent through England's alliance with King Anthony of Navarre. While the possibility of a Spanish invasion based out of Ireland did still cause fear amongst the English, it was thought that Spain wouldn't try such an action as long as they were tied down in their war against France.


    Ending the Supplicant War would prove to be one of the last acts of King Edward VII. Edward, who had already been quite sick throughout the final months of the war, would pass away within weeks of signing the peace treaty. For the remainder of the Second Schismatic War, England would be led by King Henry X.



    Footnotes:
    [1] Remember, Dumfries and Galloway was split off as a separate Principality in personal union with England as a way of compensating King Edward of England for his loss of Scotland.
    [2] Basically, the Supplicants have the same history as the OTL Covenanters, but are responding to different types of repression.
    [3] When the Principality of Dumfries and Galloway had been split off from the Kingdom of Scotland, both the Diocese of Galloway and the Archdiocese of Glasgow had been split between the Principality and the Kingdom. The part of the Diocese of Galloway lying in the Kingdom of Scotland had become the Diocese of Ayr, and the part of the Archdiocese of Glasgow lying in the Principality of Dumfries and Galloway had become the Diocese of Dumfries.
    [4] It wasn't mentioned explicitly in previous updates, but, in TTL, Queen Mary fixed the capital of Scotland in Edinburgh during her reign. In OTL, the 16th and 17th centuries were still a time where Parliament met in different cities at different times.
    [5] This new alliance also means a marriage between Edward's son, the future Henry X, and Anton's daughter Luisa and between Edward's daughter Elizabeth and Anton's second son Willem.
    [6] Basically, the Dumfries Kirk is lay-governed along what would OTL be Presbyterian lines.
     
    Update 47 - War in the Mediterranean and Southern Europe
  • Update 47

    The following in an excerpt from The Schismatic Wars: Europe in Crisis 1590-1660 by Duncan MacCallum, Ph.D.

    War in the Mediterranean and Southern Europe 1620-1650

    Spain and France, the two great powers of the early 17th century, found themselves backing opposite sides in the Second Schismatic War. However, the two powers didn't come into direct conflict in Germany, where the war was centred, but instead fought in the Mediterranean, along the Alps and Pyrenées and in the colonies. This chapter will cover the conflicts that were fought in the Mediterranean and Southern Europe during the time of the Second Schismatic War.

    The ongoing war in Mediterranean is often treated as simply an additional theatre to a war which began and ended in Germany However, just like the 'Scottish theatre', these conflicts began before the Second Schismatic War began, and ended earlier. To a large extent, these conflicts began more as part of the Ottoman Civil War than anything else. They only became a part of the Second Schismatic War once the war in Germany began.

    During this time, the Ottoman Empire was divided into two Sultanates which both claimed to be the legitimate Ottoman Empire. The Constantinople Sultanate controlled the Empire's traditional capital and the Janissary infantry corps, but it was de facto under the control of Grand Vizier Dervish Mehmed Pasha with the disabled Sultan Yahya serving only as figurehead. The Alexandria Sultanate was led by Sultan Ahmed, who held a more legitimate claim to the throne, but had only a weak cavalry-based army, and had its capital in the reconstructed City of Alexandria [1], outside of the Ottoman Empire's traditional heartland. It is often said that the Constantinople Sultanate was 'an army without a state', and the Alexandria Sultanate 'a state without an army', although this is a gross oversimplification.

    At the end of the War of the Great Holy League, the leaders of Austria, Spain, France, and their allies had agreed to recognize the Constantinople Sultanate as the legitimate Ottoman Empire, and had continued their war against the Alexandria Sultanate. However, Austria, having no land borders with the Alexandria Sultanate and very little naval strength, had soon pulled out of this conflict. France too would make peace with the Alexandria Sultanate in 1621 with the death of Francis II and the succession of the anti-Spanish Henry III to the French throne.

    Thus, by 1622, Spain and her Italian allies were left to face the Alexandria Sultanate alone. The distance between Spain and the Egyptian and Levantine territories of the Alexandria Sultanate meant that no direct invasion would be attempted. However, Spanish and Italian privateers would attempt raids on the Eqyptian and Levantine coasts, and these would lead to naval battles between the Spanish and Alexandrian navies.

    The Constantinople Sultanate had no navy of its own (as most of the Ottoman naval command had been loyal to Sultan Ahmed), but it did encourage the Greeks living under its rule to engage in piracy of their own, attacking Egyptian and Levantine shipping. While this extensive raiding did impoverish much of the Eastern Mediterranean coast, the Alexandria Sultanate remained dominant on the seas.

    The Alexandria Sultanate responded with counter-raids of its own upon the Greek territories loyal to the Constantinople Sultanate. Venice, who had stayed out of the War of the Great Holy League, soon allied itself with the Alexandria Sultanate [2] and began attacking territories loyal to Constantinople in the Balkans. Ragusa, much of the Dalmatian and Albanian Coast, and a number of islands in the Ionian and Adriatic soon fell under Venetian control. Venetian and Spanish ships often clashed with each other in the Eastern Mediterranean, although the two powers remained officially at peace.

    In addition to its naval skirmishes in the East, Spain also used the opportunity of the Ottoman Civil War to try to expand its colonies in Africa. Much of the coast, including the ports of Algiers and Oran had been captured by Spain under Phillip II. However, the hinterland had remained in Muslim hands, under nominal Ottoman suzerainty. With the power vacuum caused by the Ottoman Civil War, Spain, under Phillip III, decided it was time to attempt to continue the 'reconquista'.

    In 1632, once Spain had achieved peace with France, it was decided that the time was right for an attack on Tlemcen, the capital of the Muslim state bordering Spanish North Africa. Troops fresh from the war in Rousillon were brought across the Mediterranean, and began their trek inland. The campaign would ultimately be successful, and Tlemcen would fall to the Spanish armies, and the nominally Ottoman Bey of Tlemcen would be killed. It seemed, at least for the time being, that Spain had won. [3]

    The Spanish attack, while it had been successful, had also angered the Muslim population of Tlemcen and the surrounding countryside. Revolts became more and more common, and the Spanish troops in the invasion force had a harder and harder time putting them down. However, the revolting populace, while it could keep the occupation force busy, couldn't win the pitched battles necessary to drive Spain from the African interior. In prior decades, the local Muslims would have called the Ottoman Empire to come to their aid, but with the Ottoman Civil War still going on, they had to turn elsewhere.

    On either side of Spanish North Africa were located two Emirates: the Portuguese-backed Emirate of Fez and the French-based Emirate of Tunis. Both were ruled by local Muslim dynasties allied with a Christian European power. The Portuguese had pioneered this protectorate model by appointing Abu Faris Abdallah, [4] the nephew of the old Moroccan Sultan, as Emir of Fez. Under this system, the Emir would rule all of Northern Morocco from Fez except for the key ports, which were under direct Portugese rule. The Emir would be prohibited by treaty from building a navy of his own, and the necessity of the presence of the Portugese navy kept the Emir allied with Portugal while allowing him a great deal of internal autonomy. The French had copied this model in their appointment of Ahmad IV as Emir of Tunis, with the French reserving control over the harbour district of Tunis while the Emir had complete autonomy over the rest of the Emirate.

    In the late 1620s and early 1630s, the Emirate of Fez had become involved in a war against the rump Sultanate of Morocco based out of Marrakech. The new Sultan of Morocco (the cousin of the Emir of Fez) had started a war to to reconquer Fez, but Portuguese support for Fez had led to the defeat of the Sultan. After many years of war, Emir Abu Faris Abdallah was able to capture Marrakech itself and bring all but the Southernmost portions of Morocco under his rule.

    The victory of Abu Faris Abdallah over Marrakech led to a request by many of the people of Algeria for the victorious Emir to come to their aid and liberate them from the Spanish. Similar requests were made to the Emir of Tunis, although Fez carried much more prestige than Tunis at this time. As Spain was vastly more powerful than either Emirate, neither Emirate was willing to declare war without at least the diplomatic support of its European patron. In the end, both France and Portugal agreed to provide subsidies to their protectorates in the case of a war against Spain. The two Emirates formed an alliance with each other, which in turn led to the Franco-Portuguese alliance that would follow.

    In 1638, both Fez and Tunis would lead their armies into Spanish North Africa in an attempt to liberate the Muslim populace from Spanish rule. The constant revolts which kept the Spanish armies busy allowed the two Emirates to force the Spanish to retreat to the ports of Mellila, Oran, and Algiers. However, this in turn led to a stalemate: the fortifications of both ports were too strong for the Emirates to defeat on their own, but the garrisons couldn't be starved into submission without control of the seas.

    One of the reasons that Spain delayed its entry into the Second Schismatic War was the ongoing sieges of the Spanish North African ports. It was feared that a declaration of war by Spain against France would soon lead to the fall of Spanish North Africa. However, as France and the League of Heidelberg had early success in Germany, and as the North African sieges had no end in sight, Spain decided to risk a declaration of war in 1642. This was quickly followed by a declaration of war by Portugal against Spain, and soon the French and Portuguese navies began a blockade of Mellila, Oran, and Algiers.

    The blockade of these North African ports quickly led to the 1643 Battle of Oran between the French and Spanish fleets, as Spain tried to lift the blockade. The battle was a Spanish victory, but it was a Pyrrhic one. Enough Spanish ships were sunk in the battle, that the fleets blockading Mellila and Algiers handily defeated the remains of the Spanish fleet. [5] The fact that Spain was still at war with the Alexandria Sultanate, whose fleet had only swelled in numbers, only made things worse for Spain in the Mediterranean.

    By the end of 1644, Spain had completely withdrawn from North Africa, leaving its possessions to be divided between the Emirates of Fez and Tunis. Fez would receive Mellila and Oran while Tunis would receive Algiers. France soon reached an understanding with the Sultanate of Alexandria, as both were co-belligerents against Spain (although Portugese-Alexandrian conflict in the Indian Ocean would continue). The Spanish possessions of Sicily, the Balearic Isles, and Sardinia were now under threat, and much of the naval action in the later part of the Second Schismatic War would be fought off the coasts of these isles.

    While the Franco-Portuguese alliance was able to assert dominance in the Western Mediterranean, their dominance was not total enough to cut off trade between the Spanish mainland and the isles nor to completely block the Strait of Gibraltar to Spanish ships. Raids were conducted, mostly by the French, against Sicily and Sardinia. However, the bulk of the naval action in the later part of the Second Schismatic War took place not in the Mediterranean, but in the Atlantic. The Atlantic theatre will be discussed in the next chapter.

    While the Franco-Portuguese fleets were engaged with the Spanish navy off the coast of North Africa, the French and Portuguese armies fought the Spanish on land in three main theatres. The first was the Alpine theatre where Spanish and Italian armies based out of Milan clashed with France, Savoy, and Switzerland, the second the Pyrenéean theatre where French and Navarrese forces fought against the Spanish, and the third the Iberian theatre where Spanish and Portuguese forces clashed all along their mutual border.

    The Iberian theatre was by far the quietest of all three. This was partly due to the fact that Portugal, as a navally-focused power, didn't prioritize the offensive capabilities of its army. After turning back a Spanish attack in 1643, Portugal did launch an offensive into Galicia in 1644. However, this offensive was mostly intended as a diversion to cause the Spanish to pull troops away from the Galician coast, which was soon under attack by the French navy. The Galician offensive was soon defeated by the Spanish army, after which the Portuguese pulled back behind their fortifications. Subsequent Spanish attacks in 1646 and 1648 were repelled easily.

    The Spanish, for their part, were relatively uninterested in the Iberian theatre, as they felt that a defeat and occupation of Portugal would only tie down troops that would be better used elsewhere. The Spanish had had a long history of friendly relations with Portugal, [6] didn't see them as a long-term threat, and had no unresolved claim on Portugese territory. Thus Spain dedicated most of its forces to the Alpine and Pyrenéean theatres in an attempt to try to force France to its knees, and only attacked along its border with Portugal as an afterthought.

    The Pyrenéean theatre, as the direct border between Spain and France, was the location where Spain directed its first offensive. In 1642, as soon as the declaration of war had been made, Spain launched an attack into French Rousillon, and won a few early victories. However, the early victories were not enough, and soon French reinforcements had arrived to put a stop to the Spanish advance. By the end of 1643, Spain had taken control of Perpignan, but had little hope of advancing much farther.

    Spain had at first been reluctant to attempt to attack France through Navarre. This was partly due to the lack of success Spain had had in the Navarro-Spanish war 40 years earlier. However, it was also due to the fact that Luxembourg, Spain's only remaining possession in the Netherlands, was vulnerable to attack from the Navarrese Netherlands. Attacking Navarre would mean angering King Anthony of Navarre, who could easily retaliate in Luxembourg.

    However, by 1644, Luxembourg had almost completely fallen to the Franco-Dutch armies, so the fate of Luxembourg was a foregone conclusion. Thus, in May of 1644, Spain launched a new offensive, directed at Navarre itself. Again, Spain faced limited success. Pamplona was taken before the end of the year, but French reinforcements for the Navarrese troops defending the passes prevented Spain from crossing the Pyrenées into Lower Navarre.

    In fact, in 1645, France was able to respond with a counter-offensive directed along the Atlantic coast. French spies had informed them that many of the garrison soldiers from Northern Spain had been redirected to aid in the occupation of Pamplona. The French generals took advantage of this and attacked and took control of San Sebastian, opening up the way for further advances along the coast.

    The French advance into Spain would continue in 1646. The French hoped that their naval superiority could allow them to advance easily along the North Coast. However, the rough terrain of the coast gave the defender quite the advantage, and the French army was soon stopped and defeated by Spanish forces. By the end of 1647, San Sebastian had been retaken, but the Spanish armies again were held back at the Pyrenées.

    While Spain had been busy fighting France on the coast, the Navarrese army, stiffened by French reinforcements, had retaken Pamplona and advanced Southwards to reoccupy the parts of the old Kingdom of Navarre that had been take by Spain in the Navarro-Spanish War. However, at the same time, Spain remained in possession of much of Rousillon, which they had captured early in the war. The Pyrenéean front, while it saw some of the largest battles of the Second Schismatic War, was relatively static due to the difficult terrain and good defensive positions for both sides.

    The Alpine theatre, while it was also mountainous and relatively easily defended, would turn out to be more interesting in the end. This was largely due to a French miscalculation which underestimated the power of the Spanish Italian possessions. France, with much of its army busy fighting in Germany, and with its dominance of the Mediterranean preventing the movement of troops from Spain to Italy, had felt that its allies in Spain and Switzerland would be enough to handle any Spanish advance from Italy. In the end, they would turn out to be wrong.

    For almost a century, Spain with control over Milan and Naples, had been the dominant power in the Italian peninsula. While many of the Italian states were de jure vassals of the Holy Roman Emperor, the Spanish Hapsburgs were the ones who held the de facto power. Since coming to the throne, Ferdinand IV of Spain had had a desire to make the de jure situation match the de facto one. He wished to make the Italian princes acknowledge him as overlord, firmly establishing Italy as part of the Spanish sphere of influence.

    At this time, the Holy Roman Emperor still carried the formal title of 'King of Italy', although this title was rarely used. Ferdinand IV wished to have this title for himself. At the same time, Ferdinand still held Luxembourg and the Franche Comté, which were becoming harder and harder to defend since Savoy's alliance with France had cut off the Spanish Road. These lands had become more liabilities than assets for Spain, and Ferdinand soon approached his brother-in-law Emperor Charles VI to propose a trade. In 1641, King Ferdinand IV was granted the additional title King of Italy, and Luxembourg and the Franche-Comté became Austrian, rather than Spanish, possessions.

    The formal acknowledgement of Ferdinand as King of Italy had given him the authority to unite the armies of the various Italian states behind him, and soon a united Italian army was on its way North and West towards Savoy. Facing off against this Italian army were the armies of Savoy and Switzerland. France had initially promised Savoy troops to aid in its defence, but these soldiers had been reallocated when Spain had postponed its entrance into the war. By the time Spain had assembled its armies ready to attack, the French troops had already been sent elsewhere.

    On their own, Savoy and Switzerland were no match for the Italo-Spanish army. By the end of 1644, only two years after Spain had entered the war, Turin had fallen to the Spanish. Spanish and Italian armies were in control of most of the North Italian Plain, and the Savoyard armies had been driven back to the Alpine valleys.

    In 1645, while much of the Spanish army was distracted occupying Savoy, the Swiss Confederacy launched it own attack aimed at Milan. The Swiss advance made it as far as Como before being turned back, and driven back to the Alps. The defeats of the Savoyard and Swiss armies at the hands of the Spanish led to both states to call upon French aid. The French however, seeing little threat of a Spanish offensive making it across the Alps, declined to send more than a token force, instead promising to trade French-occupied land in Germany for Spanish-occupied lands in Piedmont.

    In 1646, Spain began preparing for a major offensive directed at the Alps. The Spanish general Guillermo da Silva, in charge of the Italian Army, was a veteran of the wars in the Spanish Netherlands, and he knew the route of the old Spanish Road well. He hoped to be able to retake the Spanish Road from Savoy, thus allowing Spanish troops to pass Northward over the Alps. The most crucial part of this route was the Mont Cenis Pass over the Alps, which could be easily defended, and hence had to be taken by surprise.

    So, in the fall of 1646, the Italo-Spanish army began an attack on the Aosta Valley, in the hopes of drawing troops away from Mont Cenis. When winter set in, the Spanish withdrew from Aosta, but the Savoyards armies had already been diverted to Aosta. In the Spring the Spanish attack came not at Aosta, but instead against the Susa Valley which led to the passes of Mont Cenis and Montgenèvre. The Town of Susa fell quickly, and the main Spanish army continued up the valley towards Montgenèvre, leaving only enough troops behind in Susa to prepare for the attack on Mont Cenis.

    The most defensible part of Mont Cenis was not the pass itself, but the steep narrow valley that led up to it. A Savoyard army in a defensible position at the top of the valley could easily hold off an attacking force ten times the size coming up the valley. [7] However, da Silva's plan was not to march his army up the valley into oncoming fire, but to get small detachments into the mountains on either side of the valley. If these detachments could rain fire down on the defenders, hopefully the defenders could be forced to withdraw, allowing the Spanish troops to ascend the valley.

    Da Silva's attack on Mont Cenis came early enough in the spring that the mountainsides were still covered with deep snow. However, accompanying the Italo-Spanish army were a few Danish officers who had experience with skis. [8] Over the winter, they had trained a few hundred Spanish troops in the use of these skis, and these few hundred troops were the ones that da Silva sent up the mountainsides. These skis that these troops used not only allowed them to move more easily through the snow, but, more importantly, prevented the Savoyard defenders (who had no skis) from coming up to meet them.

    Da Silva's plan worked. The fire from the ski infantry on the hillsides about Mont Cenis demoralized the defenders enough that they were forced to withdraw deeper into the pass, allowing the main Spanish army to march up and confront them head on. The Spanish soon won the Battle of Mont Cenis, allowing them to travel over the pass to the other side of the Alps.

    With da Silva's army now North of the Alps, and with much of the Savoyard army distracted in the Aosta Valley, the Italo-Spanish army made a quick advance Northward. By the end of 1647, they were at the walls of Chambéry. It was clear at this point that Spanish goal was not to reopen the Spanish Road through Geneva to the Franche-Comté, but instead to threaten Lyon, a key city in the heartland of France itself.

    While the war would end before Lyon could fall to the Spanish, the psychological affect of this Spanish advance in the eyes of the French people was one of the key factors in convincing the French to come to terms. For much of the Schismatic Wars, France had seemed invincible. France was certainly the most powerful Kingdom in Western Europe throughout the 17th century, and it hadn't been since the religious wars of the 16th century that France's heartland had been threatened by any foreign army. Thus, while Spain had lost her North African possessions and had generally been defeated in the naval war, she had scored a great victory in the land war against France, proving that France, even in the height of her power, was not invincible. This would play a key part in the peace negotiations that would bring and end to the Second Schismatic War.

    Footnotes:

    [1] In OTL, Alexandria was well on its way into decline by 1600, as the Portuguese discovery of the trade route around Africa had lessened the importance of Alexandria in Red Sea trade. However, in TTL, the Ottoman governors in Egypt have been attempting to re-establish trade via the Red Sea, and, in doing so, have rebuilt the City of Alexandria, and dredged the silt from its harbour. The choice of Alexandria as the capital of one half of the Ottoman Empire is going to help make the city more prosperous, but it will never really reach the heights it had enjoyed during the medieval period.

    [2] This Venentian-Alexandrian alliance is also a key part of the attempt to reestablish the Red Sea trade route, as Venice's prosperity was built on the Red Sea-Mediterranean trade.

    [3] The rampant success of TTL's Southern Europeans in colonizing North Africa compared to OTL is not supposed to reflect any technological superiority of Europeans at this time (really, the technological superiority only came into play much later on OTL), but simply the fact that there is no strong Muslim state in North Africa at this time. The Ottomans are occupied in civil war, and Morocco has had a series of weak Sultans (there was no Ahmed al-Mansur in TTL).

    [4] Abu Faris Abdallah is an ATL-cousin of OTL's Sultan of Morocco of the same name. He was the son of TTL's Ahmed al-Mansur, although TTL's Ahmed al-Mansur died young, before the Portuguese could come to topple his brother.

    [5] Spain's fleet is larger, but of worse quality, than the French fleet, but adding Portugal to the mix means that Spain is at a disadvantage. It doesn't help that much of Spain's fleet is busy defending the colonies against the English and Dutch.

    [6] There was no Iberian Union in TTL, and the long era of royal marriages between Spain and Portugal only ended because the Spanish Kings were enticed by French and Austrian matches instead.

    [7] To be honest, I've never been to Mont Cenis Pass, nor read any military professionals' assessment of the pass' defensibility. I'm just make an assessment of my own based upon google earth.

    [8] Denmark and Spain are allied in this war, so there would certainly be an opportunity for Danish officers to serve with Spanish armies. Maybe they were on board a Danish ship which was captured by the Portuguese at sea and they were then ransomed by Spain....
     
    Update 48 - War in the Atlantic
  • Update 48

    The following in an excerpt from The Schismatic Wars: Europe in Crisis 1590-1660 by Duncan MacCallum, Ph.D.

    War in the Atlantic: Galicia, Ireland, and South America

    The naval dominance that France achieved over Spain in the Mediterranean was surpassed by that it achieved in the Atlantic. For much of the early decades of the 17th century, much of France's energies had been focused on building a powerful modern navy for itself, specifically to be able to compete with that of Spain. By 1640 this goal was largely complete, and the French navy, while still not quite containing as many ships as that of Spain, had larger and stronger ships so that it was more than a match for anything Spain could muster. In the Second Schismatic War, France held the additional advantage of having Portugal, the Navarrese Netherlands, and England as allies. While Spain had Austria and Denmark on its side, Austria had little naval strength to speak of, and Denmark's growing navy had little experience fighting on the high seas. [1]

    Galicia

    Early in the Second Schismatic War, France saw the advantage it held in its strong navy and maritime allies, and adapted naval superiority as an integral part of its strategy. Thus, early in the war, France made a number of efforts to cripple the Spanish naval capacity, giving French control of the seas. The most famous, and most successful, of these is the Galician campaign of 1644.

    Galicia had always been an important centre for the Spanish Atlantic navy. While trans-Atlantic trade was operated out of Seville and the Mediterranean navy was based out of Barcelona and Valencia, the port of La Coruña handled much of Spain's trade with Northern Europe, and neighbouring Ferrol held Spain's largest naval arsenal. Ferrol, defended by the Castle of San Felipe, was considered one of Spain's most defensible ports, and considered by many to be impossible to attack by sea.

    France's goal was to do the impossible. In 1644, coordination was made between France and Portugal for a combined land/sea assault on Galicia. Portugal would attack Southern Galicia with their army, while the French navy would sail along Spain's Northern coast to attack by Sea. The Portugese attack was intended mostly as a ruse, to draw Spanish troops away from La Coruña and Ferrol, while the French attack was intended to deliver the crippling blow.

    To a large extent, the Portuguese diversionary tactics worked, and, when the French fleet arrived in La Coruña in June of 1644, much of the Spanish garrison was busy elsewhere. After a short battle, the Spanish ships that were present were captured and their cargo sent back to France as spoils. French marines looted and burned the city, hoping to cripple the port as much as possible.

    However, La Coruña itself was not the ultimate goal. The capture of La Coruña allowed the French marines to acquire a flotilla of fishing boats, and take hostage a number of locals to serve as guides. These fishing boats would be used to transport the French marines across the bay and beached North of Ferrol. [2] From there, the marines would travel overland to Castle San Felipe to attempt to take it from the landward side while the French ships provided cover fire.

    This daring attack, while it led to many casualties amongst the French marines, succeeded in taking Castle San Felipe, and allowed the French ships entry into Ferrol. Many more ships were captured, but, more importantly, the naval arsenal was destroyed, depriving the Spanish of much needed munitions for their fleets. This French victory meant that the Spanish could no longer afford to engage its enemies in full battles on the seas. For much of the rest of the war, the Spanish navy could do nothing more than defend the treasure fleets against privateers, and France and its allies had free reign of the seas.

    Ireland

    News of the the French victory in Galicia reached England only months after peace had been made in Scotland, and only weeks after King Henry X had ascended the throne. Henry, blaming the Spanish fleet for his father's failure to continue the advance into Scotland, decided that it was time, once and for all, to eliminate any Spanish threat to England. Spain's only remaining possession that posed a threat to the English homeland was its control of Dublin and the surrounding Kingdom of Meath. Thus, Henry began making plans to attack Dublin and eliminate the Spanish presence in Ireland.

    However, the dominant opinion in England at the time was that a full occupation of Ireland would prove more trouble than it was worth. The English nobles who had taken control of Ireland in medieval times had then gone on to assimilate to become 'more Irish than the Irish'. The Tudor Kingdom of Ireland had succeeded only at uniting the warring Irish petty Kings against it. Moreover, the victory of the Supplicants in Scotland had led many to think that the imposition of a Protestant King on the Catholic Irish would end just as poorly as had the imposition of a Catholic King on the Protestant Scots.

    Thus, Henry did not pursue a purely military strategy, but combined a naval blockade of Dublin with envoys sent to the various Irish petty Kings. He told the various petty Kings that his quarrel was not with them, but with the Spanish, and promised them that they could maintain their own positions if they allowed him to expel the Spanish from Ireland. He asked the Kings of Leinster, Ormond, Desmond, Connacht and Tyrone [3] to recognize Henry himself as the new King of Meath and High King of Ireland.

    To a large extent, Henry's offer was received well by the Irish petty Kings. While the Irish Confederation created after the Peace of York had brought unprecedented peace and stability to Ireland, [4] the Spanish had grown less and less popular with the Irish over the decades. Once Ferdinand VI had come to the throne in Spain, Ireland had been neglected by the Spanish and the petty Kings had begun to wonder whether they would in fact be able to count on the protection of Spain in the case of war.

    However, the petty Kings were not really pleased with Henry's offer for two reasons. The first was that Ferdinand VI had been allowed to succeed to his father's position as High King of Ireland because the Irish petty Kings felt that they needed an outside ally to support them against future English invasion. They did not trust Henry X enough to allow him to serve as High King himself. The second was that the Catholic petty Kings were opposed to any Protestant holding political power in Ireland. This was not only an ideological objection, but also a real fear that the small Protestant minority in Ireland might form a Supplicant-like organization and rally behind any Protestant petty King.

    Thus, the agreement reached in 1646 between Henry X and the Irish Petty Kings was that it would not be Henry himself which would become King of Meath but his uncle William, Duke of York, who agreed to convert to Catholicism. William had been married to a daughter of Phillip III of Spain to help seal the Peace of York, so he had claims to the Kingdom of Meath through both the English and Spanish lines. He had led the English armies in Ireland during the War of the Scottish Succession, and so was familiar with Ireland and its people's ways. Furthermore, his children were well known to have inherited Catholic sympathies from their mother, so they would make good future Kings of Meath.

    Similarly, Henry X agreed not to pursue the High Kingship for himself or for William of York, but accepted that it was enough to have Ferdinand removed from the position of High King. However it also became clear that none of the Irish petty Kings could be elected High King without threatening to start a war with one of the other petty Kings. In the end it would Charles Bothwell, King of Scotland, who was named as the new High King, himself married to yet another daughter of Phillip III of Spain. Charles Bothwell was not only Catholic and nearby but also carried the reputation, amongst the Irish, of having successfully defended his own Kingdom against an English attack.

    This agreement between Henry X of England and the petty Kings of Ireland, was, at this point in time simply a secret diplomatic understanding: no formal treaty had been signed. The idea was that, if Henry was able to expel the Spanish from Meath, the agreement would be made into a peace treaty, while, if Henry would fail, the existence of the agreement could be denied by all parties. However, between 1644 and 1646, due to a lack of naval strength, the Spanish had failed to lift the blockade of Dublin, and thus had been unable to deliver fresh troops or supplies to aid in the defence of Meath. Thus, when the English invasion began late in 1646, it became clear that the Spanish could not hold out. Many of the Spanish garrisons simply surrendered without a fight.

    Thus, by the time the Second Schismatic War was over, Spain had been thoroughly expelled from all of its holdings North of the Alps. The Netherlands had been lost to France, Luxembourg and Franche Comté had been traded to Austria, and Meath had been lost to England. While this seemed like a disasterous result, it meant that Spain was able to consolidate its position, reduce its expenditures, and cement its control over lands South of the Alps. Furthermore, the crushing naval victory of France over Spain and the loss of Spanish land made it clear to the rest of Europe that it was France, and not Spain, that was the power to be feared.

    South America

    While battles of the Second Schismatic War were fought in North America and the Caribbean, [5] the most dramatic New World theatre of the war would be in South America, in New Valencia. It would be here that France would truly press its naval advantage home, using its superiority at sea to support the invasion of a Spanish colony on the other side of the Atlantic. However, before we can talk about the war in New Valencia, we must talk about the colony itself, and the unrest that led to the French invasion.

    New Valencia, consisting of the Southern Cone of South America between Brazil in the East and New Aragon in the West, had been the least prosperous of the three divisions of Spanish South America. New Aragon had grown rich off of gold and silver deposits, and New Catalonia had accumulated wealth through promotion of the Panama trade route between the Atlantic and Pacific. However, New Valencia had neither known mineral resources nor a good position for trade, and thus had quickly become the backwater of South America.

    However, what New Valencia did have was fertile land. The lowlands both around the Rio de la Plata and in the valleys of the Pacific Coast had good land and good climate for the cultivation of European crops. However, the local Natives, [6] while they practiced agriculture, were warlike and did not take kindly to being taxed. They had never lived under a State government, and were unwilling to subjugate themselves to the Spanish. Furthermore, the arrival of the Spanish had led to a decrease in the Native population due to introduction of new diseases.

    As the government of New Valencia was becoming aware of its predicament, King Phillip III of Spain was ordering the expulsions of the Moriscos: the descendants of Spain's Muslim population which had converted to Christianity, but hadn't otherwise assimilated. The Moriscos, while ostensibly Christian, were seen as crypto-Muslims and a potential liability in the case of a Spanish war against a Muslim power, and thus it was felt that they had to be dealt with. While many argued for enslaving or eliminating them, in the end, it was decided that they would be expelled. Starting in 1612, boats would leave the ports of Spain to carry Moriscos over the seas to Spanish North Africa. [7]

    This expulsion would create only chaos in Spanish North Africa. The Moriscos were not welcome amongst the existing North African population, and the small coastal strip controlled by Spain did not have the carrying capacity necessary to support such a population. While many of the Moriscos simply fled North Africa of their own accord, many in the New Valencian government had an idea. In 1615, Viceroy Diego Marti of New Valencia announced that he would welcome any Moriscos who wanted to settle in New Valencia, and would pay for their passage across the Atlantic. The hope was, that the Moriscos could be settled as tenant farmers on the fertile land of New Valencia, giving the government of New Valencia a tax base.

    While the Moriscos who settled in New Valencia would only be a small fraction of the total number of Moriscos expelled from Spain, they would number in the tens of thousands, outnumbering the ethnically Spanish settlers. Soon, they would form their own distinct class above the 'Indio' Natives who they saw as primitive and savage, but below the 'Criollo' merchants and tradespeople who populated the cities.

    The Moriscos themselves soon divided into two classes. Most of them would be content to live as 'Campesino' [meaning 'Peasant'] tenant farmers working the land of ethnically Spanish nobles. However, a minority would flee colonial rule to live as 'Vagabundo' [meaning 'vagabond']. These 'Vagabundo' would settle in small groups in the wilderness, undertaking a lifestyle of hunting, herding, and small-scale agriculture. While the 'Vagabundo' are often portrayed as criminals in Spanish historiography, they only resorted to raids against the more settled colonial population in times of desperation. To a large extent, the Vagabundo lifestyle was based on that of the Native peoples of New Valencia, and, by 1650, most of the Vagabundo bands were made up of individuals of mixed Native-Morisco heritage.

    The Campesino/Vagabundo divide was also a divide of religion as well as lifestyle. The Moriscos who had come over to New Valencia from Spain had all been ostensibly Christian, although many of them had been practicing Islam in secret or semi-secret before their trans-Atlantic voyage. The Moriscos who were the most devout in their Islamic faith were the first ones to flee their Christian landlords to become Vagabundo, while those who stayed behind to be Campesino were more thoroughly converted to Christianity over the generations. Thus, most of the the Vagabundo practiced Islam, although it was a highly syncretized Islam mixed with Catholicism and Native beliefs.

    An uncommonly successful raid by a Vagabundo band against the city of Santiago de Chile in 1638 led to a decision by the government of New Valencia to undertake military action against the Vagabundo bands. The 'Vagabundo War' saw Spanish troops chasing Vagabundo bands through the mountains and plains of New Valencia. While some Vagabundo bands were captured and brought back to be hanged in city squares, most bands were able to escape from Spanish troops through superior knowledge of the local geography.

    However, at the same time as the 'Vagabundo War' was going on, news had reached New Valencia of the victories of the Emirates of Fez and Tunis over Spanish North Africa. The Portuguese sponsorship of the Emirate of Fez had given Portugal a reputation amongst Muslisms as being 'the good infidel'. Portugal was seen as one of the few Christian powers willing to come to the aid of Muslim people against Christian oppression. While the 'Vagabundo War' was not primarily a religious war, it had enough of a religious flavour to it that some of the Vagabundo leaders began to journey to Portuguese Brazil to seek the aid of the colonial government there.

    During this time Brazil itself was undergoing a time of massive expansion. The Carreira Expedition, commissioned by King Sebastian the Great [8] of Portugal in 1609, had discovered gold in the Brazilian interior. This had led to a rush of settlers to seek the gold for themselves and an influx of slaves brought from Africa to work in the mines. While in 1600, Brazilian colonial settlement had largely been restricted to the coast, by 1630, bands of settlement stretched inland from the ports of São Vicente and Rio de Janeiro.

    This new inland expansion of settlement had led to the charting of the course of the Parana River, which led from the Brazilian interior to join the Rio de la Plata in New Valencia. Most of the course of this river was located West of the Tordesillas Meridian, technically in Spanish territory, although the headwaters of many of the Parana's tributaries were located East of the Meridian, in Portuguese Territory. However, by this point in time, the Portuguese presence in the Parana valley far outweighed that of the Spanish. To the government in Brazil, it seemed that, if it came to war, there was a good chance that Portugal could secure all of the course of the Parana from the mines all the way to the sea. This would then give a cheaper route for the shipment of gold from the mines and the shipment of supplies to the mines.

    So, when the Vagabundo leaders approached the Portuguese in Brazil for aid, the Portuguese agreed. At first, aid just meant the sale of arms to the Vagabundos and the training of the Vagabundo bands in the use of these weapons. Even with just with this indirect aid, the Vagabundo bands were soon able to take control of much of the countryside of New Valencia. Successful ambushes against Spanish troops led to the rejection of a offensive campaign against the Vagabundo bands, and by 1642 the Spanish Viceroy had to pull his troops back to defend the major cities of New Valencia.

    In the 1640s, New Valencia contained only four major cities. Buenos Aires, the capital, was located on the Rio de la Plata, and was the only city that could easily be resupplied by sea. Santiago, the second city of New Valencia, was located in the Valley of Chile [9] near the Pacific Coast. Ascuncion, while smaller than either Buenos Aires or Santiago, was older than both and guarded the overland route from New Valencia to New Aragon. Lastly, Nueva Xativa [10] located in the central interior, was the youngest and smallest of the major settlements, but was important due to its central position.

    As soon as news of the Portuguese declaration of war against Spain reached Brazil, the Portuguese forces stationed in Brazil began marching inland to secure the upper reaches of the Parana River. Forts were established on the banks of the river at strategic locations as the Brazilian army travelled South along the river. However, the Portuguese army soon came into conflict with the Spanish army based out of Ascuncion. In the Battle of Itapua [near OTL *Posadas, Argentina] the Spanish army defeated the Portuguese force and forced them to turn back. While the total strength of the Portuguese army was much more than that of the Spanish, the supply chain from Itapua back to São Paulo was much longer than that to Ascuncion, so the Portuguese had had to leaver a greater portion of their troops behind to guard their supply train.

    Thus, in 1644, the Portuguese governor of Brazil sent a request to Portugal for more troops to help take control of the Parana River. King Sebastian II refused, arguing that all of their soldiers were needed at home to defend the border against Spain. [11] However, before word could be sent back to Brazil, news of the French victory in Galicia reached Lisbon. It was now clear that the Spanish fleet stood no chance of opposing the Franco-Portuguese alliance on the high seas, and so it seemed that there would be no better time for an attack on New Valencia. However, at the same time, Portugal could not afford to spare the troops necessary to occupy such a vast territory.

    Thus, instead, the Portuguese leadership made a proposal to their French allies. If France could provide the troops necessary for an invasion of New Valencia, Portugal would allow them the use of Brazilian ports to supply their invasion. If the invasion was successful, the two powers agreed that Portugal would keep all territory East of the Parana River, while France would get to keep everything to the West. In Portuguese eyes, this agreement allowed Portugal to achieve their aim of gaining access to the complete length of the Parana River without having to divert more troops away from the Iberian theatre.

    The French interest in New Valencia was based upon their desire to gain access to the Pacific. The terms of Franco-Portuguese Alliance had prevented the French from competing with the Portuguese in the Indian Ocean trade [12], and thus the Pacific was the only possible route by which the French could gain access to Asian goods. Control of New Valencia would give France control of the nearest ports on either side of Cape Horn as well as giving them a possible land route across South America from the Rio de la Plata to Chile.

    In September of 1645, a French fleet arrived in the harbour of Rio de Janeiro carrying thousands of troops. There, the fleet would be joined by a smaller Portuguese fleet which would sail with them to Buenos Aires. The attack on Buenos Aires was supported from the landward side by Vagabundo bands, and went without a hitch. From there the army divided into two parts. A small force of mixed Portuguese and French troops would travel North up the Parana River towards Ascuncion, supported by those ships which were small enough to navigate the river. Meanwhile, the bulk of the French army would continue Westward towards Nueva Xativa and Santiago.

    The French efforts to take Nueva Xativa and Santiago were met with great success. The Vagabundo bands were willing to help the French as scouts, guides, and skirmishers, and the Spanish garrisons of both cities had been depleted. By March of 1647, Santiago had been secured and French troops had made it to the Pacific.

    The Parana Campaign was significantly less successful. The Portuguese campaign to secure the Parana in 1643 had led to a Spanish effort to better defend the river. Men, munitions and supplies had been moved from Nueva Xativa and Santiago to Ascuncion, where it was thought they were more badly needed. Thus, the Franco-Portuguese force was presented with stronger defenders than it was prepared for, and was forced to beseige a number of new Spanish forts along the Parana before it could even make it upriver to Asuncion. To make matters worse, the climate of Northern New Valencia was hotter and more humid than the French troops were used to, and disease soon became a problem.

    Thus, when peace was made at the end of the Second Schismatic War, Asuncion still held out against the Franco-Portuguese forces. In the peace settlement, Portugal did receive their aims of keeping the East bank of the Parana River, and France was allowed to keep the rest of New Valencia South of the 30°S parallel, but Spain kept the remainder of New Valencia, which would be governed from Asuncion. This rump New Valencia would prove even less profitable than the old New Valencia had been, but it would at least be rid of its Vagabundo problems, as the Vagabundo bands were now located mostly in French and Portuguese territory.

    Thus, the French victory at Ferrol, giving France and its allies control of the seas, had far-reaching consequences. The explusion of the Spanish from Ireland was only possible because Spain lacked the naval strength to break the blockade of Dublin. Similarly, the French capture of most of New Valencia was made possible by the fact that there were no Spanish ships to prevent the transportation of French troops to South America. This naval dominance contributed to the general success of France and its allies in most of their colonial campaigns, which in turn shaped the peace which would bring the Second Schismatic War to an end.

    Footnotes:

    [1] Denmark during this time is making the transition from being a regional power to a great power. Most of its naval experience is in various wars in the Baltic, and it is only now in the 1630s and 1640s attempting to expand to create a global empire for itself.

    [2] Basically, they're following the same attack plan as OTL's English Ferrol Expedition of 1800.

    [3] See update 28 if you're curious who these petty Kings are and which lands they govern.

    [4] Remember the Irish Confederation is the Federal arrangement by which Ireland is divided into petty Kingdoms which are in turn subject to the High King. It's based upon the medieval situation in Ireland, but with a formal constitution and codified laws so as to keep the peace between the petty Kings.

    [5] The Caribbean theatre of the war is mentioned in Update 43.

    [6] The 'local Natives' here are the Mapuche and their neighbours.

    [7] You'll notice two things that are different about TTL's expulsion of the Moriscos so far. Firstly, it is happening a little later than OTL. Secondly, they are sent only to Spanish North Africa rather than being more widely dispersed, causing greater unrest in the areas where they are sent.

    [8] Sebastian I is called 'Sebastian the Great' in TTL partly because of his more or less successful crusade against Morocco founding the Emirate of Fez, but also because his reign saw expansion of the Portuguese Empire in Brazil and the Indian Ocean as well. The much earlier discovery of gold in Brazil is partly due to his actions as King.

    [9] In TTL, the term 'Chile' just refers to the Chilean Central Valley, and not the whole Pacific Coast of New Valencia.

    [10] Nueva Xativa is basically the equivalent of OTL's Cordoba, Argentina. It is named after a historic city in the Kingdom of Valencia.

    [11] King Sebastian II is a fairly cautious monarch, seen as cowardly by his detractors, although he has succeeded at preventing a major Spanish offensive into Portuguese territory.

    [12] TTL will not see a plethora of East India Companies as every naval power worth its salt tries to get its hand into the trade around the Cape of Africa. Instead, allies will divide the globe between them as Spain and Portugal did in the Treaty of Tordesillas. Portugal and France have done this already with Portugal getting a sphere of influence over the Indian Ocean and France over the Pacific. A similar arrangement has been made between New Spain and New Catalonia over the division of the trans-Pacific trade.
     
    Update 49 - Anna Cullerez
  • Update 49 – Anna Cullerez

    (Hacienda de Mendoza [1], October 1636)

    Anna and her brother Joaquin were busy planting seeds. The warmth of the spring sun helped warm them against the cold wind blowing up from the South. Anna treasured the few moments she had with her older brother. He was often away tending the Haceinda's cattle herd, as it roamed over the vast prairie. However, right now, it was time for spring calving, and the cows were kept close to home so they could be better taken care of. Joaquin was free to spend time with his family, for once.

    For some reason, today Joaquin seemed more serious than he usually was. He didn't joke with Anna they way he usually did, and kept glancing over his shoulder. It was almost as if he was afraid someone was watching him. “Anna,” he at last asked, “have you ever had a chance to hear a recitation of the Quran?”

    Anna thought for a minute. Her mother had often told her of the beautiful words she'd heard as a child in Oran before her family had come across the ocean to New Valencia. But she'd always spoken of it as something in the past, something that Grandmother and Grandfather used to do before they'd left Oran. Anna had never thought of a Quran recitation as something that still happened here in New Valencia. “No, I definitely have never heard one,” she replied.

    “Well, I have,” bragged Joaquin. “It's really a life-changing experience. Those words, there can be nothing more beautiful than holy words read out loud.”

    Anna was puzzled. Speaking Arabic was strictly prohibited, and, while Grandmother and Grandfather had made an effort to teach her the basics of the language as a child, she'd never felt comfortable using it with anyone who wasn't immediate family. “Where did you hear such a thing?” she asked.

    “Well,” Joaquin replied, “last time I was out with the cattle herd, we came across a vagabundo hunting party, a group of five young men off hunting Rheas. At first we thought they were after our herd, but they soon laid down their weapons, and offered us some of their crafts and herbs if we would feed them and let them spend the night with us.”

    “It took them a while to open up,” Joaquin continued, “but once their leader had ascertained that there were no criollos [2] amongst us, he began speaking to us of religious matters. He told us of the freedom that his people had to worship the One True God. He told us that if any of us wanted to leave these oppressive criollos behind, we were welcome to join them. He taught us to pray, and then he gave us a recitation of the Quran before we went to sleep.”

    Anna felt that she knew where her brother was going with this. “So, do you want to join them, she asked? Do you want to leave our family behind?”

    “Well, what sort of a future do I have here? I could stay and take care of the Mendoza cattle herd for the rest of my life, or I could leave, join the vagabundos and maybe someday I could have a cattle herd of my own.”

    “But, they won't be your cattle, they'll just be some other criollo's cattle that you stole. And you'll probably get shot before you can get anywhere with them.”

    “You know, little sister, the vagabundo lifestyle isn't all about stealing. Vagabundos are an honourable people who live their lives according to the Quran. They only take from the criollos what is due according to the jizya tax. And they never ever steal from fellow Muslims.” [3]

    “How do you know so much about vagabundos all of a sudden?” Anna asked. “This isn't the first time you've met up with them out on the range, is it?”

    Joaquin was silent. It seemed that he didn't know what to say. Almost like he didn't want to tell Anna everything that was going on. When he next spoke it was almost a whisper. “Let's just say that I might be leaving soon to go join them. And I'm worried about missing my family. I know that Mother and Father are going to want to stay here: after all they have our younger siblings to take care of. But you, you're thirteen now. You're old enough to make your own way with me in the wilderness. You could be a vagabunda too if you were willing to join me…”

    “I don't know,” Anna replied, “Father always told me that it was our Muslim ways that got us expelled from Spain. He always said that the path of Islam was the path of the persecuted, and that we'd have to give it up if we were to be successful. He always said that if I keep going to Church I might meet a criollo boy, and one day I might be able to become a mistress of my own Hacienda. Honestly, I just don't think I'm willing to give that up.”

    “I'll miss you sister,” Joaquin said as he turned and got back to his planting.

    * * * * *

    (Hacienda de Mendoza, February 1639)

    Anna awoke to the sound of her window being opened from the outside. She sat bolt upright in bed, and looked around the room she shared with her two younger sisters. She saw a figure climbing in through the window. The figure was dressed in buckskins and carried a bow and arrow over his shoulder. A vagabundo! she thought.

    Before Anna could let out a scream, a hand was placed over her mouth. “Shh…” a familiar voice said. “You mustn't wake anyone.”

    “Joaquin?” Anna inquired hopefully. It was her brother's voice that she had heard, wasn't it.

    “The name's Imran ibn Yahia al-Kullera, [4] but yes, I am your brother.”

    “What are you doing here?” Anna asked. “You know that you'll be shot on sight if the criollos see you!”

    “Yes, and that's why it's your job to make sure that they don't see me. I'm here because I need your help.”

    “My help?” Anna asked.

    “Yes,” Joaquin – or Imran, as he was now calling himself – replied. One of my friends, a fellow vagabundo, was captured by the army last week. We believe he's being held prisoner inside Nueva Xativa. We have no hope of getting inside the city ourselves to get him out, but we were thinking that you could get inside. Maybe you need to go to the market there to buy a new pot for our kitchen. Could you deliver this letter to my friend?” He held up a folded piece of paper.

    “Are you mad?” Anna asked. “I may be able to get inside the city, but that's not the same as being able to deliver a letter to your friend. He's probably being held within the barracks itself, and I am not going to risk going in there. The only way a campesina girl like myself could get inside would be to sleep with one of the soldiers. I haven't seen you in over two years, and this is what you ask of me. I'm sorry, but I'm not doing that for you!”

    Imran was silent. He clearly was embarrassed, but as usual, didn't have anything to say for himself. He sat there staring at Anna as she glared back at him.

    “Joaquin?” came a voice out of the darkness. It must be Anna's sister Juana. The commotion must have woken her. “Mommy! Daddy!” she called out. “Joaquin's back!”

    This time it was Anna who ran across the room. “Don't yell like that!” she whispered. “You'll wake the whole hacienda.”

    But it was too late. Anna already saw the flicker of a torch outside her window. She ushered Yaakoub into her bed, and covered him in her blankets as the watchmen strode up to her window.

    “Is everything ok in there?” the watchman asked. “I heard a yell.” He shone his torch in the window, with his other hand on the pistol at his belt. His light soon fell on the lump in Anna's bed. “Oh, I see what's going on,” he said, “you have a boy in here don't you? Let me get a good look at him!”

    Anna knew that she couldn't let the watchman see her brother. If he did, he'd probably shoot him, or at least take him prisoner. As she thought of what to say to the watchman, she noticed her brother's bow and quiver of arrows propped against the wall next to the window.

    Being careful to keep her movements out of sight, Anna grabbed an arrow from the quiver, and thrust it out the window, striking the watchman. While the watchman was able to block the blow with his arm, this only succeeded at driving the arrowhead deep into his forearm, causing him to call out in pain and drop the torch to the ground. A momentary darkness was followed with increasing light as the flames from the torch spread to the dry grass.

    “Fire!” Juana called out. “Fire! Fire!” She had grabbed up her chamber pot and dumped it on the flames outside the window, but it seemed to make little difference. Anna was quick to take charge and herd her siblings out of the house. It was only when they were clear of the house and standing in the yard that Anna realized that her brother was still with her.

    “Yaakoub,” she asked, “why are you still here? It's not safe for you.”

    “It's also not safe for you,” he replied. “You just assaulted the watchman. Once he recovers from the wound you gave him, I'm sure he'll be looking for you. You'd better come with me.”

    Anna turned to her sister. “Juana,” she said, “I need you to be in charge. Stay here can keep our siblings safe until Mother and Father find you. I need to go with Joaquin. I hope to see you again some day, but it might not be for a while.” She hugged her sister, and then ran after her brother who was already off ahead.

    Over a low rise was a horse tied to a stake in the ground. “This here is Fatimah,” Yaakoub said, “she's strong. She can probably carry the weight of both of us.” He jumped on the back of the horse and helped his sister get on behind him. Soon Anna was clinging to her brother's back as the horse bore them away into the warm night.

    * * * * *

    (Carahue, December 1642)

    Anna dreamed that she was on horseback. She was riding, riding, over the dry plain towards the mountains. Her band of vagabundos surrounded her, each on their own horse, with the herd of cattle that belonged to the band out in front of her.

    She recognized this place. This was a small valley in the foothills of the great mountains. The land in this valley had once been farmed by the vagabundos before the Spanish armies had come and burned the fields. She had come to this valley many times since then. Whenever the band was under pursuit by the army, they always came here. There were many spots here where the band could hide, and take up positions to ambush the soldiers. While Imran had his bow, Anna would carry a musket she had picked off of one of the dead soldiers. It was heavy and difficult to aim, but she had killed many criollos with it over the years of war.

    However, in her dream, there were no criollos behind her. Chasing her was a single man on a single horse. At first the man was the prophet Moses, carrying a stone tablet that read “And do not kill anyone which Allah has forbidden!”. But, as soon as Anna read those words, the man's face changed, and now it was the prophet Mohammed crying out “Fight in the name of your religion with those who fight against you!”. But, as Anna focused her eyes again, she realized that there was not one man but two, and two women as well. She recognized the four faces of Ngenechen: Moses was the old man, Mohammed the young man, the old woman bore the face of the Machi [5] of Carahue, and the young woman bore the face of Anna herself. [6]

    “Aanaa, Aanaa,” a voice called. Anna woke to see her brother shaking her. He pronounced her name in the Arabic fashion which had always seemed artificial to Anna herself. Anna still spoke Spanish in her day-to-day life. While she followed the Muslim religion herself, and said her prayers in Arabic, she refused to learn any more of the language than was necessary for that. After all, it was Spanish that the vagabundos used in

    Looking out the flap of the hide tent in she slept, Anna could see the glow on the horizon that signalled that dawn was on its way. “Thank you for waking me in time,” she said to her brother, “it will be good to get a good nourishing meal in before the sun comes up.”

    “Yes,” Imran replied “today is the day that we slaughter our cattle. You will need the energy of a good meal.

    Ever since Anna had been with the vagabundos, they had made a point of coming to Carahue every year during Ramadan. The vagabundos had always had a tradition of staying put during Ramadan, as traveling while fasting took quite the toll on the body. Before the war had started, the annual Ramadan fast would take place in the vagabundo villages in the Eastern foothills of the mountains. However, since the army had destroyed most of the vagabundo villages, most vagabundos had instead decided to come over the mountains to the Mapuche lands to fast amongst their friends, allies, and trading partners.

    The Mapuche people had been at war with the Spanish long before Anna's own grandparents had come over the ocean to New Valencia. The Mapuche town of Carahue was itself built on the ruins of a Spanish city that had been built almost one hundred years ago. In the Mapuche language, Carahue meant 'city that was'. The Mapuche had been trading partners of the vagabundos ever since the first vagabundo had fled his criollo masters, and, with the outbreak of the war, the Mapuche and vagabundos were no longer just trading partners, but were military allies.

    While Imran had assured Anna that there had been a time when the vagabundos had refused to steal more than would be owed to them by the jizya tax, the war had forced the vagabundos to steal in order to feed themselves. Isolated villages and haciendas would be raided by the vagabundos who would carry off anything of value, would eat the crops and would herd the cattle away. However, the cattle would not be immediately slaughtered, but would be led over the mountains to the Mapuche lands. It was here that the great cattle slaughter would take place, followed by the great feast that Mapuche and vagabundo alike would share on the final night of Ramadan. In exchange for beef and leather obtained from the great slaughter, the Mapuche would provide the vagabundos with agricultural foods, weapons, and other supplies for the coming years' raids.

    In the great field in the centre of the vagabundos' tent city was gathered the cattle herd. In the dawn light, Anna could already see men at work dividing the cattle herd into two parts. About a quarter of the herd would be slaughtered by the vagabundos' Imams while the remaining three quarters would be given to the Machi of Carahue to be slaughtered as a prayer was said to Ngenechen.

    Anna could remember the first year she had come to Carahue. Back then, the Machi had only prayed over those animals which would be sacrificed to Ngenechen, and the remainder had been slaughtered and butchered without any prayer being said. That was the year that the Imam of Anna's band had declared the meat haram, and had refused to eat any of it. This had caused such an uproar that, the following year, the Machi had been careful to pray for every single animal before it was killed, both those that would be sacrificed and those that would be eaten. [7]

    Anna soon found herself walking over to the Mapuche side of the field, where the Machi was busy drumming and chanting her prayer for the cattle that would be slaughtered. Whatever beauty Yaakoub had found in the recitation of the Quran, Anna found that same beauty in the songs of the Machi. Anna couldn't help but think that her Imam was nothing more than a boy. He was just a boy like her brother who had been taught Arabic and given a copy of the Quran by his grandfather. While he could recite the Quran and describe everything it said, he seemed utterly lost when it came to the ways of the world.

    The Machi on the other hand, had an almost magical aura of wisdom and power. She not only knew how to pray, but also could heal the sick and could lead her people in coming together for ceremony. There was something she had, something that Anna still did not quite understand, that drew Anna to her. Anna wanted to watch her, to learn more about her spiritual power, and to get a greater understanding of the ways of the Mapuche.

    As Anna walked towards the Machi, she caught sight of a young man she recognized. His name was Nahuel, and he was one of the few men in Carahue who spoke good Spanish. Anna had gotten to know him through her stay in Carahue, and it was good to see someone on this side of the field that she could talk to.

    “It's good to see your lovely face again,” Nahuel greeted.

    “Lovely?” Anna responded, “you'd think that by now it would be scarred with guilt from theft and murder.” She was only half sarcastic – she really did feel that every raid against the Spanish made her heart a little heavier.

    “But you are talking about warfare, are you not? You are fighting to save your own life, and the lives of your band.”

    “But that doesn't make it any better,” Anna answered, “I still feel deep in my heart that every time I kill, I lose a little bit of my own soul. I've talked to my Imam about it, and he says that the Quran makes it very clear that there's nothing wrong with killing in defence of your faith. However, the more he tells me about it, the less and less I believe him. I was hoping maybe of having a chance to ask your Machi about it. She seems much wiser than my Imam.”

    “Well,” Nahuel responded, “I can try to set up a meeting for you. But, you know, she doesn't speak and Spanish.”

    “But, you could translate, couldn't you?”

    Nahuel smiled. “In fact, I'm translating for her right now,” he said. “She says that your place is not on the battlefield. She says that you don't have the heart of a warrior, but one of a family woman, a mother.”

    “A mother?” Anna asked. She knew that she was now old enough that she should be looking to get married and settle down, but she had been too busy just surviving for the past three years to really think about that.

    “The problem,” Anna continued, “is that I don't really have a choice. I'm a vagabunda now, I've killed Spanish soldiers, and they will never forgive me for that. I can't go back to the hacienda and become a campesina again. I thought, when I first joined the vagabundos that there would be a chance I could make my way in an isolated village in the wilderness, growing vegetables, tending to the herds, and marrying a man who would would go off hunting and raiding. However, it seems that every vagabundo village we've visited has been abandoned. They've all been destroyed by the Spanish army. The only choice we have now is to run, fight, and then run again.”

    “Well, you do have another choice,” Nahuel broke in. “You could stay here. I'm sure there are plenty of men here who would be happy to marry you.” From Nahuel's tone, it was clear that it was himself he was speaking of.”

    “I'll think about it,” Anna replied. Nahuel will do, she thought.

    * * * * *

    (Carahue, August 1650)

    “…and then Allah said to Nuh: 'I am sending a great flood to the Earth to wash all sinners away. You must build a great boat and you must collect my followers in it…' ” Anna was busy telling the story of Nuh and his Ark to her children, when she was interrupted by Rayen, her eldest daughter.

    “I know how this ends!” Rayen broke in. “Allah is going to send Caicai-Vilu to flood the land, and then Tenten-Vilu will come and save the land from the great flood!”

    “Well, not quite,” Anna replied, “this flood I am speaking of happened back in the Dar al-Tawhid across the great ocean. The flood caused by Caicai-Vilu happened right here in the Dar al-Dawa.” [8]

    “So, does Allah rule the Dar al-Tawhid while Tenten-Vilu rules the Dar al-Dawa?”

    “Not exactly,” Anna replied. This type of question was one of the hardest for Anna to answer. One of the few verses of the Quran that she had taken to heart was 'Say to the disbelievers: To you, your beliefs, to me, mine.' This verse had greatly influenced her dealings with her husband and with her husband's people, but was hard to apply to her own children. They were not really 'believers' nor 'disbelievers' yet, and, as much as Anna wanted them to follow her own faith, she knew that life would be easier for them if they instead followed that of her husband.

    Anna was still trying to figure out what to say when she was interrupted by a man at the door of her hut. “I thought you would want to know,” he said, “that your people are here.” Anna knew which people he meant. His brother must have come back this year, and just in time for Ramadan. She quick got up and ran to the edge of the town to watch the vagabundos approach.

    By the time Anna got to the edge of town, the vagabundos had already arrived. There seemed to be fewer of them this time, only half as many as had come last time. And, this time there was no great cattle herd. But, at least they were here. Last year, the vagabundos had not come at all.

    Anna caught site of her brother, and ran towards him, greeting him with a great embrace. “Imran, I'm so glad you came!” she called out.

    “I'm glad to see you too. I see you have my niece and nephew with you too,” Imran said, looking down at Anna's children. “They're so much bigger than they were last time I was here.”

    “Well, that's because you didn't come last year! What happened? Why weren't you here for Ramadan.”

    “Well, you've probably heard that the war is over,” Imran replied, “the Spanish were defeated, and there's a new French government in Buenos Aires, or Bien-Air as they're calling it now. They've promised us religious freedom, and have granted every vagabundo band land to call our own. That village that used to be ours in the foothills, it's now been rebuilt!”

    “Congratulations!” Anna replied, “but you still haven't answered my question.”

    “Well, we did spend a good part of last Ramadan rebuilding the village. Besides, we didn't have any cattle to bring here. There wouldn't be a point in coming over the mountains if it wasn't for the cattle-trading. You see, part of the deal with the French which has allowed us to return to our village is that we've promised never to steal from the criollos. We were allowed to keep the cattle we already had at the time of the peace, and we've been breeding them to rebuild our herd. It's taken us until this year to breed enough cattle to have a herd worth driving over the passes.”

    “Besides,” Imran continued, “having our own land comes at a cost. The French government has taken to taxing us in exchange for protection against 'Native attacks'. We're required to give a portion of our herd each year to the tax collectors who then take it to Nueva Xativa to be sold. Some of our band have refused to give in to the French demands for taxes, and have returned to a life of banditry. The French soldiers have mostly succeeded in driving those bandits South of the Rio Negro, but they continue to raid North of the Rio Negro, attacking vagabunos and criollos alike.” [9]

    “But peace is still better than war, isn't it?” Anna asked.

    “For sure,” Imran replied, “I mean I'm actually thinking of getting married now and settling down. That was actually something I thought that maybe you could help me with. Do you know of any young women in town who are looking for a husband and might be willing to convert to Islam?”

    Footnotes:

    [1] This Hacienda is located near TTL's Nueva Xativa (near OTL's Cordoba, Argentina). The 'de Mendoza' is the name of the family that owns the Hacienda, it bears no connection to OTL's Mendoza, Argentina.

    [2] The Moriscos use the term 'criollo' to refer to all settlers of Spanish Christian ancestry. The 'penninsulaire' vs 'criollo' distinction is nearly irrelevant to the Moriscos as both castes oppress them equally much, and most of the penninsulaires are in the citys of Buenos Aires and Nueva Xativa far away from the Haciendas where the Moriscos work.

    [3] Joaquin is romanticizing here. The vagabundo code of ethics isn't quite as strict as he's making it out to be, but the vagabundos aren't at this time, primarily thieves. They hunt, herd cattle, and cultivate small farms in their villages in the Andean foothills.

    [4] This is just an Arabization of the Spanish name Joaquin Cullerez.

    [5] Ngenchen is the Mapuche creator spirit. A machi is a female shaman amongst the Mapuche.

    [6] Don't read too much into this scene. Anna is dreaming, and her brain is just jumbling up ideas from Islam and Mapuche spirituality all together. The point of this paragraph is just to illustrate some of the ideas that Anna is exposed to, and the syncretic nature of the vagabundo version of Islam.

    [7] In orthodox Islam, meat is only halal if it is slaughtered by a Muslim (or, for some, by a Christian or Jew), but meat slaughtered by a pagan is usally not considered Halal. Thus, the acceptance of meat slaughtered by the Mapuche as halal is one of the syncretic aspects of the vagabundo Islam.

    [8] 'Dar al-Tawhid' means 'house of Monotheism' and is a phrase that is used in Arabic as roughly synonymous with 'Dar al-Islam' to refer to the Islamic world. TTL's vagabundos have adopted the term to refer to the Old World where Islam is established, as opposed to the New World where Islam is just being introducted. 'Dar al-Dawa' means 'house of invitation' and refers to lands where Islam has been recently introduced. Thus, to a certain extend, the Dar al-Tawhid vs. Dar al-Dawa divide is the Old World / New World divide, but in a way that paints the Old World as synonymous with the Muslim world, ignoring Christian Europe, much of sub-Saharan Africa, and most of Asia.

    [9] Just like in OTL, Patagonia won't be properly settled by Europeans until the 18th/19th centuries. The Rio Negro and BioBio River mark the division between French-governed terrritory and Native-controlled land.
     
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    Update 50 - the Ottoman Civil War
  • Update 50 – The Ottoman Civil War

    The following is a chapter taken from Brother fights Brother: The 'Great' Monarchies in times of Civil War by Klaus Huber

    Sultan versus Grand Vizier: The Ottoman Civil War

    The war which is most frequently known to historians as the 'Ottoman Civil War' is that which was fought between 1618 and 1644. However, it was certainly not the only civil war that took place within the Ottoman Empire, as the House of Osman had a long tradition of brothers fighting each other over succession to the throne. Like many of the monarchies in this book, the Ottoman Empire did not have Constitutionally-governed succession practices, [1] and the only way to avoid civil war was to have the new Sultan kill his brothers immediately upon ascending to the throne. To a certain extent, the 1618-1644 Ottoman Civil War was again a squabble between brothers as the Empire was divided into two Sultanates, with the Constantinople Sultanate being ruled by Sultan Yahya while the Alexandria Sultanate was led by Sultan Ahmed.

    However, while the Ottoman Civil War was, to a certain extent, a dispute between brothers, it was not primarily so. In the 17th-century Ottoman Empire, the Sultan was no longer as directly involved in ruling the Empire as he had been in the past, and had delegated much of his power to the Grand Vizier. To a certain extent, the Ottoman Civil War was as much a war between rival Grand Viziers as it was a war between rival Sultans with Dervish Mehmed Pasha serving the Constantinople Sultanate and Öküz Mehmed Pasha and Misir Mustafa Pasha serving the Alexandria Sultanate.

    Even so, more than a war between personalities, the Ottoman Civil War was a war between different branches of the Ottoman state. The Constantinople Sultanate was dominated by the Janissaries: an infantry corps who had begun as slave-soldiers but who had grown to control much of the Ottoman government. The Alexandria Sultanate, on the other hand, represented all the interests that opposed the Janissaries: the Ottoman navy, the Sipahi cavalry, the nascent civil government, and the Mamluks of Egypt. Also, to a large extent, the two Sultanates represented differing ideas of Ottoman governance, with the Alexandria Sultanate modelling a modernizing absolute monarchy under Sultan Ahmed while the Constantinople Sultanate modelling a military oligarchy led by Grand Vizier Dervish Mehmed with the Sultan as a mere figurehead.

    The Ottoman Civil War began during the War of the Great Holy League as a dispute between Grand Vizier Dervish Mehmed Pasha and Sultan Ahmed. Dervish Mehmed, leading a military campaign in Hungary, had disappointed the Sultan with a single defeat. The Sultan had sent a letter to the front asking for the Grand Vizier's resignation, and Dervish Mehmed had refused, instead hoping to retain his position by leading his armies to victory.

    This dispute had led to the 'Battle of the Two Viziers' in 1618 where the new Grand Vizier Öküz Mehmed led his own army against Dervish Mehmed in an attempt to bring him back to Constantinople by force. In this battle, Öküz Mehmed's own Janissary troops defected to his rival, giving Dervish Mehmed control over the entire Ottoman field army. An attempt by Ahmed to crack down on the disloyal Janissary corps had led to a general uprising of the Janissaries, forcing Ahmed to flee Constantinople, and leading to the crowning of his brother Yayha as Sultan. [2]

    For the first year of the civil war, Ahmed was in the custody of the Kapudan Pasha, admiral-in-chief of the Ottoman Navy, who had been responsible for his successful escape from Constantinople. The Kapudan Pasha had ferried Ahmed to Smyrna, then Athens, then Cyprus, each time hoping to provide Ahmed with a base from which he could rebuild an army and retake Constantinople. However it wasn't until early in 1620 that Ahmed finally settled on Alexandria as his new capital.

    Öküz Mehmed Pasha, before he had served as Grand Vizier, had been the Ottoman governor of Egypt for almost two decades. Öküz Mehmed had largely succeeded where his predecessors had failed at winning over the support of the Egyptian people and the Mamluk elite for the Ottoman regime, and had presided over the reconstruction of the port and city of Alexandria, which had, in previous centuries, fallen into ruin. While Öküz Mehmed had done much to ensure Egypt's loyalty to Sultan Ahmed, the real importance of Egypt was its lack of Janissaries. The army of the Eyalet of Egypt consisted mostly of Mamluks, Egypt's own force of former slave-soldiers, who still controlled much of the power behind the scenes in Egypt. The Mamluks were eager to displace the Janissaries as the Ottoman Empire's most powerful military corps, and thus proved to be loyal supporters of Sultan Ahmed.

    While Sultan Ahmed was busy building an army for himself, Grand Vizier Dervish Mehmed Pasha was busy using the Janissary army under his command to take control of as much of the Ottoman Empire as possible. The Janissary army was put to work securing cities and fortresses in the name of Sultan Yahya, as non-Janissary troops had taken control of many key garrisons. Additionally, the people of the Ottoman Empire were largely still loyal to Sultan Ahmed, so the Constantinople Sultanate had much work to do putting down revolts. Thus, it was not until late in the year 1620 that Grand Vizier Dervish Mehmed could think of launching a campaign directed at Sultan Ahmed himself, and by then, Ahmed had assembled a Mamluk army capable of facing the Janissaries in battle.

    By this time, the Constantinople Sultanate had secured its control over most of the Balkans. The only exception was Greece, where the Ottoman navy's loyalty to Ahmed had secured control of much of the isles and the coastal fortresses for the Alexandria Sultanate. At the same time, Ahmed had expelled the remaining Janissaries from Egypt, Syria, and Trioplitania, gaining secure control over the Southern areas of the Ottoman Empire. The two remaining contested areas were Anatolia, where garrison troops loyal to Ahmed held out against the Janissaries, and Mesopotamia, where Janissary armies isolated from the Constantinople Sultanate held Baghdad and Basra. It was in Greece, Mesopotamia, and Anatolia where the next battles in the Ottoman Civil War would be fought.

    In Greece, it would be the Constantinople Sultanate which would eventually win out. While Sultan Ahmed's control of Mecca and Medina gave him the stronger claim to the title of Caliph amongst the Muslims of the Empire, Dervish Mehmed Pasha had been largely successful in courting the Christians of the Empire. The Christians, or Rum Millet, had been excluded from the Ottoman military, although their children were taken as slaves to serve in the Janissary corps. Dervish Mehmed himself had been born a Christian and taken as a child. As the Balkan territory most securely controlled by Dervish Mehmed was majority Christian, allowing Christians to serve in the military could provide a substantial boost to the Constantinople Sultanate's manpower. Thus, in 1620 Dervish Mehmed created a new Rum Army to be made of up Christians from the Rum Millet, and a number of key Janissaries converted to Christianity in order to serve as officers in the Rum Army. It was the Rum Army and the corresponding Rum Navy consisting of Greek fishing and merchant boats serving as privateers which eventually took control of Greece for the Constantinople Sultanate.

    In Anatolia, the Constantinople Sultanate faced stiffer resistance. While the control of the Straits by the Constantinople Sultanate kept the Alexandria Sultanate out of the Black Sea, and guaranteed control of the North coast of Anatolia for Constantinople, the combined forces of the Ottoman Navy and Ahmed's Mamluk-led army allowed Alexandria to gain control of much of the South coast and the interior. For much of the years 1621 and 1622 the two main armies didn't engage with each other directly, instead focusing their efforts on securing cities and fortresses and consolidating their position. It was only in 1623 that a decisive battle was fought between the two main armies outside of Ankara. The battle of Ankara, as this confrontation was known, was a great victory for Dervish Mehmed and the Constantinople Sultanate. The mostly-cavalry army of Sultan Ahmed was easily defeated by the mostly-infantry army of the Janissaries, demonstrating again the superiority of well trained infantry over cavalry. [3]

    Meanwhile, in Mesopotamia, the Janissaries in control of Baghdad and Basra had been fighting on two fronts. While a detachment of Mamluk forces based out of Mosul had been harassing them for much of 1621, a Persian army had attacked from the East in 1622. It was only in 1623, when Ahmed sent a larger, stronger army in the hopes of taking Baghdad, that it became clear that Baghdad was no longer in Janissary hands, but had fallen to Persia.

    The loss of Baghdad was a great shock for the governments in Constantinople and Alexandria alike. Both sides had thought that the civil war would be over before any external power would attack, and both had seen the rival Sultanate as the more pressing enemy. However, with the intervention of the Persian empire, it was clear that the two Sultanates could no longer focus on fighting amongst themselves. They would have to defend the Empire's borders or else there would be no Empire left to defend.

    Thus, late in 1623, the government in Alexandria began asking for a truce. The Alexandria Sultanate knew it couldn't fight both Constantinople and Persia, and wanted to be able to concentrate on the exterior enemy. At the same time, the Constantinople Sultanate was losing ground to Venice in the West, but was also in a dangerous financial situation. The Janissaries had long demanded high salaries for themselves, and the control of the Aegean by a Navy loyal to Ahmed had cut off Constantinople's trade income. Thus, while it did have superiority in terms of land forces, the Constantinople Sultanate was worried that it lacked the logistical capacity to sustain an advance all the way through Syria and Egypt to Alexandria.

    The truce was signed in 1624, requiring neither side to undertake actions of war against the other for the next ten years. Both sides hoped that ten years would be enough time to get their act together to bring a decisive end to the war. In the meantime, both sides would hold on to their currently-occupied territory, and rebuild.

    Many have argued that, in 1624, the Constantinople Sultanate missed its opportunity to press is own military advantage home and defeat the Alexandria Sultanate once and for all. It is true that the Janissary infantry was better trained and experienced than Sultan Ahmed's Mamluk-centered army. It can also be said that 1624 was the only opportunity the Janissaries could have had to decisively defeat Sultan Ahmed, as Ahmed could be forced into a war on two fronts with both Constantinople and Persia. Many have argued that a Janissary victory could have led to a continued evaporation of the Sultan's power leading eventually to Constitutional government. However, I would argue that a Janissary-led government would have would up just as far from Constitutionalism as did the absolute monarchy of the Alexandria Sultanate. The Ottoman Civil War was not a missed opportunity for anti-monarchial reform of the Empire, but simply an example of the pointless wars that all unconstitutional governments create.

    The Alexandria Sultanate did use the period of truce to reform its own army. An over-reliance on Mamluk cavalry had proved fatal in battle against the Constantinople Sultanate, and the death of many Mamluks in battle against the Janissaries had freed up Mamluk land to be used by Sultan Ahmed for the support of new infantry units. The Alexandria soon Sultanate began recruiting new infantry regiments and training them in modern tactics. These new infantry regiments were intended to be as professional as the Janissaries, while being kept separate from the civil government, preventing the military takeover of government that had happened under the Janissaries.

    During this time, the Alexandria Sultanate made contact with the London Oriental Company which was looking for a toehold in the Indian Ocean, and granted the London Oriental Company a concession in the Alexandrian-controlled port of Aden in exchange for assistance in reforming the Alexandrian military. The London Oriental Company recruited English veteran officers (many who had fought in the War of the Scottish Succession as well as some few older veterans who had fought against Spain in the Netherlands under King Henry IX) to come to Egypt to train the new infantry officer corps, made up of Mamluk veterans who were willing to abandon their cavalry tactics in exchange for a promotion. These officers would train their Alexandrian counterparts in contemporary Western European tactics and strategy. [4]

    In addition to modernizing its military, Sultan Ahmed also invested great efforts in rebuilding the Alexandrian trade network. Ever since the Portuguese had discovered the route around Africa from the Atlantic to the Indian Ocean, trade overland through Egypt and Mesopotamia had stagnated. It was largely due to this trade stagnation that the port of Alexandria had been allowed to fall into ruin in the first place. During the 1620s and 1630s Venetian merchants and Alexandrian Pashas would collaborate to rebuild a trade network from Venice to Alexandria, and down the Red Sea to Aden. Roads were built in Egypt, port facilities were improved, and pirates were cleared from the Eastern Mediterranean and Red Sea. For now, goods would be carried across the Arabian Sea from Aden to India by the London Oriental Company, although this was seen as a temporary measure due to an inability of the Ottoman Navy to compete with the Portuguese in the Arabian Sea. [5]

    The military modernization and rebuilding of trade networks that the Alexandria Sultanate undertook at this time sparked a new era of innovation in the Muslim World. One prime example of this was the coastal beacon system established by Sultan Ahmed in the early 1630s. While the Alexandria and Constantinople Sultanates were officially at peace, the privateers of the Rum Navy had often refused to respect the truce, and had continued to attack Alexandrian and Venetian ships and continued to conduct raids against the Egyptian and Levantine coasts. Greek piracy together with continued Spanish naval raids had inspired Sultan Ahmed to improve the coastal defences of the densely-populated Nile Delta. A series of beacons were constructed along the coast stretching out from Alexandria across the Delta. The idea was that any locals who sighted an enemy ship should light the local beacon, sending a signal back to Alexandria so that the Alexandrian Navy could sail from port to respond to the threat.

    This beacon system was almost an immediate success, and soon the network was expanded along the coast to Gaza, and eventually to Jaffa, whose residents requested an extension of the beacon system to help protect them from pirates. [6] It was during the late 1630s that bored beacon-monitors in two neighbouring Nile Delta towns began establishing a code of lantern flashes to communicate with each other during the dark night. This code was then adopted by neighbouring beacon-monitors and soon beacon-monitors were casually sending messages from Alexandria to Jaffa and back again in a single night. It was only in the early 1640s that Sultan Ahmed learned about this code, and began to adapt the beacon system into a rapid communication system linking Alexandria with Damascus. It was these beacons which gave birth to the what the Western world knew as the Shiklet (from the Turkish words 'Isik' meaning light and 'Iletisim' meaning communication) communication system. [7]

    The reform of the Alexandrian army and the rebuilding of the Red Sea trade route had breathed new life into the Alexandrian war effort against Persia. While the Persians had advanced as far as Mosul by 1626, occupying almost all of Mesopotamia, Sultan Ahmed refused to make peace, feeling that his military modernization could help him create an army capable of pushing the Persians back. Persian attacks on Damascus were fought back in 1627 and 1628, and in 1629, the Alexandrian army was now strong enough to retake Mosul. Baghdad would fall in 1631, and Basra in 1632, and, by the time the truce had ended in 1634, the Alexandria Sultanate had succeeded in reestablishing the Ottoman border with Persia. In the process, the Alexandria Sultanate had gained control of the whole Eastern margin of the Empire, as the Janissary garrisons in the Eyalet of Van, under siege by Persia, had defected to Sultan Ahmed upon being rescued by the Alexandrian army.

    During the truce years, the Constantinople Sultanate was also busy. While their Janissary army was as professional as could be, and had no need of the modernization undertaken by the Alexandria Sultanate, the vast sums of money spent on the Janissaries meant that the Constantinople Sultanate had great financial difficulties. Not only were the salaries of the Janissaries serving in the field armies abnormally high, the retired Janissaries who made up much of Constantinople's elite were entitled to expensive pensions. In an effort to reduce the cost of the Janissaries without alienating his power base, Grand Vizier Dervish Mehmed Pasha forbid the induction of new recruits into the Janissary corps, instead filling any personnel gaps using the cheaper soldiers of the Rum Army.

    At the same time, the Constantinople Sultanate was undertaking an ongoing war against Venice. The Constantinople Sultanate still lacked a navy able to confront that of Venice at sea, but was able to make good use of its army to repel attacks by Venetian fleets against the many coastal fortifications of the Constantinople Sultanate. In the end, Venice would succeed at taking control of all of the Adriatic Coast of the Balkans, including the important city of Ragusa, and would take control of many islands in the Ionian Sea. However, the Constantinople Sultanate succeeded at defending the Ionian coasts of Morea and Epirus, and maintained control of the few Aegean Islands under their control.

    By 1629, the Constantinople Sultanate decided that the reconquest of the Venetian-occupied ports would be impossible without a proper navy, and the Venetians had given up any hope of advance into the interior, thus the two belligerents agreed to peace. The peace recognized Venetian control of most of the ports and islands that it had taken, although the important port of Durrës remained in Turkish hands for the time being. The Constantinople Sultanate hoped that peace with Venice could allow trade to once again flow through Constantinople, as the Sultanate was by this point nearing bankruptcy.

    In a desperate attempt to stave off Constantinople's financial woes, Grand Vizier Dervish Mehmed Pasha declared war on Wallachia in 1630. The hope was that a quick campaign against the Principality could result in a reestablishment of Ottoman suzerainty, allowing tribute to flow once more into Constantinople's coffers. While much of Wallachia was occupied by the end of 1631, Wallachia was not without allies. Armies from Moldavia and Transylvania soon began campaigns to liberate Wallachia. Additionally, with the signing of the Peace of Aussig and the end of the First Schismatic War, Austrian armies which had previously been busy fighting in Germany were able to come to the aid of their Wallachian allies.

    The result of the 'Wallachian War', as this conflict was called, was nothing more than the complete devastation of Wallachia. The Petrascu dynasty was brought to an end and Wallachia was divided between Princes Stephen II Bathory of Transylvania and Mihai II Movila of Moldavia. [8] The armies of the Constantinople Sultanate would be driven from Wallachia, and, in 1636, Grand Vizier Dervish Mehmed would be killed.

    The death of the Grand Vizier put the Constantinople Sultanate into a state of chaos. Sultan Yahya, disabled as he was, was unable to rule on his own, and didn't even have the capacity to chose a new Grand Vizier without advice from the very same Janissary elites who wished to take the Grand Vizier's office for themselves. A series of Viziers ruled in quick succession for a few months at a time until each was deposed and executed by the Janissary elite. By the end of 1637, the Constantinople Sultanate had settled into a permanent state of oligarchy, with the Janissary elite ruling as a group.

    However, this instability had come just at the wrong time, as Sultan Ahmed was launching a new campaign into Anatolia. The initial offensive had come in 1635, while much of the Janissary army was still busy in Wallachia. Sultan Ahmed had succeeded at pushing across Anatolia to take Sinope, cutting off the Eyalet of Trebizond from the rest of the Constantinople Sultanate. Ankara fell in 1637, threatening Bursa and Constantinople itself.

    However, the biggest turning point in the war would not happen during Ahmed's Anatolian campaign, but on the battlefields of Silistria where an important Rum Army detachment, sent to confront a Moldavian-occupied town, refused to fight their fellow Christians, and instead mutinied and defected. The leader of this detachment was none other than Palaiologosazde Yahya, a distant descendant of the Palaiologoi Byzantine Emperors. His great-great-grandfather Andreas Palaiologos had converted to Islam, and Yahya had been brought up as a low-ranking Muslim member of the Janissary corps. However, when he discovered the respect that the Christian soldiers of the Rum Army paid to his name, Yahya converted back to Christianity, becoming Ioannes Palaiologos, and joined the Rum Army himself as an officer.

    In 1637, the defection of his detachment of the Rum Army gave Ioannes Palaiologos an opportunity to seize power for himself. He called himself 'the rightful King of the Rum Millet' and called upon all Rum Army regiments to defect to his aid. The defections of a number of Rum Army units, together with aid from Moldavia and Hapsburg Hungary allowed Ioannes' 'Kingdom of the Rum Millet' to occupy most of Silistria and Northern Rumelia. [9]

    Thurs, in 1638, it seemed clear that the Alexandria Sultanate would be victor of the Ottoman Civil War. The Crimean Khanate, which had so far supported Constantinople, switched its allegiance to Alexandria at this time. 1638 was also the year that most Western European powers began to recognize Alexandria as the legitimate Ottoman government. However, it would take 6 more years for the war to finally come to an end.

    One of the reasons the war would draw on as long as it did was the tenacity of the Janissaries, who were now fighting for their own survival as an institution. There was a glimmer of hope within the Janissary leadership that 'Kingdom of the Rum Millet' and the Alexandria Sultanate could be forced to fight each other, giving the Janissaries a chance to rebuild. However, in the meantime, the Janissaries did their best to turn Constantinople into a fortress, filling its stores, rebuilding the walls, and driving out civilians. The idea was that, in Constantinople could hold, the Janissaries could retain control of Thrace at least.

    Through the years 1638 and 1639 the Alexandria Sultanate made very little progress against the Janissaries in Anatolia, instead focusing on Trebizond and Armenia, where Rum Army officers loyal to Ioannes Palaiologos had taken control. While Trebizond, the last Rum Army-controlled city in the East, did fall to Sultan Ahmed's armies in 1639, Ioannes himself had made much progress in Rumelia, advancing as far South as Salonika to reach the Aegean Sea and as far West as Durrës to reach the Adriatic. The years 1640 and 1641 would see the Rum Army continue South into Morea, coming to control all the Christian-dominated territories of Rumelia and Greece.

    It would take until 1642 for Constantinople to finally fall, after a siege lasting nearly a year. By the time the armies of Sultan Ahmed reached the city, they found much of it devastated and depopulated, with much of the treasures of the Sultan's Palace having been sold off by the Janissaries in order to pay their soldiers. While this was celebrated as a victory by Ahmed, who now had the legitimacy of being the only claimant Sultan, the 'Kingdom of the Rum Millet' had grown to become a formidable foe in its own right.

    Even before Constantinople was taken, an Alexandrian army had landed in Morea and had begun a Northward advance through Greece. Following the capture of Constantinople, a second front against the Rum Army was opened in Thrace. The Rum Army was poorly-trained and poorly-equipped compared to the troops of Sultan Ahmed. To a large extent, Ionnes Palaiologos had only been able to take control of Rumelia so easily because so many of the Janissaries had been withdrawn to Western Anatolia to slow down the advance of Sultan Ahmed. However, the majority Christian population of the Balkans was largely in support of the Rum Army, and so occupying Thrace tied down large numbers of Sultan Ahmed's troops. Thus, Sultan Ahmed's advance into Rumelia was fairly slow, especially since the Rum Army had the support of the neighbouring principalities of Transylvania and Moldavia.

    Before the advance into Rumelia could be completed, Sultan Ahmed himself died, leaving his young son Selim to be crowned as the next Sultan. The government in Alexandria, fearful that Ahmed's death would lead to renewed civil war, decided it was necessary to make peace with the Rum Army. The Balkans North of a line from Burgas to Sarandë, was split off as the vassal 'Principality of Rumelia', with Ioannes Palaiologos being granted the title of Prince. This Principality, with a capital in Sofia, remained a vassal-state of the Ottoman Empire for the time being, having the same status the Carpathian Principalities had had fifty years earlier. The buffer this created between the Ottoman Empire proper and Central Europe ended once and for all the Ottoman threat to the Hapsburg monarchy. [10]

    While Sultan Ahmed had always intended to return to Constantinople once the war was over, Sultan Selim, who had been born and raised in Egypt, decided to keep the Ottoman court in Alexandria. Thus, the Ottoman Civil War would mark the beginning of the transformation of the Ottoman Empire from a Turkish Empire into an Egyptian Empire. Selim himself would mark the beginning of the transformation of the House of Osman itself from a Turkish dynasty to a ruling family which was culturally Egyptian and spoke Arabic.

    When Ioannes Palaiologos bent the knee and submitted himself to the new Emperor Selim, there was still one spot in the former Ottoman Empire where the Janissaries were still in control. The Western Balkans - the place where Grand Vizier Dervish Mehmed Pasha had first defied Sultan Ahmed – was the place where the Janissaries last held out. Bosnia, Slavonia, and the remaining Ottoman parts of Southern Hungary had contained strong Janissary garrisons along the border with the Hapsburg Empire. This land also contained a much larger Muslim population than some of the lands farther East. Most importantly, however, the Christian population in this region was Catholic rather than Orthodox, and thus was unsupportive of the Orthodox-led Rum Army.

    The Janissaries in this region (which became known as Greater Bosnia) had held out against the forces of the Rum Army, and were still in control when peace was signed between Ioannes and Selim in 1644. The de jure status of Greater Bosnia remained unclear, but it soon became a de facto protectorate of the Republic of Venice whose Dalmatian lands bordered Greater Bosnia. Venetian financial support was necessary to keep the Janissaries of Greater Bosnia paid and equipped, and the Janissaries of Greater Bosnia would eventually evolve into a sort of Muslim mercenary army serving Venetian interests. Low-level warfare and raids would continue across the borders Greater Bosnia had with Rumelia and Hungary, but no major campaigns would be attempted.

    The 1644 peace between Sultan Selim and Prince Ioannes, which officially ended the Ottoman Civil War did not really address the root causes of the war. The Ottoman Empire still lacked any sort of succession law, and Sultan Selim would continue the practice of having his brothers executed to prevent them from claiming the throne. The Sultan's power only grew due to the civil war as the office of Grand Vizier and the Janissary corps which had held much political power were discredited. While there was a degree of modernization that occurred within the Ottoman Empire this modernization only served at transforming the Empire into an early modern absolute monarchy, purging the Empire of its last feudal elements. The decades of war would do nothing to free the Ottoman people from arbitrary rule.

    Footnotes:

    [1] Remember, the author of this book is the one whose goal is to discredit 'Benevolent Monarchy' in favour of Constitutional government.

    [2] The opening moves of the Ottoman Civil War were covered back in Update 29, if you want a more detailed treatment of these paragraphs.

    [3] This is not the first battle that's paired a mostly-infantry army against a mostly-cavalry army and demonstrated the effectiveness of well-trained and well-disciplined infantry. The Mamluk-centered army would not have attacked if they hadn't had significant numerical superiority over the Janissaries. The outcome of the battle was also due to other factors such as the fact that the Mamluks haven't fought a properly-trained enemy in a century at this point, while the Janissaries have recently fought in Hungary against the Hapsburgs.

    [4] It's not that Western European tactics were superior to Ottoman tactics at this time, just that Western European tactics have been proven to be able to defeat the Janissaries in battle, and Ahmed doesn't have a local source of experienced infantry officers outside of the Janissaries.

    [5] The Portuguese dominance of the Indian Ocean is lasting a little longer than OTL due to a lack of an Iberian Union and hence a lack of a Dutch-Portuguese War, but it is going to be ending soon. In fact, it might be ending in literally the next update I'm writing.

    [6] The port of Jaffa was nearly abandoned around this time due to piracy, and the desperation of the residents is providing the financing for the beacon system.

    [7] Yes, this is an optical telegraph system in the mid-17th century. It won't be adopted by the West for quite some time, but it will soon form a crucial peace of the Ottoman Empire's military communications system.

    [8] I don't want to go into too much detail on Moldavia, Wallachia, and Transylvania, but I should mention that the princes mentioned here are not the same people (not even the same generation) as their OTL namesakes. The one thing I will say is that the Moldavia and Transylvania will be a lot less chaotic than they were OTL with the Bathory and Movila families forming proper dynasties with fairly stable succession within the family.

    [9] Yes, I'm trying to cater to the Byzantophiles on AH.com a little bit here....

    [10] The 'Principality of Rumelia' is mostly made up of Serbians and Bulgarians, although its language of government is Greek for the time being as Greek had been the language of government of the Rum Millet, and the language of the Church (which is in some way the unifying factor behind the Rum Army). This will prove interesting once Nationalism becomes important. Also, the Patriarch of Constantinople will soon take up residence in Sofia (but will not change his title), as Christians in positions of power will no longer be welcome in Constantinople, as they will be seen as potential rebel leaders.
     
    Update 51 - the War in the East
  • Update 51 - the War in the East

    The following in an excerpt from The Schismatic Wars: Europe in Crisis 1590-1660 by Duncan MacCallum, Ph.D.



    War in the East: Fractured Alliances



    Those historians who describe the Second Schismatic War as a single global war with theatres in various parts of Europe, the Americas, and the Indian Ocean often have much difficulty making sense of the fighting that took place in the East. While in Western Europe, most countries were clearly on the pro-French or pro-Hapsburg side of the war, the contemporary fighting which took place in Eastern Europe and the Indian Ocean often was fought between countries which were ostensibly on 'the same side' of the war in Germany. In Eastern Europe, the Polish-Russian war of 1643-1647 pitted an Austrian ally against a Danish ally when both Austria and Denmark were fighting on the same side of the Second Schismatic War. In the Indian Ocean, Dutch and Portuguese ships fought each other while both were simultaneously allied with France. It is precisely because of these conflict between powers which were otherwise allied that it is best to think of the Schismatic Wars not as a single generational conflict but as a period of time in which many separate but connected conflicts took place between various European powers.



    Russia, Poland, and the War in Eastern Europe



    Two wars were fought between Poland and Russia during the time of the Schismatic Wars. If we stretch the time period of the Schismatic Wars to refer to the entire first half of the 17th century, we can even include the Polish intervention in the Russian Civil War as a third such Polish-Russian War. To a large extent, both the 1626-1633 and 1643-1647 wars were attempts by the Russian Czar Theodore II to regain territory lost during the Russian Civil War. It was only the death of Theodore II which would finally bring a chance for lasting peace between Poland and Russia.



    In the first half of the 17th century, there were four main powers with aspirations in the Baltic region. The Kingdom of Denmark and Kingdom of Sweden were old rivals, and Sweden coveted the Danish monopoly on the straits leading form the Baltic to the North Sea. At the same time, the Polish-Lithuanian Union and the Czardom of Russia were each other's rivals on land, and depended on the Baltic for trade with Europe. Poland and Sweden had formed an alliance against Russia late in the 16th century, and this alliance continued in the 17th century only interrupted twice: once by conflicting interventions in the Russian Civil War, and again when Duke Peter of Finland allied with Denmark to help him gain the Swedish throne. [1] In opposition to the Polish-Swedish alliance, Russia and Denmark had formed an alliance, although Russia and Denmark were isolated from each other by Polish and Swedish control of the Baltic coast, meaning that the two could rarely cooperate as allies.



    The Polish-Russian war of 1626-1633 had been fought during the lapse in the Polish-Swedish alliance caused by Duke Peter of Finland's rise to become King Peter I of Sweden. Peter had been forced to accept Danish support to put him on the throne, and in exchange Peter was asked not to come to the aid of Poland and its Austrian ally against Denmark or the League of Dresden. This in turn weakened the Polish-Swedish alliance, encouraging Czar Theodore to seize the opportunity and attack Lithuanian-occupied Smolensk.



    Czar Theodore's war strategy was based upon the idea that the Orthodox population of Eastern Lithuania and Ruthenia would rise up in support of his troops. Theodore had been brought to the throne in the first place by an Orthodox uprising against Polish overlordship, and Theodore had been accepted as a sort of messiah by much of the Russian peasantry. The 'Cossack War' of 1618-1622 had seen both the Zaporozhian Cossacks and Don Cossacks join together and lead the populace of Polish Ruthenia in a revolt against their Polish King, and Czar Theodore had only been kept out of the 'Cossack War' by the threat of Swedish intervention. The 1626 Russian campaign against Smolensk was intended to end what the 'Cossack War' had started.



    While Russia did succeed at capturing Smolensk in 1627, it soon found the population in the area to be much less willing to accept Russian rule than had been expected. The Polish installation of King John II's son Vladislav as an Orthodox Grand Duke of Ruthenia had largely pacified the rebellious Ruthenian populace. While Russian armies were able to advance as far as Chernigov in 1629, they were not able to take Kiev, and Polish campaigns in subsequent years were eventually able to retake Chernigov.



    Poland's ability to defend its Orthodox-populated lands against the Russian advance was largely due to the structure of the Second Polish-Lithuanian Union which had divided the state into the five constituents of Poland, Lithuania, Ruthenia, Livonia, and Prussia, allowing more efficient taxation by giving each constituent the ability to tax its own subjects. It was during the Polish-Russian War of 1626-1633 that separate monarchs were assigned to each constituent, with John II remaining King of Poland to be succeeded by his eldest son Sigismund while his second son Vladislav would become Grand Duke of Ruthenia, his third son Michael would become Grand Duke of Lithuania, and his fourth son Albert would become Grand Duke of Livonia. Later, in 1641, when the last Hohenzollern Duke of Prussia died, his lands would revert to the Polish crown to then be passed to Sigismund's second son Casimir. [2]



    By 1632, the Polish-Russian war had dissolved into stalemate, and both sides would agree to a ten-year truce, allowing Russian to keep the occupied land around Smolensk for the time being. The truce would last from 1633 to 1643, with war only resuming once the truce expired. During the time of the truce the Russian alliance with Denmark and the Polish alliance with Austria continued to hold. However, Austria and Denmark themselves had undergone somewhat of a diplomatic revolution, with the two major antagonists of the First Schismatic War becoming allies in the Second Schismatic War. At the same time, King Peter I of Sweden had abandoned the pro-Danish stance he had adopted upon his rise to the throne, rebuilding his alliance with Poland, while at the same time forming an alliance with England, an enemy of the Hapsburgs. This meant that, when war broke out in 1643, it was fought by Poland (an Austrian ally) and Sweden (an English ally) against Russia (a Danish ally).



    If the Polish-Russian war of 1626-1633 had been a moderate Russian victory, the war of 1643-1647 was a moderate Polish victory. The entrance of Sweden into the war forced Russia to fight on a second front, being forced to defend Novgorod form attacks based out of Swedish Ingria and being subjected to raids on the White Sea coast based out of the Swedish port of St. Petersburg. [3] Russia was deprived of Danish support by the ongoing Second Schismatic War, which kept Danish troops fighting in Germany.



    However, at the same time, Poland and Sweden were fighting a much strengthened Russia. Czar Theodore had put much effort into modernizing his army, importing not just military trainers from Western Europe but also skilled gunsmiths and gunpowder experts. Much of Theodore's early reign had been marked by conflicts between the Boyars who traditionally had held much of the power in Russia and Theodore's own Cossack backers. By the 1640s a compromise had been made within the Russian government and military where some posts would be reserved for the nobility while others could be occupied by commoners such as the Coassacks. While some Cossacks were able to obtain positions in the Russian government and military, most still resided in the Cossack Lands of Zaporozhie and Don, which were not yet a de jure part of Russia. These 'Southern Cossacks' (as opposed to the 'Northern Cossacks' which would go on to become a sort of Russian military caste) would be integral to the Russian war effort as they would raid into Ruthenia, diverting Polish troops from their major campaign against Smolensk. The fact that the Ottoman Empire was still in the middle of its own civil war allowed the Southern Cossacks to focus all of their attention on Poland-Lithuania. [4]



    In the end, while Poland was successful at winning back Smolensk, it did not have success at pressing further into Russian territory. Additionally, the Easternmost part of Polish Livonia, including the City of Pskov, was recaptured by Russia. The peace signed in 1647 would return the Polish-Russian border almost to the same line it had occupied in 1626. The border between Smolensk and Kaluga was drawn in the same place it had been after the Russian Civil War, although Russia gained a bit of land around Pskov, and lost a bit to Swedish Ingria.



    The Polish-Russian wars of 1626-1633 and 1643-1647, while largely indecisive conflicts, do illustrate an important point. While many Western European historians are biased towards viewing conflicts in the East peripheral theatres of Western wars, this is very much not the case. It was not because Austria and Denmark were at war that their allies Poland and Russia fought from 1626-1633, and it was even less so not because Austria and Denmark were fighting together against France that Poland and Russia would fight again from 1643-1647. The Polish-Austrian and Dano-Russian alliances were not the cause of the wars between Poland and Russia. If anything, it was because of the state of conflict between Poland and Russia, that these two Eastern European powers felt that they needed Western allies. While the Schismatic Wars were generally a time of conflict, this didn't mean that all or most of the conflicts that were fought were directly related to one another.



    Portugal, the Netherlands, and the War in the Indian Ocean



    The Second Schismatic War is called 'the first global war' by many historians largely because it was the first war in which battles were fought in Asia and the Americas as well as in Europe. However, there is an important extent to which the conflicts fought in Asia were not simply just an additional theatre of the Second Schismatic War, but were in fact part of another war entirely. This war is often referred to as the 'East India War', and it began as a conflict between the Antwerp East India Company and the established trading network of Portugal. As was the case with Poland and Russia, the Netherlands and Portugal were ostensibly 'on the same side' of the Second Schismatic War, as both powers were allied to France. However, the conflict between them predated the Second Schismatic War, and had been started before either power's alliance with France had been fully formed.



    The Portuguese had had a presence in the Indian Ocean ever since the voyages of Vasco de Gama in the later 15th century. By 1600, their trade network spread throughout the Indian Ocean with outposts as far East as Macau in China, Nagasaki in Japan, and the Sultanate of Ternate in the Spice Islands. They controlled the ports of Fernando Po, Luanda and Sofala on the African coast, had extensive possessions centered in Goa and Ceylon in India, and controlled Malacca, the hub of the spice trade. These extensive trading connections had brought much wealth back to Portugal, and had allowed the Portuguese to dominate the Indian Ocean throughout all of the 16th century.



    This Portuguese dominance had been challenged throughout the 16th century both by local rulers throughout the region as well as by regional powers such as Mamluk Egypt and the Ottoman Empire. However, no power in Asia matched the naval capacity of Portugal, and thus the Portuguese dominance continued. Things would only change with the beginning of the 17th century and the entry of the Netherlands into the Indian Ocean. [5]



    The Antwerp East India Company had been founded by King Henry of Navarre in 1604 as part of an attempt to rebuild the prosperity of the City of Antwerp. Antwerp had been devastated by the Dutch Revolt and the Navarro-Spanish War, but it had previously been the most prosperous trade port in all of Europe, and King Henry had attempted to regain that status. Antwerp drew much of its trade from Lisbon, where Asian goods arrived in Europe, although the supply of Asian goods was quite limited due to the limited size of the Portuguese fleet. The East India Company's original goal was to increase the supply of Asian goods by bypassing Lisbon, thus lowering prices for Antwerp-based merchants.



    The initial years of the Antwerp East India Company were less than successful. The first two fleets to sail to India returned empty-handed: the first fleet was nearly destroyed by a storm off the African coast, and the second was able to reach the Indian Ocean, but was unable to find a local merchant willing to trade in spices or other valuable goods. It was only when the third fleet encountered by chance a Portuguese fleet on the high seas that the decision was made by the desperate captains to seize the Portuguese fleet and bring its cargo home. While the fleet had been sent out to trade rather than to engage in piracy, it seemed to the East India Company's directors that, for now at least, preying off of Portuguese trade was the only reasonable way to ensure a profit.



    When this fleet returned home to Antwerp, the origin of its cargo caused much controversy. King Henry was not willing to risk a war with Portugal at this time, and initially demanded that the East India Company return the cargo. However, after much pleading, King Henry agreed to negotiate with the Portuguese to see if peace could be maintained while still allowing the Company to seize Portuguese shipping in the Indian Ocean. In the end, pressure from France (whose alliance with Navarre was stronger at the time that that with Portugal) forced Portugal to agree that piracy in the Indian Ocean would not be considered an act of war, and that piracy and privateering would be perfectly legal, provided that it took place beyond the Cape of Good Hope.



    Thus, for the first decade of its existence, the Antwerp East India Company would be mostly engaged in attacking Portuguese ships and stealing their cargo. Bases were established at Kaapstad at the Cape of Good Hope, Pulicat along the Coromandel Coast, and Banten on the island of Java. From these bases, fleets were sent out to locate and attack Portuguese ships, and the cargo would be loaded onto convoys to be sent back to Antwerp.



    Even during the early years of the 'East India War', the Antwerp East India Company was never completely dependent on piracy. The bases it had established came to be frequented by local merchants who felt that the Dutch might offer better prices for their goods than the Portuguese. However, the most lucrative of these trade goods were spices, and the Portuguese, with their control of Ceylon, Malacca, and Ternate, had almost complete control of the spice supply.



    It was only in 1618 that the Antwerp East India Company's governor in Pulicat would decide to go beyond attacking individual ships and would launch an attack on the island of Ceylon itself. The Portuguese fort at Mannar was captured, giving direct access to Ceylon by Dutch traders. The Dutch would soon make contact with the local Sinhalese rulers who had been fighting the Portuguese for generations, and a Dutch-Sinhalese alliance was soon established with the goal of expelling the Portuguese.



    For much of the 1620s, the focus of the Antwerp East India Company would shit away from piracy and would instead move towards an attempt to take control of Ceylon for the Dutch. Dutch traders would provide the Sinhalese with weapons and would provided them with naval support while the Sinhalese themselves would do much of the fighting against the Portuguese. By 1632, the Portuguese had been firmly expelled from Ceylon, leaving the island in Dutch hands.



    After the capture of Ceylon, the Dutch and Portuguese would begin to see each other more as equals in the Indian Ocean trade. Rather than the Portuguese being so dominant that the Dutch could not compete with them but could only steal from them, the Dutch now had their own monopoly on trade with Ceylon. Soon, the Portuguese themselves began engaging in privateering against Dutch ships. The battles between Dutch and Portuguese ships would soon focus more on capturing strategic forts and trade ports than on capturing individual ships with their cargo.



    During this time, a number of other powers had made their presence known in the Indian Ocean. England had been the first with the establishment of the English East India Company in 1608. This first English East India company had itself dissolved with the capture of London by the Spanish in 1619. While the company itself survived the initial Spanish attack, the Spanish governor of London forced the shareholders to liquidate the company, as its very existence violated the Treaty of Tordesillas. Its successor, the London Oriental Company was only established in 1626, once peace had been reached between England and Spain.



    The London Oriental Company, like its Antwerp-based competitor, began its existence by preying off Portuguese shipping. However, by this time, Portugal had improved the defences of its trade network, and the London Oriental Company found piracy to be less than profitable. At the same time, King Edward of England was less willing to bow to his merchant's wishes and risk war with Portugal and threatened to seize the assets of the Oriental Company if it continued to commit 'warlike acts' against Portugal. It was with luck that, in 1628, the Oriental Company was able to make an arrangement with the Alexandria Sultanate to allow them to take control of the port of Aden in exchange for aid in modernizing the Mamluk-based Alexandrian army.



    Using Aden as a base, the London Oriental Company established trade links with India, China, and the East Indies. The first trade outpost was established in Calicut on the Malabar coast in 1631, however Calicut, which had been a Portuguese trade outpost in the previous century, was often in a precarious position, and would be vacated again in 1642 when the Portuguese-allied native ruler would drive out the English.



    It would only be in 1637 that the Oriental Company would take control of the city of Jayakarta on the island of Java, which would go on to be renamed New Greenwich. New Greenwich would compete directly with the Portuguese port of Malacca and the Dutch outpost at Banten. While Portguuese ships were sunk or captured by the Dutch and Dutch ships attacked by the Portuguese, the English were careful to maintain a state of peace with both powers, allowing their own ships to become the safest way to transport goods from East Asia to Europe. Thus, even Portuguese merchants operating out of Macau and Makassar would sometimes bring their goods illegally to New Greenwich for shipment back to Europe when the threat of Dutch piracy was too high. It was, to a large extent, the East India War which allowed New Greenwich to eventually outcompete Malacca and Banten as the hub of trade in the East Indies. [6]



    From their base at New Greenwich, the London Oriental Company would trade with the Chinese from the ports of Guangdong, Fujian, and Zhejiang, and would ship these goods on English ships back to Aden. After the 1642 loss of Calicut by the English, the London Oriental Company would increasingly rely on Arab traders under Ottoman Suzerainty to bring goods from India to Aden. [7] Aden would serve as the port at which English traders would exchange some of their Chinese goods for Indian goods carried by the Arabs, and would send convoys back to London carrying goods from all over Asia. Unlike the Dutch and Portuguese the London Oriental Company had no need of waystations along the African coast, as it conducted little direct trade with Africa, and did not have the same need of refuge from attack that the Dutch and Portuguese did due to the East India War.



    The last entrant into the struggle for the Indian Ocean was Denmark. For much of the early 17th century, Denmark had been a growing naval power, as its dominance of the Baltic trade had made it quite wealthy. However, for much of the 1620s and 1630s, the First Schismatic War and the subsequent financial troubles had prevented the Danish Monarch from sponsoring overseas voyages, and it was only in 1638 that Denmark would gain its first overseas colony with the Florida Purchase. However, even before the Florida Purchase, there had been efforts by Danish merchants to establish trade ties with the Indian Ocean, although a proper 'East India Company' had not been formed. However, the lack of any Danish-controlled ports in the Indian Ocean and a prohibition on piracy during peacetime prevented any of these merchants from being able to secure a profit.



    It was only with the beginning of the Second Schismatic War in 1641 that King Frederick III would begin selling letters of marque to Danish ships to allow them to prey on French, English, and Dutch shipping. At first, this privateering mainly took place in the Caribbean where Danish ships were able to take refuge in Christiansborg in Danish Florida. However, soon Danish privateers began entering the Indian Ocean to prey off the Dutch and English trade there. In 1642, the declaration of war by Portugal against Spain was soon followed by a declaration of war of Denmark against Portugal, meaning that Danish privateers were now attacking both sides in the East India War.



    Thus, the situation in the Indian Ocean soon devolved into a four-sided conflict with the Dutch, Portuguese, and Danish all at war with each other while the English fought with the Danes but remained at peace with the Dutch and Portuguese. At the same time the Spanish based out of Manila fought alongside the Danes against the Dutch and Portuguese. The French were the only European naval power which was conspicuously absent due to their agreement with Portugal not to enter the Indian Ocean.



    The result of this phase of the 'East India War' was the destruction of much of the Portuguese colonial empire. The Portuguese-backed Sultanate of Ternate was defeated by the New Catalonian-backed Sultanate of Tidore in 1644 giving New Catalonia trade dominance over the Spice Islands. At the same time, Malacca was captured by the Dutch in 1643, only to be recaptured by the Portuguese in 1645, by the Danes in 1646, and by the Portuguese again in 1647. Much of Portuguese East Africa would wind up in Dutch hands, while the island of Fernando Po, off of West Africa would fall to the Danes.



    By the war's end in 1649, the Portuguese colonial empire had been reduced to four bastions. Brazil itself had come under little attack, and had been defended well with French support. The Port of Luanda in Equatorial Africa and the adjoining Kingdom of Kongo was still under firm Portuguese influence. Goa and the adjoining Malabar Coast of India was still under a Portuguese monopoly. Last but not least, the ports of Macau in China and Nagasaki in Japan were still fully Portuguese, although their trade hub at Malacca had been devastated by war.



    The Dutch, English, and Danes each came out of the war with dominance over their own sphere of the Eastern trade network. The Dutch had gained trade dominance over East Africa from Sofala to Zanibar and the Coromandel Coast and Ceylon in Southeast India. The English had fully established New Greenwich as the hub of trade in the East Indies, with satellite outposts throughout Southeast Asia. The Danish had taken Fernando Po from the Portuguese and Banten from the Dutch, although both ports were of little use to the Danes without a wider trade network. In the end it would be the Danish presence in Bengal, first established in 1645 when Danish privateers took refuge in the Ganges Delta, that would grow to become the centre of Danish India.



    There is a certain extent to which the final stages of the 'East India War' were a part of the Second Schismatic War. Certainly, the Danish and Spanish interventions against the Dutch and Portuguese only began due to the state of war existing between Denmark and Spain on one side and the Netherlands and Portugal on the other. It is also true that even the fighting between the Dutch and Portuguese was brought to an end by the Peace of Frankfurt that ended the Second Schismatic War. However, the Dutch-Portuguese portion of the East India War is very difficult to categorize as part of the Second Schismatic War simply because it was fought between two powers which were at least co-belligerents (if not allies) in Europe. Thus, it is better to view the East India War as a separate war which connected to, but separate from, the Second Schismatic War in Europe. Thus, when I speak of the Schismatic Wars I refer not only to the First Schismatic War and the Second Schismatic War, but also all wars connected to them, including the War of the Scottish Succession, the Liège War, the Supplicant War, the Polish-Russian Wars, the Vagabundo War, and the East India War. These wars, by being fought by the same powers during the same period of time, became closely connected to each other.



    Footnotes:

    [1] See update 34 for what was going on in Sweden at this time.

    [2] There will be no Kingdom of Prussia in TTL, as a stronger Poland means that the Brandenburg Hohezollerns are unable to inherit the lands of their Prussian cousins.

    [3] Remember, TTL's St. Petersburg was a port built by the Swedes on the coast of the White Sea near OTL Belomorsk, Russia. It's Sweden's only outlet to the ocean that doesn't require going through Danish territory, although it's still pretty much a backwater with little use besides the export of Finnish furs.

    [4] Cossacks becoming an integral part of the Russian military is sort of OTL, but TTL's Cossacks are going to become a more more powerful military and political force that OTL's, largely because of the role the Cossacks played in bringing Tsar Theodore to the throne.

    [5] Everything about the Portuguese Empire up to this point is OTL.

    [6] Not knowing very much about Indonesian geography, I'm hoping that readers will forgive the convergence of having TTL's English East Indies have the same capital as OTL's Dutch East Indies.

    [7] It is these Arab traders who will eventually establish the Ottoman presence in India.
     
    Update 52 - the War in Germany
  • Update 52 - the War in Germany

    The following in an excerpt from The Schismatic Wars: Europe in Crisis 1590-1660 by Duncan MacCallum, Ph.D.

    The War in Germany 1641-1649:

    Germany was always the main theatre of the Second Schismatic War, as it was the three competing claims for the Imperial throne which had started the war in the first place. While the initial trigger of the war was the election of King Henry III of France as Holy Roman Emperor in the Election of 1640, this Imperial Election was of such doubtful legality [1] that France never had the goal of become Emperor of a united Holy Roman Emperor. Instead, the war aim of France and its allies in the League of Heidelberg was to carve off the Western Imperial lands as a separate Empire under French protection. While some smaller members of the League of Heidelberg would prefer a return to the old Imperial order with the King of France as Emperor, others such as the Swiss Confederation and the Navarrese Netherlands hoped to break free of Imperial overlordship entirely and become fully independent states.

    On the other side, Emperors Charles of Austria and Augustus of Saxony aimed to enforce the decisions of the Diets of Bayeruth and incorporate the various members of the League of Heidelberg into either the Lutheran Northern Empire or the Catholic Southern Empire. The goal was to force each member of the League of Heidelberg one by one to recognize either the authority of either Holy Roman Emperor Charles VI or German Emperor Augustus of Saxony. Thus the first battles of the war would be fought in the lands of the smaller members of the League of Heidelberg as the armies of both Austria and the League of Dresden tried to force these lands into submission.

    Initially, the League of Dresden's efforts were met with much success. Anhalt, Hessen-Darmstadt, and the Bishopric of Eichsfeld (a part of the Archbishopric of Mainz) all submitted to Augustus' authority by the end of 1641. While Austria was quickly able to subdue Ansbach, its next target, Württemberg, held out with the support of its allies in the Palatinate and Mainz.

    Meanwhile, France and the Netherlands had mobilized their troops and began a march Eastwards against Austria and the League of Dresden. The troops of the various members of the League of Heidelberg were divided into four Armies, each with its own supreme commander. These Armies were, from North to South, known as: the Army of Friesland, the Army of the Ruhr, the Army of the Main, and the Army of Swabia.

    The Army of Friesland consisted of Dutch troops together with reinforcements from the Bishopric of Münster. It was put under the command of Prince William II of Orange-Nassau, who is most famously known as a Dutch military reformer. Its goal was to occupy East Friesland and Oldenburg and to threaten Danish Holstein.

    The Army of the Ruhr consisted of a combination of Dutch soldiers and troops recruited from the French territories of Flanders and Hainaut, and was put under the command of René Deschamps, a French general who had been largely responsible for the French victory in the Game of Castles. Its goal was to dismember the United Duchies of Jülich-Cleves-Berg, the only powerful member of the League of Dresden in the Rhineland.

    The Army of the Main consisted of mostly troops from the Palatinate, and the Archbishoprics of Mainz and Trier, although contained some French troops as well. It was commanded by Louis of the Palatinate, eldest son of the aging Elector Frederick. Its goal was to defend the Archbishopric of Mainz, and, if possible, advance up the Main into Franconia.

    The Army of Swabia consisted almost entirely of French troops, and was commanded by the French general Jacques de Lafontaine. Its goal was to occupy the Austrian possessions in Swabia (known as 'Further Austria') and to defend Württemberg.

    There was originally supposed to be a firth Army, the Army of Italy which would consist of French, Savoyard, and Swiss troops and would attack Spanish Milan. However, when Spain didn't immediately enter the war, the French troops intended for the Army of Italy were instead redeployed to the Army of Swabia, and the Savoyard and Swiss troops were reassigned to defensive duty. This reassignment of the troops destined for the Army of Italy was largely what had allowed the Spanish to achieve their great victories in Savoy later in the war.

    Unlike the League of Heidelberg, which had combined its troops into four coherent Armies, the League of Dresden had a much less coordinated strategy. Emperor Augustus, nominally in charge, held to a conservative strategy of eliminating the weakest enemies first, and so didn't want to deploy troops Westward until Anhalt, Eichsfled, Hessen-Darmstadt, and Paderborn were forced into submission. Augustus even refused to prioritize the defense of the lands already under attack by the League of Heidelberg, as he felt that forcing the League of Heidelberg to tie up troops occupying land could give him the ability to win a decisive battle later. While Augustus refused to take decisive action, a number of other members of the League of Dresden were more proactive. Hessen-Kassel and Nassau, for example, once they had completed their conquest of Hessen-Darmstadt, took the initiative to advance Southwards towards the Archbishopric of Mainz.

    Throughout much of 1641, the Duke (now an Elector) of Jülich-Cleves-Berg sent repeated requests for reinforcements, which were ignored by Augustus, who wanted to secure Eichsfeld and Hessen-Darmstadt first. Emperor Augustus even ordered the Elector of Jülich to abandon his lands and bring his army to meet with Augustus' in an a attack on Paderborn. The Elector of Jülich of course refused and tried to defend his lands against the Army of the Ruhr on his own. In 1642, Augustus was still busy besieging Paderborn when the armies of the Elector of Jülich were routed, leaving the Army of the Ruhr in control of the United Duchies of Jülich-Cleves-Berg.

    The most prominent, and most successful, rival to Augustus for the leadership of the League of Dresden was the newly crowned King Frederick III of Denmark. Frederick had recognized the possibility that Augustus' inaction might lead to defeat, and had led his own armies from both Denmark and Silesia in a decisive action to defend his dynasty's ancestral home of Oldenburg against the Dutch Army of Friesland. A series of battles in the summer of 1642 succeeded at stalling the advance of the Army of Friesland, securing the North Sea Coast for the League of Dresden. However, no decisive confrontation was fought at this time.

    The first decisive battle of the Northern theatre of the war was fought in early 1643 outside of Paderborn. Here, the army of Emperor Augustus was engaged in siege actions against the Bishop of Paderborn when his army was attacked by the Franco-Dutch Army of the Rhine. Despite the fact that Augustus had numerical superiority at Paderborn, the battle was a Franco-Dutch victory, and Augustus' armies were forced into retreat. This largely can be attributed to the brilliant generalship of René Deschamps and the rigorous discipline of the highly-trained Dutch soldiers. The Dutch model of military training, pioneered by William II of Orange-Nassau, soon became well-known and would be frequently emulated in the following decades. [2]

    Some historians argue that the only outcome of the Battle of Paderborn which was beneficial to the League of Dresden was the death of Emperor Augustus due to an injury sustained on the battlefield. This necessitated the organization of a fresh Election for the German Imperial throne, giving the League of Dresden a chance to replace Augustus with a more capable military leader. In the end, all Electors except for Saxony itself voted in favour of making the young Frederick III of Denmark, recent victor of the successful campaign in Oldenburg, as the new German Emperor. While there was every indication that Frederick would prove to be a better Emperor than Augustus, the process of holding the Election itself squandered any momentum Frederick could have had after his victory at Oldenburg. By the completion of the Election in 1644, the Franco-Dutch armies were still in control of East Friesland and Paderborn, and any hope of liberating Jülich-Cleves-Berg had been lost.

    The League of Heidelberg had used the time of the Election of 1644 to reposition their armies, moving the Army of Friesland South in order to secure the Bishopric of Osnabrück and establish control of a number of crossings over the Wesser. The plan was for the Army of Friesland to advance across the Wesser into Brunwick-Lüneberg and eventually into Holstein. At the same time, the Army of the Ruhr had also turned South and advanced from Paderborn into the lands of Hessen-Kassel.

    Even further South, the Army of the Main had become entangled with the League of Dresden forces occupying Hessen-Darmstadt. The Landgrave of Hessen-Kassel, in charge of the occupation, had attacked the Archbishopric of Mainz, only to find the Army of the Main to be much stronger than expected. The League of Dresden forces were driven back, and the Army of the Main spent much of 1642 liberating Hessen-Darmstadt. This gave a chance for the Austrian army that had subjugated Ansbach to make its way to the Eastern border of the Archbishopric of Mainz. The Army of the Main was soon stuck fighting both the League of Dresden and the Austrians at once. It was the beleagured Army of the Main that had requested that the Army of the Ruhr move South to come to its aid.

    The French Army of Swabia had arrived in Württemberg too late to prevent an Austrian occupation. Rather than engage the Austrian occupation forces, the Army of Swabia instead moved South to occupy Elsass, hoping to eventually take control of Austrian Sundgau. Eventually, in mid-1642, a major battle was fought in Tübingen between the French and Austrian forces. While this battle was a French victory, it wasn't decisive enough to throughly drive the Austrian forces from Württemberg, and Austria would hang on to Eastern Württemberg for the time being.

    The entry of Spain into the war in 1642 had made things more complicated as the Spanish garrisons in Luxembourg and Franche-Comté were now under threatening the Franco-Dutch supply lines. In 1643, the Army of the Ruhr (in occupation of Hessen-Kassel) was to take over the defence of Hessen-Darmstadt and Mainz allowing the Army of the Main to move South to take over the fight in Württemberg. This in turn allowed the Army of Swabia to focus on defending against Austria and the Spanish garrison in Franche-Comté in their attempt to push the French out of Elsass.

    In 1644, the Austrians would launch the most ambitious campaign of the war so far. Concerned that the Spanish garrison in Luxembourg was cut off from any possible support from the League of Dresden, and noting that much of the French army was operating at the end of long supply lines passing through Lorraine, the Austrian generals began preparations for an aggressive attack aimed at Lorraine. Bavarian and Tirolean troops would gather in Franche-Comté under the leadership of Archduke Ernest of Tirol, and would advance Northwards, attacking key fortresses in Lorraine to try to form a secure corridor between Franche-Comté and Luxembourg. While this Austrian campaign would not be a complete success, it was successful enough to force the Army of Swabia to pull back and abandon Elsass to engage with the Austrians in Lorraine instead. Additionally, the French supply lines passing through Lorraine were disrupted enough that the Army of the Main could no longer operate in Württemberg, and was forced to withdraw to the Palatinate.

    The fighting in Lorraine which cut off the French supply lines stretching into Swabia, forced the League of Heidelberg to reorganize its command structure in the year 1645. The Army of the Main, cut off from supply lines leading back to France, was stripped of French troops, and was forced to support itself off the pocket of Eastern Lorraine and the Upper Rhineland that was still occupied by the League of Heidelberg. For the remainder of the war the troops of Trier, Mainz, and the Palatinate would assume an almost completely defensive role, defending their occupied pocket against Austrian attacks. The success of Louis of the Palatinate maintaining order in this occupied pocket was largely what motivated the post-war creation of the Grand Duchy of the Rhine. [3]

    Instead of supporting the Army of the Main, French reinforcements would now be destined to the Army of the Ruhr, which was re-christened the 'Army of Hesse', and was put to work raiding into Saxony and Franconia from their base in Hessen-Kassel. The Army of Hesse had established supply lines stretching from the French Netherlands through Liège and up the Ruhr to Kassel. Since these lines were at this point uncontested by the Spanish troops in Luxembourg, the Army of Hesse was seen as the best hope for France to penentrate deeper into Austrian territory. At the same time the 'Army of Swabia' was reorganized as the 'Army of Lorraine', and was given the task of preventing the Austrian army in Franche-Comté and the Spanish army in Luxembourg from linking up.

    At the same time, the Dutch portion of the existing Army of the Ruhr was detached and moved North to join with the Army of Friesland to form the 'Army of the Wesser'. This army would attack deeper into Brunswick-Lüneberg and would largely take over the fight against the League of Dresden, allowing France to concentrate on Austria. This army had already taken Nienburg in 1644, securing a crossing over the Wesser, and in 1645 the Army of the Wesser succeeded at penetrating as far as the City of Hanover and putting in under siege.

    It was only late in the year 1645 that the new Emperor Frederick would finally succeed at organizing a formidable enough army to engage the Army of the Wesser directly. The Battle of Hanover in the fall of 1645 would be a great victory for the League of Dresden, and would force the Army of the Wesser into retreat. William II of Orange-Nassau would lead his army back over the Wesser in 1646, although he would be able to set up a defensive line along the Wesser, preventing the League of Dresden from following him across. It wouldn't be until 1648 that King Frederick would be able to continue his advance when an army based out of Oldenburg would break through the Dutch defensive lines. Soon Emperor Frederick would encircle much of William's army, trapping it against the Western bank of the Wesser, in what became known as the Battle of Hoya. Much of the Dutch army would be destroyed, giving the Danish-led army of the League of Dresden a chance to advance towards Onsabrück and Münster.

    While German Emperor Frederick had turned back the Dutch advance in the North, the French had been able to do much the same in the South. The Austrian troops engaging with the French in Lorraine had been operating at the end of very lengthy supply lines, and had been steadily losing ground beginning in 1645. By the end of 1646, the French had encircled the Spanish garrisons in Luxembourg, cutting them off from contact from their Austrian allies in the South. By the end of 1647, Luxembourg had itself fallen, and the Army of Lorraine was able to finally advance South again into Franche-Comté and Elsass [4].

    At the same time, the French Army of Hesse, which France had hoped could advance deeper into Austrian territory (maybe even as far as the Upper Palatinate), had come up against stiff resistance. Austria had fortified the Bishopric of Würzburg, and allied Saxon troops which had refrained from following Emperor Frederick in his campaign along the Wesser had engaged with the Army of Hesse. While Hessen-Kassel and Nassau were still under French occupation, the Army of Hesse wasn't able to advance any deeper into Imperial territory.

    By the year 1647, Austria, the Netherlands, and most members of the Leagues of Heidelberg and Dresden were willing to make peace. However, there were two powers that still needed convincing. France wanted to continue the war until Franche-Comté and Elsass could be occupied, allowing a great expansion of the French borders into the lands of the former Holy Roman Empire. Denmark, at the same time, was also on a roll, and wanted to continue the war until the Bishopric of Münster could be occupied and secularized and Jülich-Cleves-Berg could be liberated.

    France's willingness to come to the bargaining table was assured by the Spanish breakthrough in Savoy, threatening Lyon and the French heartland. By the middle of 1648, France was very ready to come to terms. However, Denmark still insisted on pressing on, and Austria was not willing to make a separate peace in fear that doing so might allow France to overrun all of the Northern Empire. The victory in the Battle of Hoya only hardened the Danish resolve to continue the war.

    What would finally convince Denmark to give in and come to terms was not actions by France, the Netherlands, or the League of Heidelberg, but actions by England and Sweden. England had counted on both the Netherlands and Sweden as allies for all of the first half of the 17th century, and England, Sweden and the Netherlands had formed an informal anti-Danish pact starting in the 1630s. This anti-Danish pact had as its goal the disruption of the Danish monopoly on Baltic trade, as England, Sweden, and the Netherlands all wanted a piece of that trade. [5]

    While the Netherlands was already actively engaged in a land war against Denmark, England preferred to stick to a purely navel commitment, attacking Danish ships and colonies overseas. However, England had offered to provide naval support to Swedish troops if they were to make a land-based assault on Danish ports. Until 1647, Sweden had been busy with its intervention in the ongoing Russo-Polish war, and had been unwilling to fight Denmark as well. Moreover, King Peter of Sweden was reluctant to attack the very Kingdom which had been responsible for his rise to power. However, in 1648, there seemed no better time for an attack, and Sweden declared war on Denmark.

    With the Swedish declaration of war, Denmark immediately readied for an attack on Halland, where it had fought its last war against Sweden. However, the attack, when it came, was not directed at Halland or Scania, but instead at Norway. Sweden sent a small army overland through Jämtland to the district of Tröndelag, to attack the city of Trondheim, which was in a key position to control the entire Northern half of Norway. With English naval support, Trondheim fell easily in August of 1648. When the Danes tried to retake Trondheim by sea later that fall, their fleet was destroyed by a combined Anglo-Dutch fleet, leaving the way open for a naval-based assault on Denmark itself.

    It was only in early 1649 that the final blow that would bring Denmark to the table would be landed. With much of the Danish fleet destroyed, England was free to use its own fleet in an attack on the naval base at Fladstrand [OTL *Frederikshavn]. With the destruction of much of Fladstrand by the English, many in Denmark felt that an attack on Copenhagen itself was imminent, and soon Emperor Frederick relented. An armistice was signed by the beginning of summer, and much of the second half of 1649 was spent with all sides busy trying to work out an agreeable peace. The Peace of Venice, a peace that would change the face of Europe, will be discussed in the next chapter.

    Footnotes:

    [1] Remember, the justification behind France's election was that the Peace of Aussig which had created the new Electorate of Silesia was invalid, thus four electoral votes were sufficient for a majority. The Election itself was only attended by four Electors (Mainz, Trier, Cologne, and the Palatinate), and the Archbishops of Trier and Cologne were of dubious legitimacy themselves as they were more or less appointed at gunpoint by the French and Dutch occupying armies.

    [2] William II of Orange-Nassau is the son of Maurice of Orange-Nassau, the ATL equivalent of the man who was such a brilliant army reformer in OTL. TTL's Maurice didn't get quite the chance to shine as OTL's as he was still young when the Netherlands became free from Spanish rule. Instead it is his son who was able to get much of the glory instead.

    [3] This occupied pocket – the future Grand Duchy of the Rhine – consists of all of the Rhine Valley between Koblenz and Strasbourg but stretching Westward as far as Trier and Eastward as far as Wertheim am Main.

    [4] Note that the TTL geographic term 'Elsass' only refers to what we would call 'Southern Alsace' including Sundgau, Breisgau, and some lands immediately to the North. OTL's 'Northern Alsace' (including Strasbourg) will become separated from the Holy Roman Empire as part of the Grand Duchy of the Rhine and may eventually become part of France, while TTL's 'Elsass' will remain under Austrian sovereignty for another century at least.

    [5] Remember, in TTL Denmark and Norway share a land border, cutting off Sweden from access to the Skaggerack.
     
    Map 11 - Europe 1650
  • Ok, the next post, detailing the details of the Peace of Venice, is still being edited. However, the accompanying map is done, so I'm going to post it below:

    nNqwlUP.png
     
    Update 53 - the Peace of Venice
  • Update 53 - the Peace of Venice

    The following in an excerpt from The Schismatic Wars: Europe in Crisis 1590-1660 by Duncan MacCallum, Ph.D.

    The Peace of Venice:

    The Peace of Aussig that had brought an end to the First Schismatic War had only been signed by the two primary belligerents of that war: Austria and Denmark. While the League of Dresden and most of the Catholic princes of the Empire had come to accept the Peace of Aussig, its validity had been challenged by France and the League of Heidelberg. In fact, it was exactly the doubtful validity of the Peace of Aussig which had led to the Election of 1640, crowning Henry III of France as Emperor.

    Thus, when it became time to negotiate an end to the Second Schismatic War, it became clear that a lasting peace couldn't simply be signed by the three claimant Emperors, but that all belligerents in the Second Schismatic War would have to be made signatories to the peace. Thus, a grand peace conference was called which would include all Imperial Princes of both halves of the Empire, and the extra-Imperial powers of France, Spain, England, Sweden, Portugal, and Navarre. In order to satisfy all parties, the peace conference would have to be held in a neutral country, and the Republic of Venice soon offered its services to host the peace talks.

    Some parts of the peace were easier to resolve than others. France, Spain, Portugal and Navarre were able to quickly agree not to change any of their borders in Iberia, as little land had changed hands. An agreement between the various colonial powers to ratify the de facto changes of ownership of various colonies also could be easily settled. This meant that England, the Netherlands, and France gained territory in the Americas at the expense of Spain, and the Netherlands and Denmark gained territory in the Eastern colonies at the expense of Portugal. As most of these changes have already been discussed elsewhere, there is no need to go into any more detail here. [1]

    Sweden's only demand at the peace table was the land of Trondelag, which it had occupied in its intervention against Denmark. At first, King (and German Emperor) Frederick of Denmark had been unwilling to give up anything to Sweden. However, once it became clear that his choice was between giving up a portion of Norway or surrendering more Imperial land to France and the Netherlands, Frederick relented. After all, Sweden was, at this time, much less of a threat to Danish power than France or the Netherlands were. The surrender of Trondelag finally gave Sweden the Atlantic port it had been desiring for decades as Trondheim was a much better port in a much better position than the remote St. Petersburg on the White Sea.

    With the situation outside of the Empire resolved, the discussions at the Peace of Venice turned to coming up with an equitable division of the Holy Roman Empire. It was clear at this point that at least a bipartite division of the Empire into Northern at Southern portions (along the lines of the agreements made at the Third Diet of Bayeruth) was necessary. At first, France pushed for a tripartite division, making the Western lands occupied by the League of Heidelberg into a third Empire with the French King at its head. However, it soon became clear that France didn't even have the support of its allies in England, Portugal, and Navarre for this proposal. Thus, the Holy Roman Empire in the South and the Empire of the German Nation (informally the 'German Empire') in the North were confirmed as the only two Western European powers entitled to refer to themselves as an 'Empire'.

    However, any movement beyond this point in discussion was fruitless as long as the various Imperial Princes couldn't agree upon a common methodology of determining how the Empire would be divided. There were two competing geo-political philosophies at the time which shaped two very different ideas of what a division of the Empire should look like. The first philosophy was that of legalism which argued that any division of the Empire or redistribution of land would have to be made according to Imperial Law. While legalists were often willing to admit that law on its own was not always sufficient to resolve succession disputes, they argued against giving land to anyone who didn't have even a weak claim to it. Legalists felt that the goal of peace was justice, and that justice could only be achieved through law. Thus, in the eyes of legalists, dividing up the Empire arbitrarily would only weaken the rule of law leading to further war and destruction. [2]

    Opposed to the legalists were the followers of the new philosophical school known as 'rationalism'. Rationalism, at the time of the Peace of Venice, had not yet reached the level of philosophical refinement or the degree of influence, that would characterize it in the 18th century. In fact, many historians of philosophy refuse to refer to the philosophies of the various parties present as 'rationalism' (instead calling it 'proto-rationalism'), as they argue that most politicians and diplomats at the time would not have known that the rationalist arguments of philosophers such as Pierre Desmoulins supported their positions.

    While the more philosophical aspects of Pierre Desmoulins' writings may not have been widely read until they were picked up by the later rationalists of the 18th century, his political works were at least well-known by the time of the Peace of Venice. Desmoulins, as a French Huguenot who had come to the Netherlands as a child (his father was a officer in the army of Henry III of Navarre whofollowed his King to the Netherlands), had centred much of his early work around the philosophical justification of Bourbon rule in the Free Netherlands. His early philosophy was grounded in Protestant criticism of medieval Church and dynastic law, although he eschewed the Calvinist idea of predestination in favour of a cosmology in which humans play as much of a role in shaping the particulars of the world as God.

    For Desmoulins, human power was always a corrupting influence on the state of the world. It was this corrupting influence which had led to the abuses of the Catholic church but had also led to the creation of personal unions where a single King ruled multiple Kingdoms. For Demoulins, every personal union was a manifestation of human greed, and the breakup of large personal unions into smaller pieces was the work of God. For Desmoulins, God's plan was always to create balanced, medium-sized countries throughout Europe by breaking up large empires (such as had occurred during the Dutch Revolt), but also by allowing smaller states to fuse together (such as the formation of the Burgundian Netherlands). Desmoulins was harshly critical of succession law as an integral part of international politics, as it was succession law which mandated the creation of personal unions and the division of realms amongst multiple sons. Desmoulins illustrated these ideas with his slogans of “One country; one king” and “God created the countries of the world; man created its laws.” In fact, the modern use of the word 'country' to refer to any medium-sized polity whether it was part of a larger bloc or a confederation of smaller entities can be traced to the writings of Desmoulins. [3]

    According to Desmoulins' early political works, God's plan for the world was this patchwork of medium-sized countries, and it was the job of virtuous rulers and government officials to make this plan come to be. For Desmoulins, the only way to know how God meant to divide Europe was to use the one human faculty which was most pure and closest to God: that of reason. A politician or diplomat was to think about what international borders made were most rational regardless of human-created inheritance laws or personal unions, and use this idea of rationality as the basis for political division.

    While Desmoulins' later work describing the rational intellect as the source of all human knowledge had only just been published at the time of the Peace of Venice, his earlier, more political, works had been written in the 1620s and 1630s and had been read by many present at the peace conference. In particular, Emperor Charles VI had made use of Desmoulins' arguments to justify his annexation of the Upper Palatinate (which by law was a part of the Palatinate but was “rationally” a part of Bavaria), although Charles' disregard for the rule of law dated back to the time when he served as Regent of Bavaria.

    According to Desmoulins' ideas, the Holy Roman Empire had fallen prey to the Schismatic Wars largely because it was too large and too decentralized to be ruled effectively. Thus, it would have to be divided into smaller polities according to rationalist principles. While two of these polities, the Empire of the German Nation and the rump Holy Roman Empire, had already been created by the Third Diet of Bayeruth, the failure of the two Emperors from occupying the Western Imperial lands necessitated the creation of additional polities.

    The easiest place to break off additional polities was in Italy. Spain's victory over Savoy led to the surrender of most of the territory of Piedmont (including the City of Turin) to be appended to the Spanish Duchy of Milan. Savoy was thus only left with Savoy proper, Nice, Saluzzo and a thin strip of Piedmont connecting these lands. However, in exchange, Savoy and the Swiss Confederation would be granted full independence from the Holy Roman Empire. The experience of fighting together against Spain together with gaining independence from the Empire at the same time would lead to close ties and a permanent alliance between the Swiss Confederation and Savoy. Eventually, this would result in the expansion of the Swiss Confederation to include Savoy and become the Alpine Confederation later in the 17th century.

    The existence of Savoy, the Swiss Confederation and the Republic of Venice separating Italy from the rest of the Holy Roman Empire made it clear to all parties that it was necessary to firmly separate the Kingdom of Italy from the rest of the Empire. The Peace of Venice would ratify the agreement between Austria and Spain which would pass the title of King of Italy to Spain in exchange for Luxembourg and the Franche-Comté. This transfer of the title of 'King of Italy' was technically illegal according to Imperial law [4], but was accepted due to rationalist principles arguing that Italy shouldn't rationally have the Holy Roman Emperor as King. Franche-Comté, which was still firmly occupied by Austrian and Spanish troops would be accepted by all as Austrian territory. The status of Luxembourg would not be resolved until land in the rest of Germany could be divided up.

    One thing that was made clear in Venice was that France was by now the most powerful Kingdom in all of Europe, and that even its allies refused to have France annex vast swaths of Imperial territory. The annexation of the lands that King Henry III already held as Imperial fiefs (the French Netherlands and the Three Bishoprics in Lorraine) was the most that all powers would initially accept, although in the end Henry III would also convince the other powers to allow him to annex enough of Lorraine to connect the Three Bishoprics to France proper.

    After much negotiation, it seemed that a consensus could be reached that the Imperial lands occupied by the League of Heidelberg, instead of being granted to France, would be granted independence as French allies. The Navarrese Netherlands were large enough to rationally be made into a Kingdom. The occupied lands of Jülich-Cleves-Berg along with some other smaller Imperial territories were annexed onto the new Kingdom of the Navarrese Netherlands, and the Bishoprics of Liège, Cologne, Münster, Osnabrück, and Paderborn became Dutch vassals. This almost doubled the size of the Netherlands, forcing the adoption of a new Dutch constitution which would allow representation of the new territories in the States-General in Antwerp. This 1653 constitution would grant different levels of representation to Free Provinces (the original territories liberated in the Dutch Revolt), Subject Provinces (territories captured in the Schismatic Wars as well as New World colonies), and Vassals (for now all vassals would be Bishoprics). [5]

    Even with this expansion of the Netherlands, there was still a large stretch of territory from Hessen-Kassel to Lorraine which was controlled by the League of Heidelberg, but could not be reasonably annexed to either France or the Netherlands. While much of this land, including Hessen-Kassel and Southern Lorraine, was eventually returned to its original owners, the rest had to be organized into some sort of coherent independent state which was not vassalized to either Empire or to France. Louis of the Palatinate, who had now succeeded his father to the Palatine throne, as leader of the army that had defended this territory, was the clear candidate for the monarchy of the new polity. Louis also had illegally lost his family's holdings in the Upper Palatinate, and needed compensation. Thus, the new title of Grand Duke of the Rhine was created for Louis, and the members of the League of Heidelberg from Hessen-Darmstadt to Trier to Strassburg were made into vassals of this new Grand Duchy. The former Imperial Princes who were now Rhenish vassals were granted great autonomy under their Grand Duke, and in many ways the Counts Palatine enjoyed less power as Grand Dukes than they had as Imperial Electors. This resulted in instability in the Grand Duchy of the Rhine, which in turn would spark the conflicts which would eventually be known as the Rhineland Wars. [6]

    With the Western Imperial land divided up amongst various new and existing polities, the question now became what to do with the Imperial Princes. Legalist arguments would allow Princes who had been displaced to return to their land if they were willing to swear fealty to their new overlord. However, rationalists amongst the diplomats soon objected arguing that the fealty sworn by the various members of the League of Dresden and League of Heidelberg to Emperor Charles had not prevented them from rising up in revolt. Instead, the rationalists argued that Princes who had been displaced should be relocated to lands where they could rule under the suzerainty of their ally rather than their enemy.

    Thus, the delegates gathered in Venice adopted a policy of exchanges where Eastern Princes allied with the League of Heidelberg would exchange holdings with Western Princes allied with Austria or the League of Dresden. The Duke of Württemberg, whose lands had been occupied by Austria, was given Luxembourg, which had been occupied by France, as compensation while Austria annexed Württemberg to its own territories. The Duke of Lorraine, who lost a great deal of land to France and the Grand Duchy of the Rhine, was compensated with Ansbach, while the Prince of Ansbach obtained a portion of Eastern Lorraine as a Rhenish vassal. The Princes of Nassau and Anhalt similarly exchanged lands so that each could remain with his own ally as overlord.

    The one Prince who had lost the most land of all was the former Duke of Jülich-Cleves-Berg, who had also been made an Elector of the German Empire. However, in 1626, an arrangement had been reached between the Dukes of Jülich-Cleves-Berg and Mecklenburg which would serve to alleviate this situation. At the time, both dynasties had been reduced to a single old duke, each with a single son and many daughters. The two Dukes had agreed to marry each son to the other's eldest daughter, and agreed that, if either house was to go extinct, its lands would be inherited by the other. Of the two marriages resulting from this arrangement, that of Francis of Jülich-Cleves-Berg to Maria of Mecklenburg had proved fruitful, while that of George of Mecklenburg to Catherine of Jülich-Cleves-Berg had proved childless. This was likely due to the fact that Catherine was almost 10 years older than George. Thus, when George of Mecklenburg died in 1646, his lands would pass to Francis. The Duchy of Mecklenburg, while not as rich or populous as the United Duchies of Jülich-Cleves-Berg, was prosperous enough to serve as a base for the now-relocated Electorate of Mecklenburg.

    These dynastic exchanges, while defended as “rational” by those who had brokered the deal, caused much short-term disorder. While some of the dynasties being relocated (such as Württemberg and Jülich-Cleves-Berg) were simply a single powerful family and its retainers, others (such as Nassau) consisted of a number of closely related branches who each had their own land. Much conflict was felt in Anhalt as the various branches of the House of Nassau fought over who would get the best land in the dynasty's new small, poor, territory. Additionally, the exchange of territory had often happened between dynasties of different faiths, meaning that in many places a Lutheran Prince was reigning over a Catholic populace or a Calvinist Prince was reigning over a Lutheran populace. Sometimes, the ruler succeeded in converting his people to his own faith, as the Duke of Lorraine did in Ansbach. However, in other cases, it was the ruler himself who converted (as Eberhard of Württemberg did when he moved to Catholic Luxembourg). In some other lands, both ruler and subjects refused to convert, resulting in ongoing religious turmoil.

    The division of the Empire by the Peace of Venice resulted in lands which would go on to have vastly different fates. The rump Holy Roman Empire was now overwhelmingly dominated by the various branches of the Austrian Hapsburgs. The process of centralization and consolidation begun by Charles VI would be continued by his successors Matthias II and Maximillian III. By 1700, the Holy Roman Empire would be transformed from a decentralized elective monarchy to an absolute hereditary monarchy.

    The Spanish Kingdom of Italy would travel down much the same path as the Holy Roman Empire, albeit much slower and with more resistance. The Italian Princes had always enjoyed more autonomy than their German brethren, and many of them (such as Genoa and Florence) were powerful in their own right. The second half of the 17th century would see repeated attempts by Ferdinand VI of Spain and his third son Mathias (who would succeed Ferdinand as King of Italy) [7] to restrict the power of the Italian Princes. These attempts would often result in war, and an inevitable Spanish victory in which the Italian Princes would give up their power bit by bit. The Kingdom of Italy would never become as centralized as Austria, Spain, or France, but would succeed at reducing Genoa and Florence to the status of weak vassals.

    Unlike its Southern counterpart, the German Empire would never have a strong hereditary monarchy. The existence of five Electors, each of whom had large holdings within the Empire, prevented the dominance of any one state within the Northern Empire. While Denmark-Silesia held the Imperial title more often than any other power, there were still times throughout the lifetime of the Northern Empire when the Electors of Brandenburg, Saxony, and Mecklenburg would take a turn at the helm. However, the lack of any strong non-Electoral Princes within the Northern empire meant that the rights of the non-Electoral Princes would be continually eroded until only the Electors held any real power. The smaller states of the Northern Empire would be broken up by division of inheritance (which was enforced by the Emperor and Electors), and the resulting small pieces would eventually be mediatisized [8] into one of the Electorates. By 1750, there were very few non-Electors left who still had Imperial immediacy in the Northern Empire.

    The Grand Duchy of the Rhine was perhaps the Imperial successor state that best retained the constitutional arrangement of the old Holy Roman Empire. While the title of Grand Duke was hereditary rather than elective, the various Counts, Free Cities, and Bishoprics that made up the Grand Duchy of the Rhine enjoyed great autonomy. Furthermore, the principle of cuius regio, eius religio, now obsolete in the Lutheran German Empire and the Catholic Holy Roman Empire, was still followed in the Grand Duchy of the Rhine, where Catholic, Lutheran, and Calvinist states lived alongside one another. It is partly this religious diversity and legal conservatism which facilitated the instability that would lead to the Rhineland Wars of the second half of the 17th century.

    Lastly, carved out of two very different parts of the old Empire were two federal states, the Netherlands and the Alpine Confederation, as alike as they were different (of course, the Alpine Confederation did not yet exist at the time of the Peace of Venice, as the Savoyard Revolt had not yet succeeded at displacing the House of Savoy in favour of a division of Savoy into self-governing cantons [9]). Both were religiously diverse states where much power was delegated to the local government. The Alpine 'cantons' carried much the same executive power as the Dutch 'provincial states'. However, while the Alpine Confederation was distinctly republican in nature, the Netherlands were a Kingdom. Of course the Dutch Kingdom was, legally speaking, a personal union between all Provinces where the States-General of the Free Provinces had the right to elect the King. It was still a Kingdom nonetheless.

    While the Peace of Venice had succeed at dividing the old Empire into more 'rationally'-sized polities, and while many of these polities would succeed at centralizing into strong states, many of these polities would not. While the Peace of Venice is largely responsible for the creation of many of the countries we know from the geography of today's Europe, it was also responsible for the creation of a number of failed states, the most conspicuous of which was the Grand Duchy of the Rhine. While the Peace of Venice ended the Schismatic Wars, it can also be thought of as starting the Rhineland Wars.

    Footnotes:

    [1] See Update 43 for the islands which were captured in the Caribbean by England, France, and the Netherlands, see Update 48 for the changes in South America, and Update 51 for the changes in Africa and Asia.

    [2] You can think of 'legalism' as the school of thought which led, in OTL, to the Holy Roman Empire undergoing very little change between 1648 and 1800. In OTL, it was largely the fear of another 30 years' war which kept the patchwork of small Imperial Princes around.

    [3] 'Medium-sized' means between the population of Denmark and that of France. So, in TTL, the HRE would have been too large to be a 'country', while the Grand Duchy of the Rhine is a little bit too small. TTL's international political system is based upon the idea of equality between medium-sized 'countries' whether or not they are idependent, part of a larger entity, or made up of smaller entities. This system is, in some ways, TTL's counterpart for OTL's 'Westphalian Sovereignty'.

    [4] Illegal in the sense that the various titles of King of Germany, King of Italy, etc. which go with the Imperial Crown belong to the Crown not to the Emperor. Legally speaking, the Emperor would have to at least get the approval of the Electors to trade away such a title. However, at this point in time, traditional Imperial law is considered obsolete, and Charles VI and his successors will successfully turn the rump Southern lands into an absolute Hapsburg monarchy.

    [5] Basically, the Free Provinces have representation in the States-General, while the Subject Provinces have their own individual Provincial States, but are not part of the States-General. This gives the Free Provinces more political power, which in turn means that the tax burden falls heaviest on the Subject Provinces, as they have no mechanism by which to band together against the monarch. It should also be noted that the monarch of the Navarrese Netherlands is elected by the States-General, so the Free Provinces have a say in this election while the Subject Provinces don't.

    [6] The Rhineland Wars are going to be the big European conflicts of the late 17th and early 18th centuries, equivalent in size to OTL's Wars of the Spanish and Austrian Succession.

    [7] I think I will mention this later, but, for various reasons, Ferdnand VI of Spain has consolidated his holdings into three Kingdoms, one for each of his three sons. Spain is of course the richest and will go to his eldest son. Italy is still filled with revolt-prone vassals, so it will go to his youngest son. The rest (the former Kingdoms of Mallorca, Sardinia, Naples, and Sicily) will go to his middle son as the Kingdom of the Four Sicilies.

    [8] Mediatizied literally means “making mediate” as in removing Imperial immediacy. Basically the small states are being forced to become vassals of one of the Electors.

    [9] As I probably won't actually write an update on this, what's going to happen to Savoy is this. While the Spanish King of Italy is busy in a war against Florence, the Duke of Savoy decides it's time to launch a revanchist war to retake Turin. He raises a large mercenary army and levies huge taxes to make it happen. He takes Turin, but is faced with a revolt at home. He hopes to force the King of Italy to make peace and then return with his army to crush the revolt, but the King of Italy stalls, and eventually the revolt succeeds at overrunning all of Savoy. The revolters (who turn out to have been backed by Switzerland) are able to convince the King of Italy to recognize them as the legitimate government of Savoy, and the Duke of Savoy is forced into exile. Savoy is divided into self-governing cantons (probably two in Savoy proper, one in the narrow stretch of what's left of Piedmont, one in Saluzzo, and one in Nice) and is made a part of the Swiss Confederation, which renames itself the Alpine Confederation.
     
    Update 54 - the Catholic Schism
  • Update 54 - The Catholic Schism

    The following in an excerpt from The Schismatic Wars: Europe in Crisis 1590-1660 by Duncan MacCallum, Ph.D.

    The Catholic Schism:

    It is widely believed that the Schismatic Wars get their name from the Imperial Schism which was the most conspicuous result of these wars. However, the term 'Imperial Schism' seems to be a more recently-coined term than 'Schismatic War'. Perhaps more interestingly, the first attested use of the term 'Schismatic War' referred not the the First Schismatic War but to the Second. From this, historians have concluded that the 'Schismatic Wars' owe their name not to the Imperial Schism that resulted from the First Schismatic War but from the Catholic Schism which resulted from the Second Schismatic War.

    The event that is seen by most historians as defining the Catholic Schism is the excommunication of King Henry III of France by Pope Alexander VII in 1640. However, this is not really the point at which the Catholic Schism began, but simply the point at which it became apparent outside of France. Ever since the Concordat of Bologna in 1516, the French Crown had held vast control over the French Church, having the right to appoint Bishops at will. However, the Concordat of Bologna had also confirmed the right of the Pope to collect annates [1] from the various dioceses of France, ensuring that large sums of money would continue to flow from France to Rome.

    For over a century, the French Kings had coveted the vast sums of money that Rome collected from the French Church, hoping to secure this Church-based source of income for themselves. To a large extent, the founding of the Église Charbonniste under King Charles IX had been an attempt to divert Catholic Church funds to the French Royal treasury. [2] However, it was only under Henry III during the First Schismatic War that the flow of money from the French Church to Rome was finally stopped. Officially, the French Clergy (who by this time owed their loyalty only to their King) claimed that, due to the state of war with Spain, they feared that they money would be seized by 'Spanish brigands' on its way to Rome. However, unofficially, there was a real fear in France that any funds turned over to the Pope would be used to raise armies against France, as Spain and the Papacy were close allies throughout the 17th century.

    This systematic denial of funds to Rome had led Pope Clement IX to refuse to confirm any appointments of French Bishops until the owed annates would be paid. In retaliation, Henry III created the Royal Church of France in 1626, unilaterally seizing complete control of the French Church and once and for all breaking the Concordat of Bologna. While the Papacy refused to acknowledge the Royal Church governance structure, the Bishops and Archbishops who held individual positions within the Royal Church were still recognized as the legitimate holders of their respective diocese (after all, they had been confirmed in their appointments by the Pope). To a large extent, the Royal Church of France and the Roman Catholic Church would remain in communion, as the dispute remained at the level of Bishops and Kings rather than that of parish Priests and parishioners.

    The remainder of the pontificate of Clement IX and that of his successor Urban VII would a time of attempted reconciliation, where the Pope would attempt to negotiate a new Concordat with Henry III. Henry III and the Archbishop of Sens (the spiritual head of the Royal Church of France) would present a number of proposals before the Pope which would return to the Pope the right to confirm Church appointments. However, neither Pope Clement IX nor Urban VII would be willing to accept these offers, as none of them included full payment of the annates owed to Rome. With the death of Pope Urban VII in 1638 and his replacement with Alexander VII, the opportunity for reconciliation was over. Alexander, unlike his predecessors, refused to tolerate French particularism and began breaking ties with the remaining Bishops of the French Church who still at least nominally recognized papal authority.

    Thus, when Alexander VII excommunicated Henry III in 1540, this act was simply a culmination of the rift that had been growing for decades between France and Rome. With this excommunication, Alexander VII issued an order to all Bishops and Priests in France to abandon the Royal Church of France and re-join the Roman Catholic Church. In response, the Patriarch of Sens issued a letter condemning the Pope's interference in French affairs, reiterating the Autocephalist position that the Pope had no direct authority North of the Alps.

    Soon, King Henry III and the Royal Church of France began promulgating the doctrine of cardinalium mandatum, [3] whereby the Pope gained his authority through the Cardinals who appointed him, and that his authority was limited by the geographic origins of the College of Cardinals. This doctrine argued that, the only way a Pope could attain universal authority was through appointment by a College of Cardinals which reflected all of Western Europe. At the time, the College of Cardinals consisted of mostly Italians, Spaniards, and Austrians, with a single Portuguese Cardinal as the only Cardinal from outside the Hapsburg realms. The ongoing dispute between the French and Roman churches had meant that there were no French Cardinals at all participating in the Conclave of 1638. According to cardinalium mandatum, this meant that the Pope had no mandate at all to make doctrine for the French Church.

    Pope Alexander VII's refusal to recognize the Royal Church of France was based upon the accusation that the Charbonnistes within the Royal Church were heretics. He pointed to a number of decrees of the Council of Trent which condemned Charbonniste practices (such as the use of the French vernacular as a liturgical language, and the giving of bread and wine communion to the laity), and commanded the French Clergy to enforce these decrees. In response, the Archbishop of Sens denied the charges of heresy, instead arguing that the Council of Trent had not been a true Ecumenical Council since the Kingdom of France had not participated in its proceedings. He held that only a true Ecumenical Council, including representatives from all Catholic Churches, had the right to set doctrine for the Catholic Church as a whole. The French position was that Papal decrees held no force outside of Italy unless supported by the local Clergy, and that the Council of Trent, consisting almost entirely of Italian and Iberian delegates, held no force in France.

    It soon became clear that the only possible way to resolve this dispute would be to hold a new Ecumenical Council which would include representatives of the French Church. While France itself had little interest in mending the Catholic Schism, Portugal, as a French ally which was deeply Roman Catholic, felt a need to call for a new council. Less than three years after the Peace of Venice was signed, the Council of Lisbon began. Held from 1552 to 1558, the Council of Lisbon would attract Bishops from all over Europe. However, it would be boycotted by the Pope himself, and few Bishops and no Cardinals from the Hapsburg realms would attend, meaning that in the end the Council of Lisbon was dominated by France and its allies.

    The Council of Lisbon, rather than attempting to produce decrees that would apply to the entire Catholic Church instead resolved to limit itself to creating doctrinal agreement between those that were present. Those present in Lisbon agreed that, while Latin was the ideal language in which to hold mass, and the Vulgate was still the official translation of the Bible, liturgy said in the vernacular and translations of scripture into the vernacular were still permissible. It also concluded that while communion 'in both kinds' was normally reserved for the Clergy (with the laity only receiving bread), individual Priests could give communion in both kinds if they so desired. A decree was also issued at Lisbon calling for the Pope not to overstep the bounds of his office, although what precisely those bounds were was never made clear.

    The end result of the Council of Lisbon was the division of the Catholic Clergy into three main camps. The successors of the Charbonnistes, those that would be call themselves Autocephalists, would use the Council of Lisbon as justification to fully reject Papal Supremacy and would use the doctrine of cardinalium mandatum to reject any Papal authority North of the Alps. Those who had boycotted the Council of Lisbon, those who would call themselves Romanists, would reject the Council of Lisbon itself as illegitimate, and would continue to support complete Papal Supremacy. [4]The middle ground was occupied by the Moderates who often argued that both councils of Lisbon and Trent were valid. The Churches of France and the Netherlands were already dominated by Autocephalists, [5] and those of the Hapsburg realms of Spain, Italy, the Four Sicilies, and the Holy Roman Empire were more or less Romanists. Portugal was the only Kingdom whose Church which was firmly Moderate (the Portuguese Church did its best to maintain communion with both Roman and Sens), although the Catholics of Savoy and Switzerland were also Moderate-leaning. Other states, such as Poland and the Grand Duchy of the Rhine had Clergy which were largely split between different camps, and no one camp was easily able to gain dominance.

    These three main camps would in turn result in the permanent division of Catholic Church as an organization. The Churches dominated by Autocephalists in France and the Netherlands would make a complete break from Rome, forming what would become known as Autocephalous Catholic Churches (the Royal Church of France and the Dutch Autocephalous Church). These two Churches would still call themselves 'Catholic' as they still saw themselves as part of a universal Church which just happened have no Pope with universal legitimacy at the time. To a certain extent, the Autocephalous Churches saw themselves as Regents during a time of interregnum who were just awaiting a new Ecumenical Council to restore the Church's rightful regime.

    The Romanists, in turn, would condemn the Autocephalists as Protestant heretics, and would refuse to hear their calls for a new Ecumenical Council. While the Romanists (who would never lose their control of the College of Cardinals) would tolerate Moderates within the Roman Catholic Church, they would quickly bring any suspected Autocephalists before the Inquisition. The French and Dutch territories under control of the Autocephalous Churches would be treated as Protestant lands, and Jesuit missionaries would be sent there to attempt to bring errant Catholics back into the fold.

    It was largely thanks to the Moderate-dominated Church of Portugal that the Autocephalous Churches were able to maintain their claim to being part of the Catholic world. The Portuguese Catholic Church continually reiterated its recognition of the Royal Church of France as a legitimate branch of Catholicism, which, while schismatic, was not heretical. The Portuguese Church, while submitting to Roman authority, made a point of maintaining its ties with its French counterpart. While a reconciliation which would mend the Catholic Schism would never fully be realized, the Portuguese Church made a point of always keeping the door open for such a reconciliation to take place.

    While the institutions of the Roman and Spanish Inquisitions were able to take care of the Autocephalists in Romanist lands, the presence of Romanists in France and the Netherlands proved to be more of a dilemma. Romanists couldn't be persecuted as heretics; if anything they were traitors. However, persecuting the French Romanists could cause them to flee to Spain or Italy where they would inevitably be used against the Royal Church of France. The French Church's claim to independence from Rome was based the upon doctrine of cardinalium mandatum and the fact that there were no French Cardinals. The appointment of a Cardinal or two who were sufficiently French could jeopardize the position of the French Church, and two separate Popes did appoint exiled French Romanists to the College of Cardinals.

    Thus, rather than letting Romanist clergy flee to Spain or Italy, France made a point of instead giving them appointments in the colonies, where they were less likely to cause trouble for the French Church. Most of them would be sent to newly-conquered French South America (which was then called 'Nouvelle Valence' [6]) where they would see to the Pastoral needs of the fiercely Romanist criollos. This would in turn lead to the voyages of many lay Romanists (who called themselves les fidèles de Saint Pierre) to Nouvelle Valence where they could be free from 'Autocephalist Heresy'. It would be these fidèles who would form the largest group of ethnically French settlers in Nouvelle Valence, eventually outnumbering the Spanish-speaking criollos and the Muslim moriscos. The latter two groups were often seen as revolt-prone by the colonial administration in Bien-Air [just a renamed Buenos Aires of course], and the fidèles, while regarded as dissidents back in France, were seen as loyal subjects in the colonies. [7]

    The Catholic Schism is correctly described as a direct result of the monolithic dominance of the Papacy and the College of Cardinals by the Spanish monarchy. As the sprawling Spanish personal union broke up into the unitary Kingdoms of Spain, the Four Sicilies, and Italy, the College of Cardinals and the Papacy became controlled not solely by Spain, but by the Hapsburg Bloc as a whole. It was only with the breakup of the Hapsburg Bloc in the 18th century that the Papacy was able to regain its independence. It would be only then that the various Hapsburg factions within the College of Cardinals began to compete with each other for the loyalty of the few French, Portuguese, Polish, and Alpine Cardinals.

    However, even when the Papacy would again become an independent actor, the break between the Autocephalists and Romanists would still be too much for the Catholic Schism to be easily mended. The College of Cardinals, while no longer dominated by Hapsburg loyalists, would still be dominated by strict Romanists, and there was never a serious Moderate candidate for the Papacy. By then, the Autocephalous Churches had gotten used to running their own affairs, and there was little desire for reconciliation. The Catholic Schism would go on to outlive the circumstances which had originally brought it about.

    Footnotes:

    [1] For those who are not aware, annates is a term that refers to payments made by a bishop, archbishop, abbot, etc. to the Pope upon appointment to a post within the Church. They were one of the main ways in which the Pope was able to collect revenues from the rest of the Catholic Church.

    [2] Remember, part of the structure of the Église Charbonniste was that the French King was at the top of the Church hierarchy, and that a portion of all funds collected by the Church would make their way to Royal coffers.

    [3] This Latin is supposed to mean “the Cardinals' mandate”. However, as someone who knows little to no Latin, I'm just hoping that google translate didn't screw this up. If anyone else knows more Latin and wants to correct me, please let me know.

    [4] TTL Autocephalist = OTL Gallican

    TTL Romanist = OTL Ultramontane

    [5] The reason it's French and Dutch Catholics who have the greatest Autocephalous tendencies has to do with political reasons. France and the Netherlands have been enemies of Spain for generations at this point (except for the brief interlude when France under Francis II allied itself with Spain against the Ottomans (in the War of the Great Holy League) and England (in the War of the Scottish Succession)). Since the College of Cardinals is controlled by Spain, the Pope is pretty much a Spanish puppet, so any enemy of Spain is an enemy of the Pope. Savoy, which is still mightily upset with Spain for the loss of Piedmont, also has some Autocephalist tendencies, but is too close geographically to Rome to attempt a breakaway.

    [6] New Valencia was Francicised to Nouvelle Valence (Valence being a city in France that just happens to have a very similar name to Valencia in Spain).

    [7] I'm trying to create a weirdly reversed version of the Puritans of OTL New England. In the same way that the Puritans left England because England wasn't Protestant enough for them, the fidèles have left France because France isn't Catholic enough for them. French South America is going to have a very complicated culture with criollos, moriscos, fidèles, and Mapuche all intermingling...
     
    Update 55 - the Four Blocs
  • Update 55 - The Four Blocs

    The following in an excerpt from The Schismatic Wars: Europe in Crisis 1590-1660 by Duncan MacCallum, Ph.D.

    The Four Blocs:

    The Peace of Venice marks a turning point in Western European geopolitics. To a large extent, it was the Peace of Venice, and the decades that immediately followed it, which gave rise to the consolidation of almost all of Western Europe into four distinct multi-country blocs. Competition between these four blocs would characterize the Early Modern age almost as much as the struggle between 'Christendom' and the Islamic World would characterize the Medieval period. Those who follow the Teleological [1] school of history often times see these 17th-century blocs as direct precursors of the 20th-century Federations which characterize the Europe of today, although Teleologists often have difficulty describing the how the imperial wars of the 18th century or the Nations of the 19th century facilitated the transformation of blocs into Federations. [2]

    To a large extent, a mid-17th century observer would not have noticed any momentous change that accompanied the Peace of Venice. The blocs that came into existence following the Peace of Venice would have seemed little different from the alliances that had existed before. Much of the distinction made by historians between the pre-1650 alliances and the post-1650 blocs is historiographic, as the change was a continuous one. However, there are certain features which characterize the four blocs of the Early Modern age and make them different from any alliances that had existed before.

    The first distinctive characteristic of the four blocs was the fact that they were relatively permanent. It was rare that a bloc would dissolve or break up, and countries only moved from one bloc to another due to their conquest by a member of the other bloc. Additionally, the blocs were relatively exclusive in that it was extremely rare for a country to be allied with members of more than one bloc. While often times two blocs would fight alongside each other in the same war, they would do so simply as cobelligerants rather than allies.

    The second distinctive characteristic of the four blocs was the way in which the four main branches of Western Christianity were divided between them. All the staunchly Roman Catholic countries were part of the Hapsburg Bloc, while the Franco-Portuguese Bloc contained most of the Autocephalist and Moderate Catholics. The Dresden Bloc was exclusively Lutheran, while the Bourbon Bloc consisted of Calvinist monarchs ruling over mostly-Calvinist populations. One interesting development that came about during the time of these late-17th century blocs was that the religious struggle in Western Europe was no longer thought of as simply a two-sided conflict of Catholicism versus Protestantism, but each of the four main branches of Western Christianity saw any of the other branches as a potential ally against the other two. Thus, we saw, for example, Calvinists and Romanists trying to find common ground in their struggle against Lutherans and Autocephalists.

    The third distinctive characteristic of the four blocs, and the one that really distinguished the Early Modern blocs from political systems that came before and after was the practice of 'bloc mercantilism'. 'Simple mercantilism' that had been practiced in the 16th and early 17th century had led to each country competing against all others in the market of world trade. While this had generated vast amounts of wealth for some countries, it had led to the economic marginalization of those countries (and cities within countries) which were too small or too poor to compete. 'Bloc mercantilism' on the other hand would see certain amounts of economic cooperation and integration between members of the same bloc, so that each bloc was competing as a team to increase its share of world trade. The basic mercantilist philosophy of competition for a bigger part of a fixed amount of world trade was still present, but rather than countries competing on their own, they were now competing as members of various blocs.

    The practice of 'bloc mercantilism' can really be traced to the writings of Alejandro Lopez, one of the forerunners of modern economics. Lopez, born in a small town in Catalonia in 1587, had come to Barcelona as a young man and had worked for a number of merchants engaged in the trade with New Catalonia. He was witness to the transformation of Barcelona due to the removal of Seville's monopoly on American trade, and he would go on to document how Spain's economy as a whole had been invigorated by the removal of the monopoly. [3] His writing would focus much on the merits of economic diversification, and the follies of routing all trade through a single company, city, or region. Lopez's writings did much to draw attention to the economic turnaround that had happened in Spain between 1600 and 1650, and led to the adoption of 'bloc mercantilism' in an attempt to emulate Spain's example. While most modern critics would claim that it was competition, not diversification, [4] that had reinvigorated Spain's economy, and that 'bloc mercantilism' rarely truly succeeded at fostering competition, but only spread monopolies around, Lopez's ideas were influential at the time.

    The Franco-Portuguese Bloc

    The bloc which was probably the most powerful of any of the four blocs was the Franco-Portguese bloc containing the Kingdoms of France and Portugal. While other states that were sometimes allied with France such as Ireland, Scotland, and the Grand Duchy of the Rhine are sometimes included in descriptions of this bloc, it is important to note that none of these other states were ever integrated economically with France the way that Portugal was.

    More economic integration happened within France than between France and Portugal, as the French Kings of the late 17th century spent much effort on centralization, establishing central control of trade and of legal matters. However, there was still a degree of integration between France and Portugal, as a series of treaties were signed between the two countries giving each their own sphere of trade influence, and encouraging trade between the countries themselves.

    According to the Franco-Portuguese alliance, France was not to enter the Indian Ocean, or to conduct trade with Africa south of the French base on the Cap-Vert peninsula [OTL *Dakar]. In exchange, Portugal was not to round Cape Horn, nor conduct trade with the Americas outside of Brazil. This gave France three spheres in which to expand their colonial influence: the Kanatian sphere where the French, through their Kanatian allies, grew to dominate the North American fur trade, the Caribbean sphere, where the island of Jamaïque was already engaged in a rich triangular trade with France and Cap-Vert, and the Pacific Sphere where French fleets based out of Port Victoire, Tchilé [near OTL Valparaiso] would attempt to establish a Southern route to the Spice Islands. The Portuguese, at the same time, would attempt to rebuild their trade network in the Indian Ocean, using access to a combined Franco-Portuguese market to help fuel trade expansion.

    In many ways the Franco-Portuguese bloc can be thought of as the inspiration behind all the other blocs, as most of the other blocs came into being at least partially as an attempt to combat the power of France. France was by far the most powerful single Kingdom in the late 17th century, and the Franco-Portuguese bloc would only be defeated at war when confronted with an alliance between two of the other three blocs. The alliances that grew into the other three blocs were often formed as defensive alliances against French power, and the economic integration between the other blocs was undertaken as a desire to compete with the French dominance on the seas. [5]

    The Hapsburg Bloc

    The Hapsburg Bloc was in many ways the oldest of the four blocs, as it had existed as an alliance ever since the days of Emperor Charles V. The Hapsburg Bloc was still primarily a family pact, as the various branches of the House of Hapsburg maintained an alliance between themselves. However, as the other three blocs would grow and change, the nature of the Hapsburg alliance would evolve to resemble that of the other blocs.

    The House of Hapsburg itself was divided into two branches. The Spanish branch was of course represented on the throne of the unified Kingdom of Spain, although, with the death of King Ferdinand VI, the Spanish branch itself would be divided into three sub-branches. While Ferdinand's eldest surviving son Charles would succeed him in Spain proper, the remainder of his European lands would be split off into two Kingdoms for his two younger sons. The Kingdoms of Mallorca, Sardinia, Sicily and Naples would be joined together as the Kingdom of the Four Sicilies under King John, while Ferdinand's youngest son Matthias would receive the Kingdom of Italy.

    While the division of inheritance between sons had never been common practice amongst the Spanish Hapsburgs, King Ferdinand VI felt that his empire had simply grown too big to be ruled by one man. In the aftermath of the Second Schismatic War, Ferdinand had long lamented that his need to defend his European holdings had prevented him from properly defending his colonies in the Americas. Ferdinand strongly believed that the European territories of Spain outside of Spain proper should be responsible for their own defence, and had little desire to spend Spanish money in Italy, Germany, or the Mediterranean.

    Ferdinand's desire to keep Spanish gold in Spain was met with constant demands from the Kingdoms of Mallorca and Sardinia for integration into the Kingdom of Spain. The people of Mallorca and Sardinia had seen the economic benefits that Aragon, Catalonia, and Valencia had gained from integration, and were eager to gain those same benefits for themselves. Ferdinand, who saw the future of Spain as depending on the American colonies, began to see Mallorca and Sardinia as potential liabilities, and had little desire to integrate them into Spain proper. Instead, he offered them integration, together with Naples and Sicily, into a new, Mediterranean-focused Kingdom. The Kingdom of the Four Sicilies (taking its name from the term 'Two Sicilies' used to refer to the Kingdoms of Naples and Sicily) could be made responsible for maintaining a Mediterranean fleet, and could take charge of Mediterranean trade, allowing Spain proper to focus on the Atlantic. The division of Ferdinand's inheritance between his sons simply made this separation of responsibilities permanent.

    The Kingdom of Italy was similarly split off in order to limit the expenditures of Spain proper. The various Italian states, which had been part of the Holy Roman Empire and were now part of the Kingdom of Italy, had proved quite rebellious in the later part of Ferdinand's reign, leading to the regular need for Spanish troops to travel to Italy to put down revolts. Ferdinand, wanting to keep Italy in the family while limiting Spain's own liability, gave it to his youngest son Matthias. Italy, under Matthias and his own successor Charles, would never really be free of revolts, and would always be the weakest state amongst the Hapsburg bloc.

    The arrangement whereby Spain proper focused on Atlantic trade while the Four Sicilies focused on Mediterranean trade was a typical 'bloc mercantilist' policy where members of the same bloc would avoid competing with each other by giving each a separate sphere of influence. While this didn't truly create the competitive economic environment that later economists would promote, it did allow merchants to have access to multiple possible sources for certain goods, allowing some of the drawbacks of monopolies to be circumvented.

    Like the Spanish Hapsburgs, the Austrian Hapsburgs also governed a realm that was divided between many separate Kingdoms. In addition to the Holy Roman Empire and the lands within the Empire that the Austrian Hapsburgs held, they also held the crowns of Hungary and Croatia, which were both outside the Empire. The division of the Hapsburg lands into multiple jurisdictions did not make them easier to govern, and the Austrian Hapsburgs spent much of the late 17th century integrating and centralizing their Kingdoms.

    In keeping with the current of 'bloc mercantilism', the Austrian Hapsburgs would work to remove the existing trade barriers in the Holy Roman Empire, creating a customs union which would stretch from Besançon to Vienna and from Prague to Trieste. This would allow the Holy Roman Empire to work as a single economic unit, but would also deprive many of the small Princes of tariff-based income, further strengthening the power of the Austrian Monarchy. Hungary and Croatia would be similarly integrated with each other, although the barrier between the Holy Roman Empire on the one hand and Hungary and Croatia on the other would not be broken down until the 18th century.

    As well as breaking down trade barriers, the Austrian Hapsburgs also worked to unify the legal systems of the remaining parts of the Holy Roman Empire. Imperial law was made superior to that of the individual states of the Empire, and the powers of the Imperial Diet were slowly eroded giving the Emperor near-absolute power. The exception to this trend was Bohemia and Moravia, which had been granted a number of special privileges during the First Schismatic War. [6] The various Emperors during the late 17th century all feared that a revocation of these special privileges (including the tolerance of Protestant Utraquists in Bohemia and Moravia) could lead to renewed attempts to elect a non-Hapsburg King in Bohemia. This meant that the House of Waldstein, Margraves of Moravia, soon enjoyed privileges to which no other Imperial Prince was entitled.

    Like the Spanish Hapsburgs, the Austrian Hapsburgs at this time were divided into three sub-branches. The eldest branch held Austria, Bohemia, Bavaria (including the Upper Palatinate), Hungary and Croatia. The middle branch, descended from Archduke Maximillian of Carniola (the youngest son of Emperor Maximillian II), held Styria, Carinthia, and Carniola. The youngest branch, descended from Archduke Ferdinand of Tyrol (the second son of Emperor Ferdinand I), held Tyrol, Breisgau, Sundgau, and the Franche-Comté. By 1700, each of these branches had firmly established a system of primogeniture succession, keeping the lands of each branch united, and preventing succession disputes as had led to the Ernestine war. The only exception to this was Bohemia, which kept its tradition of elective succession, promised to it at the end of the First Schismatic War.

    Unlike the other three blocs, there was little economic integration between the Spanish and Austrian branches of the Hapsburg bloc. It was only later in the 18th century when the thrones of Spain and the Four Sicilies would fall to non-Hapsburg Kings that integration between the remaining Hapsburg realms of Italy, the Holy Roman Empire, and Hungary would be attempted. Thus, in some ways, the Hapsburg Bloc is better thought of as two separate blocs rather than one single one.

    The Bourbon Bloc

    The second bloc owing its name to a dynasty was the Bourbon Bloc of the Kingdoms of England, the Netherlands, Edinburgh, and Navarre. England and the Netherlands had been allied ever since the very beginning of the Dutch revolt, and England and Edinburgh on the one hand and Navarre and the Netherlands on the other had been in personal union for decades. However, it was only with the Anglo-Dutch personal union, beginning in 1663, that true economic integration between England and the Netherlands became possible.

    It is often overlooked how improbable the circumstances were that led to the Anglo-Dutch personal union. If King Henry X of England (and Edinburgh) had seen his son Edward or brother John live to bear heirs, there would have been a good Tudor heir to the English throne. However, upon the death of his only son in 1656, King Henry was faced with two choices of heir. His closest male heir was his uncle William of York, ruling as King of Meath in Ireland. However, William was Catholic, which meant he was unacceptable as heir to the Kingdom of Edinburgh (which remembered the oppressive Scottish Inquisition). If Henry picked William of York to succeed him, he would have to give up the personal union between England and Edinburgh.

    Henry's other choice of heir was his sister Elizabeth and her husband William (who was himself the second son of King Anthony of the Netherlands). As both were good Calvinists, they would be more acceptable to the people of the Kingdom of Edinburgh, and naming Elizabeth as heir would allow England and Edinburgh to remain together. Interestingly, while Elizabeth would become Queen Elizabeth I of both England and Edinburgh, her husband would reign jointly with her in England but would only be King Consort in Edinburgh as the precedent of King Edward and Queen Mary would deny the right of jure uxoris in Scotland.

    While the events that led to Elizabeth's rise to the throne of England were unlikely, those that led to William's rise to the throne of the Netherlands were unlikelier still. King Anthony I of the Netherlands had always expected his eldest son Charles to succeed him in both the Netherlands and Navarre. However, in keeping with family tradition, Charles had been sent at a young age to rule Navarre in his father's place while William had been raised by his father in the Netherlands. This meant, that, in 1655, when Anthony died and Charles came to take the throne in the Netherlands, he came as a foreign prince who spoke good French and little Dutch. At this time, the Dutch States-General used their power to elect their own monarch and chose not Charles but William as the next King of the Netherlands. This split the personal union between Navarre and the Netherlands, and at the same time led to William being King of both the Netherlands and heir to England and Edinburgh.

    Once Queen Elizabeth and King William died, the Bourbon realms would be split again, with their eldest son Edward receiving England and Edinburgh, while their second son Anthony would be elected to the throne of the Netherlands. However, the brief period of personal union had established the Bourbon dynasty onto the English throne and had made the Anglo-Dutch alliance permanent. The years of personal union had also led to the growth in power of the English Parliament and the Dutch States-General as William and Elizabeth found it easier to rule multiple Kingdoms if they kept little power for themselves.

    The Bourbon Bloc was the bloc that had the greatest degree of economic integration between its constituent Kingdoms and therefore best embodied the ideals of 'bloc mercantilism'. While a complete customs union between England and the Netherlands was not possible at this time, England and Edinburgh did enter into a customs union, as did the various provinces of the Netherlands, and a series of pacts were negotiated to keep the tariff barriers between England, the Netherlands, and Navarre low. The common market that this created is often credited with the economic success of England and the Netherlands in the 18th century when larger, more centralized states such as France, Spain, and the Holy Roman Empire began to stagnate.

    The Anglo-Dutch alliance, like the Franco-Portuguese alliance, would result in an agreement between the two nations not to compete for colonies. However, unlike the Franco-Portuguese alliance, this did not result in a division of the world into colonial spheres, as both England and the Netherlands had colonies in North America and both the London Oriental Company and the Antwerp East India Company had colonies in the Indian Ocean. This would mean that the Bourbon Bloc would be the only bloc where there were two competing colonial companies which both sold the same goods from the same part of the world to the same market. This meant that instead of attacking each other's suppliers, the two colonial companies would compete to try to provide the best quality and the lowest princes to their English and Dutch buyers, stimulating wealth and industry amongst the middle classes of England and the Netherlands. [7]

    The Dresden Bloc

    The League of Dresden was the last of the alliances to integrate itself economically and politically to form the Dresden Bloc (also referred to as 'the Lutheran Bloc' or 'the Germano-Danish Bloc'). This bloc, consisting of the German Empire and the Kingdoms of Denmark and Norway, was in many ways the most divided, as there was fierce competition between the five Electors of the German Empire every time a new Imperial Election was called. It was the smallest of the four blocs in terms of population, and the weakest militarily, although it was the only bloc where all territories were easily accessible from each other by land (and by the short passage across the Danish Straits), and thus in many ways it was the easiest to defend.

    While the German Empire did eventually form a customs union with a common external tariff, economic integration between Denmark and Germany would proceed only very slowly. Germany did not have any colonies of its own, and was not willing to accept goods from the Danish colonies without imposing its own tariff barrier. The creation of New Saxony in the 1680s out of the Northern portion of Danish Florida was largely an attempt by Denmark to convince Germany to open its borders to colonial goods. [8]

    While Spain, France, and Austria were centralizing their states under an absolute monarchy, the German Empire would concentrate power in the hands of the five Electors. The College of Electors came to dominate the German government, making the position of German Emperor into little more than a figurehead. The election of an Emperor came to be seen as mostly a decision about which Elector was best suited to have overall command of the German armies in times of war. While efforts were made to unify the economic and legal systems across the German Empire, the army and bureaucracy remained divided in five parts with each Elector having his own 'circle' of the Empire to govern.

    The Danish monarch's dual position as both King of Denmark and Norway and Elector of Silesia gave Denmark a dominant role both within the German Empire and within the League of Dresden as a whole. The Kings of Denmark were frequently elected to the position of German Emperor, although other Electors would also take their turn at the helm. However, Danish dominance of the Dresden Bloc was always a potential threat to the German Electors, and thus Denmark repeatedly had to make concessions to the other Electors.

    While the four blocs had already existed as alliances during the time of the Second Schismatic War, the lines between the blocs would only really be drawn onces the Rhineland Wars began. The First Rhineland War would see the Franco-Portuguese Bloc confronted by both the Dresden and Bourbon Blocs while the Second and Third Rhineland Wars would see an alliance between the Franco-Portuguese and Dresden Blocs against the Bourbon and Hapsburg Blocs. However, the Rhineland Wars, and the details of the competition between the four blocs, are outside of the scope of this book.

    Footnotes:

    [1] The Teleological school of history is a TTL school of thought whereby history is seen as following a sort of natural progression from more primitive to more sophisticated forms of state organization. In some ways, it resembles Marxism in the way it sees each stage of state organization as giving rise to the next, although its focus is on political, rather than economic, developments.

    [2] The 20th and 21st century Europe of TTL is dominated not be a single 'European Union' but by multiple Federations which are more centralized than OTL's EU but less centralized than OTL's German Empire. The 19th-century will be a time of romantic nationalism in TTL as it was in OTL, but the wars resulting from Nationalism will discredit the idea of the Nation-State to the extent that multiple Nations banding together to form Federations will be seen as the only way to ensure peace. One reason this is more possible in TTL than it was in OTL is that a lack of a concept of Westphalian Sovereignty will make make the idea of sharing sovereignty between the National and Federal levels more palatable.

    [3] The removal of Seville's monopoly was the outcome of the Catalonian Revolt of the late 16th century. It was covered in update 18 on the Netherlands (this Catalonian Revolt was part of the Navarro-Spanish war).

    [4] The capitalist idea of economic competition fostering innovation and efficiency has not yet arrived. The idea that Lopez is espousing here is simply the idea that a diversity of trade routes will make an economy more rezilient. The idea is that routing all trade through the same city (e.g. Seville) means that a disaster in that city can cripple the economy of a whole Kingdom (e.g. Spain). Bloc mercantilism promotes spreading trade around (e.g. silk will be imported through Seville and spices through Barcelona), but doesn't actually, in most circumstances, create real competition.

    [5] TTL's France is a lot more navally focused than OTL. This is partially due to a weaker Spain, allowing France to maintain a smaller standing army, partially due to French control of Flanders, and partially due to a different focus for many of the French Kings.

    [6] These 'special privileges' include the tolerance of Protestant Utraquists within Bohemia and Moravia in exchange for the payment of a special jizya-like tax by all Protestants. While this tax has encouraged a number of Protestants to convert, the tolerance of Protestants in Bohemia has encouraged immigration from Austria and Bavaria, keeping the population of Bohemian Protestants at roughly the same level it was before the First Schismatic War.

    [7] One of the reasons it is possible for colonial companies to directly compete in England and the Netherlands is that both the London Oriental Company and the Antwerp East India Company are completely private ventures which are taxed by the Crown but have no shares owned by the Crown. This means that the reduction in profits these companies are feeling due to the more competitive environment isn't reducing Crown incomes. Thus, the Crown has no incentive to reduce competition and the more efficient and innovative economy that this competition produces can be allowed to exist.

    [8] New Saxony, is, legally speaking, a colony of the Danish Imperial Lands (i.e. Holstein, Bremen, Silesia, and Lusatia) and is open to German settlers (mostly middle-class Germans from the cities of Hamburg and Bremen who wish to try their hand at running a plantation). The name 'New Saxony' comes from 'Low Saxony' where Bremen and Hamburg are located, rather than the Electorate of Saxony.
     
    Map 12 - Circles of the German Empire
  • BTW, I just made a quick map of how the German Empire will be divided between the five electors. Each elector will have his own Electorate as well as a Circle over which he holds jurisdiction. When the German Empire eventually breaks up, the Circles will form the post-Imperial successor states.

    O2wdHsY.png
     
    Update 56 - Andray Ehundayga
  • Update 56 - Andray Ehundayga

    (Lake Michégami, November 1646)

    Andray Ehundayga [1] watched the shoreline as he paddled his canoe down the lake. The Western shore of the lake that the canoes followed was already mottled with shadow; within an hour or two, the sun would disappear behind the first line of hills. However, the group of canoes paddled on. “We're almost there,” said Andray's companion, a Menomini man by the name of Keso.

    “Remind me again why we're still paddling South. Couldn't we have camped out by the village that we passed three days ago?”

    “The village we passed three days ago was a simply a waystation, a fishing camp. It's the place where the Inoka who live far to the inland come in order to fish in the lake. There are no farms there. We need to spend the winter somewhere where there are farms, somewhere where there is enough corn to last us through the winter.” [2]

    When Andray had left Fort Matawang in the Spring, he had never intended to spend the winter with the Menomini. His job had been to provide them with a shipment of Atsiju [3] and teach the Menomini warriors how to use them. For most of the summer, his mission had gone according to plan.

    However, in the early fall, the band of Menomini with whom he travelled had been attacked by a large group of Potawatomi and Ojibwe warriors. The Menomini, while they carried better weapons than their enemies, had been vastly outnumbered, and the band that Andray had been following had been forced to split up into small groups and flee into the forest. By the time Andray had reassembled a group of a few dozen men, and by the time this group had been able to construct new canoes with which to travel, it had already been well into the fall. There would not have been time for Andray to return to Fort Matawang before winter set in, so instead he had followed the Menomini men to rejoin their families in their winter camps to the South. It was to one of these winter camps that the small fleet of canoes was headed, a camp near a village belonging to the Inoka Confederacy.



    As the canoes rounded the next headland, Andray caught sight of a small river draining into the lake. “We're almost there!” exclaimed Keso. “This river may be small, but near its headwaters lies a larger river which flows South away from the lake. It is along that larger river than the Inoka people have their farms, and the trail between the two rivers is short and easily travelled. We will make camp along the banks of the smaller river, and there we will await the rest of our band.”

    Looking over at the grass-lined bank, Andray caught sight of something. At first he thought it was one of those herds of buffalo that the Ojibwe would tell stories of, but then he noticed the men standing watch over it. It wasn't a herd of buffalo, but a herd of cattle. André had never thought he would see cattle this far inland. Certainly the Atirhagenrat and Mescoutens were raising cattle at this point, but, by his judgement, they must now be far to the West of the land of the Mescoutens.

    Tell me,” Andray asked his companion, “these people, these Inoka, do they go by another name?”

    “Well, the Odawa call them 'Illinwek',” Kesa replied.

    “That wasn't the name I was thinking of. Are they, by any chance, the same people as the 'Mescoutens'?”

    “No!” Kesa replied, laughing, “the Mescoutens and their cousins the Meskwaki and the Shawanwa [4] are great enemies of the Inoka. The Meskwaki dwell to the East of here, past the great dunes at the Southern end of Lake Michégami. The Mescoutens are even farther East still and the Shawanwa are to the South. The Potawatomi winter with the Mescoutens and Meskwaki as we winter with the Inoka. In the summer, the 'triple alliance' of the Mescoutens, Meskwaki, and Shawanwa often make war on the Inoka, although my grandfather told me that this was not always the case. What do you want of the Mescoutens?”

    “Oh, they trade with our enemies, the Atirhagenrat. We have encountered them on our journeys Southward along the shores of Lake Wendake, and they have sometimes been hostile to our traders. It is good to know that they are not the same people as the Inoka.”

    By this point, the canoes had turned to enter the river. The current was weak, and paddling upstream was easy. The land on either side of the river looked fertile, although it was hard to tell this close to winter. But, here, unlike further North, there were still leaves on some of the trees.

    Rounding a bend in the river, the group of canoes came upon a series of encampments on the banks. André recognized the Menomini style of dress on a number of the people, although he didn't yet recognize any of the individuals he had spent the summer with. Amongst some of them were people of a different dress, probably these Inoka who Keso spoke of. Many of them were engaged in vigorous trade.

    “What is this place called?” Andray asked.

    “Chikakua” [5] replied Keso.

    * * * * *
    (Fort Ouentironk, April 1652)

    It had been years since Andray had visited Fort Ouentironk. Before the construction of Fort Michégami, and Andray's posting there, he had been based out of Fort Matawang. Before that, he had been in training in Hochelaga at the Arkevujay heaquarters. But, the command structure of the Arkevujay was such that Fort Ouentironk was where he needed to be. The commander of Fort Michégami didn't have enough men and supplies to give Andray what he needed, so he had sent Andray off to speak to his own superior, who led Fort Ouentironk. If he couldn't get what he wanted from Fort Ouentironk, Andray might have to follow the chain of command back to Hochelaga itself, although by then it might be too late to make anything happen this year.

    The traders of Fort Ouentironk had greeted Andray as he'd arrived, and Andray, after showing his letter from the commander of Fort Michégami, had been ushered toward the commander's office. He now waited outside the door for the commander, a man by the name of Vransua [*François] Gvirut, to be ready to see him. “Come in,” called a voice, which must be that of Gvirut himself.

    “Thank you sir,” Andray began, “I have been sent to you from Fort Michégami, with a formal request for the men and supplies required to build a new trade post…”

    “Yes, yes, I have read the letter,” Gwirut replied, “I know what your plans are. I am just not sure why you are so eager to open trade relations with a confederacy of farmers. Our mission is to seek out new supplies of furs. Farmers tend to import more furs than they export. We need more trade partners like the Menomini or Ojibwe who are nomadic hunters. Settled farmers won't do us any good.”

    “But you see,” replied Andray, “our logistical capacity is already strained to its limit trying to ship foodstuffs Westward to the Menomini, Ojibwe, and Potawatomi. We can't expect nations of hunters and trappers to meet our quotas unless we have food we can trade to them to feed them through the winters, and the grain shipments from Wendake can only make it as far West as the end of the Great Lakes. If we want to expand our trade network beyond the Great Lakes, we will need to have new sources of corn to the West.”

    “And that's where the Inoka come in,” Andray continued, “they already have trade relationships with number of nations of hunters to the West of the Lakes, and they have access to a mighty river system on which they could ship their own grain. They already do import furs from farther West. All we need to do is give them something that they desire more than furs, and we can tap into their existing trade network.”

    “And what would that be?” Gvirut asked.

    “Cloth,” Andray replied, “we have looms back in Hochelaga, and even in Wendake, capable of making woollen cloth. It is not as warm nor as durable as furs, but we can make it in much larger quantities. Besides, the Inoka, having never seen cloth before, will probably value it as a luxury item. Iron will probably also be useful to them. While they are able to obtain copper from the Menomini people, [6] they only use it for decorative purposes. Iron tools could be of great value to them.”

    “So the Inoka do not have another source for Iron goods?”

    “Well, not yet. You remember that, a few years ago, the Haudenosaunee began trading with the Dutch again. Our raiding parties against the Atirhagenrat intercepted shipments of metal tools destined for trade farther to the West. Well, the Atirhagenrat trade network has so far reached to the Meskwaki Nation, and the Meskwaki are neighbours of the Inoka. They are enemies right now, but, once the two nations make peace maybe the Inoka too will be added to the Atirhagenrat trade network. If we don't make contact with the Inoka now, we may be too late.”

    “It is for this reason that I don't think it's enough to just establish a trade post amongst the Inoka. Certainly, trade is a useful first step. However, if we want to actually keep the Atirhagenrat from extending their trade network to the West, we need to establish a military alliance with the Inoka. We need to arm them the way that we armed the Menomini, and we need to destroy the Meskwaki. If we wait, the Atirhagenrat may begin trading Atsiju to the Meskwaki, and, by then, it will be too late.”

    Gvirut sat and thought for a moment. “You've made a good case,” he soon said, “so what do you propose we do.”

    “Well, this summer, we need to send a dozen traders and a boatload of cloth and iron tools to Chikakua. We'll build a trade post there, and start initiating contact with the Inoka. We'll overwinter with the Inoka and gain their trust. Then, next year, we'll begin showing them the power of our weapons. We'll do some military exercises, and offer to teach one or two of them how to use an Atsiju. Once word spreads of how good allies we could be, we'd offer to send their chiefs back here for a proper diplomatic council. Maybe we can get them to agree to a fur quota. How does this sound?”

    “Well, it sounds like a solid plan,” the commander replied. “But, I'm still not convinced that trade with the Inoka will be profitable. I will find the men and supplies to send with you this summer, but, I need you to make sure to send a shipment of furs back here by the time of the first snows. If we don't have a large enough shipment of furs, then the trade post at Chikakua will have to be abandoned. Is that acceptable?”

    “Yes it is,” Andray answered.

    * * * * *

    (Fort Chikakua, July 1655)

    Andray looked at the men under his command. They were a motley crew: fourteen Arkevujay Traders, [7] most of who had never been to war before, seven Menomini warriors who had happened to be in the area, and thirty-two Inoka trainees. Two of the Menomini men had fought alongside Andray when they had fought together against the Ojibwe and Potawatomi, and one of the Arkevujay Traders had served with Andray at Fort Michégami. The rest of them, though, had only had a chance to use a Atsiju in training or for hunting. None of them had shot another man before.

    If Andray's scouts could be believed, there were over six hundred enemy warriors hidden in the forest. Thus, Andray's war party was outnumbered ten to one. He had never fought at such a disadvantage before. When fighting alongside the Menomini, Andray had often fought against war parties twice the size of his own, but never ten times as big. However, he'd also never before fought from behind the walls of a fort. The Menomini never settled down for long enough to build a fort, and the Ojibwe and Potawatomi had been too cautious to ever attack Fort Michégami directly.

    The wooden fort [8] had never been built to hold fifty men. It was designed to protect the fourteen traders and their stocks of food, trade goods, and ammunition. However, with such a large war party on its way, the Inoka trainees and Menomini warriors had been summoned to help with the defence. The space within the fort was quite crowded, and Andray knew that they could never last for long cooped up in here. However, he hoped that they could last long enough to turn back the enemy war party.

    “My comrades,” Andray called out to his men, “the war party out there outnumbers us ten to one. You have all shown your bravery already in being willing to come here and defend this fort with your life. If we act together as fight as one, we can turn back the enemy before they get close enough to hurt any of us. However, if we show any dissension in our ranks, that might be enough for the enemy to reach the walls, burn them open, and bring an end to all of our lives.”

    “Before the battle begins, I need to tell all of your how important this fight is. Our people, the Arkevujay and the Inoka, are on the brink of establishing a solid, lasting trading relationship which will benefit both our people. You amongst the Inoka have only been given the Atsiju you carry today and taught how to use them because we have been here. However, we have enemies out there who don't want us to be here, who want the Inoka not to have access to our technology.”

    “Those people are the Atirhagenrat, the Haudenonsaunee, and their allies the Mescoutens and Meskwaki. They stand outside this small fort prepared to kill all of us and burn this fort to the ground. If they have their way, the trade link between the Arkevujay and the Inoka will be severed, and your people will be denied the marvels we have to show you. However, if we win, and our enemy is turned back, we will be able to remain here. Many more of your brothers and sons will learn how to use these marvelous weapons, and our trading relationship can continue.”

    “This fort, built for a smaller number of defenders, only has seven loopholes on each side through which we can fire upon the enemy. I have organized the best shots amongst you into four ranks of seven. The first seven will fire upon the enemy as soon as they leave the shelter of the woods, and then will immediately get out of the way to let the next seven aim and fire. You can use the time after you've moved out of the way to reload your Atsiju, but you must be ready to fire again by the time your rank makes it back to the loopholes.”

    “While the walls of this fort are make out of solid logs, there are small cracks between the logs through which an arrow or ball might penetrate. If you get hit, you will need to move out of the way so that others can access the loophole. If you are badly injured, others might have to pull you out of the way. Some of you have been assigned the job of moving the injured, while others have been given the job of filling in any gaps in the ranks made by casualties. Others have been giving the job of standing by the doors of the fort with iron weapons in case the enemy makes it to the walls. You all have your own role in the battle today, and I need you to stick to it.”

    “Andray, Andray!” came a shout from the lookout. “I think I see movement in the woods!”

    “Then it's time to take your places. Get your firearms loaded and in position. First rank, be ready to fire on my mark.” Andray moved into the lookout position himself, so that he could see what was going on outside and shout orders accordingly.

    A loud cry erupted from outside, and men began emerging from the forest all along the Eastern side of the fort. They entered the area between the forest and the fort that had been painstakingly cleared over the past few years, and began to advance towards the fort.

    “Fire!” Andray called out. Seven shots rang out together in unison. While only one of the shots hit its mark, the noise and the surprise seemed to startle some of the other warriors, and a group of them, probably Meskwaki based upon their dress, began fleeing back to the woods.

    “Second rank, ready, fire!” Andray called. More shots rang out, and more men fell and fled. The third volley was loosed, then the fourth volley. From his vantage point, Andray noticed a group of men separating itself from the crowd. He saw the glint of metal on one of their backs… they must be the Atirhagenrat fire-warriors!

    “Men!” Andray announced. “I've found the fire-warriors. They're on the right side of the enemy formation. Concentrate your fire on them. They're the most important targets!” As the defenders changed targets, the first of the enemy fire-warriors raised his own Atsiju. A loud crack ran through the fort as the first shot hit the wall.

    Splinters flew through the air as several more volleys hit the fort. While most of the enemy fire would simply lodge itself in the wood, about one shot in every volley would find its way through a crack and enter the fort. One of Andray's men was struck in the leg, then another in the side. They were quickly dragged to safety and fresh men deployed in their place.

    While the defenders were taking casualties, so were the attackers. One or two would fall with every volley that Andray's men unleashed, and there hadn't been that many enemy fire-warriors to begin with. Each fire-warrior who fell would be dragged to safety by one of their comrades from the Meskwaki or Mescoutens. The fifty fire-warriors were soon only thirty, and then only ten.

    A shout rang out from the enemy formation, and the remaining fire-warriors left on the field started running for the woods. At the same time, from the other side of the field, came a group of warriors running with burning branches in their hands. They burned brighter than plain wood should, so they must have been coated in some sort of flammable oil or wax.

    “They're going to try to burn down the fort!” Andray called, “Iron-warriors, we need you ready at the back door. Fire-warriors, concentrate your fire on the men carrying the brands!” Soon, the torch-carriers began to fall as the shots rang out amongst them. The bodies of the first group began to delay the advance of the group behind, but still the advance came. One torch could be enough to set fire to the wooden walls, and Andray wasn't about to let that happen. Already, Andray could see small grass fires starting where torches had been thrown down, although the grass was still green enough that he knew those fires wouldn't spread.

    While the enemy warriors continued to fall, Andray saw two men disappear from sight as they reached the wall below him. “Iron-Warriors, go!” he called. He heard the back door of the fort open, as the men he had placed there ran out. He couldn't see what was happening, but he knew what they should be doing. Their job was to kill the men who had reached the fort and put out the fire they had started. They were luckily that the group that had reached the fort was so small, they could easily overwhelm them and get back inside before any more could arrive.

    Andray was relieved when he heard the back door close. It seemed that, luckily, all of that group of men had made it back in one piece. Some had some cuts and bruises, and one had a burn, but the fire started at the base of the walls was now out.

    Looking back out at the battlefield, Andray realized that there were much fewer men with torches than there had been. Many of them were still lying dead on the ground, but it seemed that many more must have fled. A loud call came up from the woods, and the few men still on the field turn and ran. The enemy was in retreat!

    “We've won!” Andray called out. “They're retreating. You can hold your fire.” While Andray wasn't there in the woods, he could practically hear the dialogue that must be going on. The Meskwaki and Mescoutens had lost over a hundred warriors in the battle here today, and had nothing to show for it. They would probably right now demand that the Atirhagenrat let them raid the nearby Inoka village for supplies and captives. And the Atirhagerat would refuse to help them, as they still held out hope for establishing trade relations with the Inoka. The enemy would probably be divided here, with the Meskwaki and Mescoutens out looking for easier spoils while the more disciplined Atirhagenrat would return empty-handed.

    If the Meskwaki and Mescoutens did attack the Inoka, that would only help the Arkevujay in the long run. Andray's men could help the Inoka in a retaliatory strike against the Meskwaki, further cementing the Arkevujay-Inoka alliance. While the enemy was still in the field, and would probably still fight on tomorrow against Andray's Inoka allies, his strategic goal was all but won.

    * * * * *

    (Fort Chikakua, May 1669)

    Andray waited on Fort Chikakua's dock as the lakeboat [9] pulled up. The oars were raised and stowed inside the boat and ropes were thrown to the men standing on the dock. The first man who stepped off the boat would be the captain, and, as usual, he had a large packet of mail to present to Andray.

    However, this time, there was another man behind him. The beads he wore signified that he was an officer of the Trader branch. “This is Vernard Duva [*Bernard Dubois], he is here to replace you,” the captain announced.

    “Replace me?” Andray questioned. “Why do I need replacing? I'm not even fifty years old yet!”

    “Because,” Vernard replied, “you have been promoted. The Head Trader back in Hochelaga wants you as one of his advisors. He feels that your record shows that you have a good strategic vision, and he needs someone familiar with the Interior, someone who has lived in the West for years. He needs advice on how best to counter the Dutch threat.”

    “Well, it's good that the Head Trader is finally taking heed of the advice I've been passing on. Every year, I hear word of Piskatawij traders being spotted further and further West. They've already reached the lands of the Shawanwa, and the Inoka will surely be next.”

    “Sir,” Vernard interrupted, “I know you probably have a lot to tell me about strategic matters, but our time is of the essence. You're supposed to be leaving with the lakeboat. They will probably spend the rest of today unloading, and will take tomorrow as a day of rest, but they will be leaving again the day after that. It's imperative that you brief me on whatever you think are the most important things I need to know.”

    “Oh, my lieutenant can do that!” Andray replied. “He's been here almost as long as I have. I requested that he retire to be my administrative assistant after he was wounded in that battle fourteen years ago. But, I'll use the rest of the day to give you a tour of this fine fort you'll be commanding. You'll see that it's a little different than Fort Michégami or Fort Matawang.”

    Andray led Vernard off the dock, and up the trail that led to the wooden palisade. The land outside the palisade was covered with fields, and a small cluster of buildings stood outside the palisade gate. It looked just as cultivated as the area outside any Kanatian town. “You see,” Andray said to his companion, “Chikakua is more than just a trade post. We've remade it in the model of Fort Dekektare or Fort Untareo as a self-sufficient town. We've invited the Inoka to take refuge with us inside the palisade in times of war, and, in return, they farm the land outside. The Inoka, though, don't follow the same Clan system that we do, so their Chiefs and Clan Mothers live with their people, rather than joining us inside.”

    As the two of them passed through the gate, they saw the town inside. From the shape of the buildings it was clear that they were workshops and not just houses, the smoke coming out of one or two of the roofs clearly indicated the presence of forges. “And here is our 'Petite Rochelle',” continued Andray. “The Inoka people have always placed great value on goods such as cloth, metal tools, and beer, so we've decided to make sure they're produced locally rather than having to ship them in via lakeboat. The Inoka herd sheep, and we spin and weave their wool into cloth; they grow corn, and we brew it into beer; they give us their old tools, and we melt them down and make new ones.”

    “We've always made a point,” Andray continued, “of making sure that our industries can't ever be copied by the Inoka. Craftspeople in Chikakua must be members of the Arkevujay, and are only allowed to take Arkevujay recruits as apprentices. While I have had some Inoka boys who've wished to join the Arkevujay corps, they must first go to Hochelaga for training, and the Head Trader makes a point of having them serve far from Chikakua. Moreover, while we reforge old iron and weave cloth here, we don't build looms or smelt ore. All our iron ore and all our looms are imported by lakeboat to ensure that Chikakua remains dependant on Kanata.”

    By now, the two men had reached the fort in the centre of the palisade. The old wooden fort which had been built in 1653 still stood, but it now formed only one of many buildings set inside a strong stone wall. “Here,” Andray said, “is our Arkevujay compound. You will see that it is much bigger than Fort Michégami which holds an equal number of Arkevujay Traders. It is because, in addition to the Traders posted here, we also house the local Inoka warriors who serve under us. The purpose of Fort Chikakwa is not only to trade with the Inoka, but also to aid in their defence against their enemies. As we live amongst prime agricultural land, we such much larger enemy armies here than forts such as Fort Michégami or Fort Matawang, which are isolated in the woods. Thus, the Inoka settled nearby aid in our defence.”

    “One advantage of having the Inoka militia here is that their presence means that the Arkevujay Traders almost never have to risk their lives. The Inoka engage in all of the front-line fighting while officers such as myself simply train them and command them in times of battle. Not that I have done much commanding these days, my role is now mostly that of an administrator. My tactical lieutenant handles the training and commanding. Do you have a background in tactics?”

    “No,” Vernard replied, “I came up strictly through the Trader branch. My skills are in negotiation and administration, although I do know how to use an Atsiju.”

    “I guess they're no longer training recruits the way they used to,” Andray replied, “when I was young, we all had to learn tactics. If there hadn't been so many of us with backgrounds in tactics, we wouldn't have been able to train the Menomini and win the Michilimakinak War.”

    “There are still some Traders learning tactics,” Vernard replied, “but fewer and fewer every year. The Warrior branch controls the training grounds, and have been making a point of encouraging Traders not to learn combat skills. Instead, they've been encouraging Trader-controlled forts to take in ex-Warriors as officers and administrators, and making sure a small garrison of Warriors is placed at every Fort, even those traditionally under Trader control. I'm surprised that hasn't happened here yet.”

    Andray looked around to see that they were alone before he spoke. “Well, they have been trying. Every year, I get an offer from the Warrior branch to post a garrison here, and every year I refuse. I trust my Inoka militia as much if not more than I would trust a Warrior garrison. The Inoka treat us with the deference and respect we deserve, while every Warrior I've met recently seems to think I'm a coward for joining the Trader branch.”

    “To be honest,” Andray continued, “I think the Warrior branch is jealous of us. We control the Taresara Mine, and we control the gunpowder workshops in both Hochelaga and Untareo. We outnumber the Warriors two to one. While they still control the administration in Hochelaga, we control the Lakes, and our trade network extends farther and farther inland every year. They know that, sooner or later, we will not be willing to be governed from afar, and they want to be prepared so that we cannot overthrow them.”

    “Sir,” Vernard broke in, “when you go to Hochelaga, be careful what you say. If the Konta hears you speak in Hochelaga the way you spoke to me, you could be accused of insubordination and could even be shot. I think you are right about the Warriors being afraid of us, but they're doing the best they can in Hochelaga to keep us afraid of them. Watch your back and be careful who you speak to. Also, if you ever make enemies in Hochelaga, remember that you have a friend here. You have done an admirable job keeping the Warriors out of Chikakua, and I will try to follow in your footsteps.” [10]

    Footnotes:

    [1] The main characters in this update do not speak French. Thus, while they are Christian, and have been baptised by the Jesuits with French given names, they would spell these names using Kanatian orthography. The Kanatian language has only six vowel sounds: a e i o u and ay. Thus, there is no distinction between é, ay, etc. There is also no 'b' or 'f' in Kanatian, with the letter 'v' used instead.

    [2] The traditional lifestyle of the nomadic Northern Great Lakes people involves travelling South in the winter in order to trade furs for food with the agricultural people of the Southern Great Lakes. While people such as the Odawa and Omamiwinini would winter with the Wendat and Kanatians, respectively, the Menomini would winter with the Inoka (the peoples of the Illinois Confederacy). Note that this is a relationship that would have extended back to Mississippian times, where Great Lakes hunter/gatherers/copper miners would have traded with Mississippian farmers, although, since then, the Mississippians have been replaced by the Inoka, who are descended from hunter-gathers but have adopted many Mississippian practices such as farming [ok, we don't really know their origin story, but I tend to believe the oral history which says that all Algonqian-speakers (including the Inoka) started in the Eastern Woodlands and migrated Westward after the Mississippian collapse].

    [3] Atsiju is a Kantian word (from 'Atsi' = fire and 'ju' = fight) which means 'firearm' or 'gun'. The firearms made by the Kanatians are based on the 16th-century French arquebus, but are different enough by this point that I don't feel comfortable using the word arquebus to describe them.

    [4] The Shawanwa are better known OTL as the 'Shawnee' and the Meskwaki as the 'Fox'. In TTL, due to butterflies, both tribes have stayed put in their original homelands in OTL Northern Indiana and Southern Michigan, and are allied with the Mescoutens who live near OTL Detroit.

    [5] If the small-river-and-portage-to-larger-river-flowing-South description didn't reveal where this is, he name should. This is OTL Chicago.

    [6] The 'Copper Ranges' South of Lake Superior were exploited OTL by the Native peoples in the area. In OTL, the copper-mining cultures had been displaced by non-copper-miners by the time of the arrival of European explorers. In TTL, the Menomini have preserved more of their predecessors ways than they did OTL, partly because of their good relationship with the Kanatians who are also engaged in mining.

    [7] Remember, the Trader branch of the Arkevujay is the branch that deals with economic matters: this includes trading for furs, but it also includes mining for iron, producing gunpower, and generally carrying out any of the skilled trades. All Traders do also have rudimentary training in combat, but are usually sent to postings where they don't expect to see much combat.

    [8] This fort is a simple two-story blockhouse built using log-cabin type construction.

    [9] A 'lakeboat' is something between a canoe and a galley. It is designed specifically for hauling freight across the Great Lakes, so it is much larger and has deeper draft than a canoe (and deeper draft than the riverboats used on the *St. Lawrence and *Ottawa Rivers). However, it is definitely canoe-inspired in its design, and is built partly using bark rather than planks for its skin. This is partly because uniformly-cut planks are still quite expensive: there may be one or two water-powered sawmills in Kanata by this time, but most planks still need to be sawed and planed by hand.

    [10] Andray Ehundayga will play a pivotal war in the upcoming Kanatian Revolution. His story doesn't end here, but there are a number of other updates that need to be posted before I can cover the Revoluiton.
     
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    Update 57 - the North American Fur Trade 1650-1700
  • Update 57 – The North American Fur Trade 1650-1700

    a chapter from Europeans in America: A History of Colonization by Georges Hantero (Turtle)

    While the history of the European fur trade in North America dates back to the 16th century, the early fur trade was often more a peripheral activity engaged by fishers and whalers when they came ashore. In the early 17th century, the Canada Company and the Robertsburgh Company [1] would be the first two companies established with the explicit mission of acquiring beaver furs for sale in Europe. However, it would not be until 1650 that the fur trade would become important enough that competition for fur supply would trigger conflicts between the European colonial powers. This was because the 1650s and 1660s saw a spike in European fur prices, vastly increasing the value of the fur trade for European merchants.

    The 'fur boom' of the 1650s and 1660s was caused by a number of factors. The first of these was the dwindling supply of easily accessible furs in Sweden and European Russia, increasing the cost of furs which now had to be shipped in from farther and farther afield. The second was the end of the Second Schismatic War which increased demand for furs as money that would have been spent on military costs could instead be spent on fashion. While this 'fur boom' would begin the race to explore the North American interior to secure new fur supplies, this race would not stop until well after 1700. The Period from 1650-1700 can be thought of as the period of greatest exploration in the fur trade, while the period after 1700 would consist more of wars undertaken by one colonial power to attempt to capture fur-producing areas from another power.

    In this chapter, I will cover the various colonial powers engaged in the fur trade, and will discuss their initiatives undertaken to explore the interior and establish control of the fur supply. It should be noted that I making a particular point to try to tell the story of the fur trade from a European Colonial perspective. I will not spend much time discussing the various Native peoples (most conspicuously the Kanatian Arkevujay) who did most of the legwork of the fur trade, and instead I will be focusing on the Colonial middlemen who bought the furs from them and shipped them back to Europe.

    The Canada Company

    In histories of the French Colonial Empire, the period from 1650-1700 is often described as a time of stagnation in New France. The initial exploration of French Canada had been finished by this time, and the agreement which gave the Canada Company a monopoly on trade with the Kanatian Arkevujay had already been settled. While the Canada Company's profits increased tenfold from 1650 to 1700, this increase in profit is often attributed to an increase in the value of furs, and efforts by the Arkevujay to expand their own trade network. The Canada Company is often seen as a purely rent-seeking entity making profits off of the trade they had already established.

    However, there were dramatic changes that took place in New France between 1650 and 1700, and the Canada Company did pursue many innovations in order to meet new challenges. The first challenge was the regular wars fought against New England and their Wabanaki Allies. As New England's population grew, its military strength increased, and, at the same time Wabanaki raiders increased in ferocity as their own traditional lifestyles were made impossible by the growth of New England.

    In order to respond to the threat of war, the Canada Company had to make arrangements to increase the defensive capabilities of their colony. Financial incentives helped increase the rate of settlement of French Canada (although, by 1700, much of the growth of New France was due to large family sizes rather than new settlers), and militia organizations were set up amongst the settlers to aid in the colony's defence. New forts were constructed along the principle rivers leading down from the Abenaki Mountains, in order to help defend against Wabanaki raids.

    The second major challenge faced by the Canada Company was the Kantian Revolution of the 1570s. The ongoing civil war between the Trader and Warrior branches of the Arkevujay resulted in a halt in the flow of furs from the Kantian Interior to New France. While the end of the Kantian Revolution resulted in the resumption of the fur trade, the years of lost profits led to a desire by the Canada Company to ensure stability in the Kantian Republic by taking an active interest in its government. [2]

    While the Canada Company would take a greater role in influencing the politics of the Kanatian Republic, the Kanatians would also gain a greater role in the running of New France, as Arkevujay mercenaries were soon recruited to aid in the defence of New France. The presence of French advisors in Hochelaga and Kanatian soldiers in Stadacona would begin the process which would blur the boundaries between Canada and Kanata and eventually lead to the arrangement described by Europeans as the 'Kanatian Protectorate'. [3]

    It is also important to note that, while the Canada Company obtained the majority of its furs through the Arkevujay, it was also engaged in ongoing exploration and exploitation of the fur-bearing forests North of French Canada. [4] The Atikamekw, Tadoussac Innu, and Laurentian Innu, who inhabited these forests, had long been trade partners of the French, although the trade had largely been small-scale before 1650. After 1650, the Canada Company began to focus a greater effort on sending traders, recruited from the settlers of New France, up the Northern rivers to establish new trading relationships with bands located farther to the North (the so-called Interior Innu [5]). This exploitation, especially intense during the years of the Kanatian Revolution, would destroy much of the beaver population in the region, forcing all the fur trading powers to begin to look Westward for a new supply.

    The Ohiejo Company

    The Dutch in the New Netherlands had been engaged in the fur trade since the founding of New Holland by the West India Company. However, with the destruction of the Haudenosaunee by the Kantian Arkevujay, New Holland's position in the fur trade was made marginal. The Dutch colonists would only re-enter the fur trade in 1549 when the Piskatawij Colony would establish a trade relationship with the Seskwahenog, who had recently joined in alliance with what remained of the Haudenosaunee.

    The Piskatawij Colony was, at the time, a private colony owned by a partnership known as the 'Brouwer Party'. In addition to controlling the Piskatawij Colony, the Brouwer Party also had a relationship with the Piskatawij Nation whereby Piskatawij men of appropriate age would serve as a sort of mercenary force defending the Piskatawij Colony. As the Piskatawij Colony grew through the 1650s, the proximity of the Piskatawij Nation became more a liability than an asset, as settlers would often be loathe to trust the armed Natives. Thus, the Piskatawij warriors were instead sent on war expeditions into the interior to bring back furs and captives to be enslaved to work on tobacco plantations. [6]

    During this time, the Haudenosaunee (with which the Brouwer Party traded via the Seskwahenog) were engaged in an ongoing conflict with the Erielhonon nation. As the Erielhonon were seen as a threat to the Haudenosauneefur trade network, the Brouwer Party began to encourage the Piskatawij warriors to focus their attacks on the Erielhonon. While the Erielhonon were thought to be more numerous that the Haudenosauneeand Piskatawijcombined, the Haudenosaunee and Piskatawij both had access to firearms through the Dutch. By 1560, about half the population of the Erielhononhad been either enslaved in the Piskatawij Colony or adopted into the Haudenosaunee. The remainder of the population had been displaced to the Northwest, although they would still engage in warfare with the Haudenosaunee for another generation.

    While the Natives allied to the Brouwer Party would succeed in their war against the Erielhonon, the Brouwer Party themselves would become embroiled in quite the fight of their own. The Brouwer Party's relationship with the Piskatawij Nation was based out of Fort Brouwer [OTL *Georgetown, D.C.] on the Koongaruten [OTL *Potomac] River. The Brouwer Party had always claimed that Fort Brouwer was located North of the 39°N parallel, and was thus outside of the jurisdiction of the Van Hoorn Company. [7] However, in 1656, the Van Hoorn Company discovered that Fort Brouwer was in fact located South of that line. The Van Hoorn Company thus claimed that it had a right to collect a toll on all cargo passing through Fort Brouwer, cutting into the Brouwer Party's profits.

    The dispute with the Van Hoorn Company, together with the death of a number of the original members of the Brouwer Party partnership led to the sale of Fort Brouwer in 1561. The remaining members of the Brouwer Party would have to content themselves with running the Piskatawij Colony proper while Fort Brouwer would be taken over by a newly-formed company of Dutch merchants – the Ohiejo Company.

    Along with Fort Brouwer, the Ohiejo Company would buy the Brouwer Company's relationship with thePiskatawij Nation and the fur trade rights to the land conquered by the Piskatawij from the Erielhononin the Ohiejo Valley (from which the company took its name). The Ohiejo Company would begin reorganizing their relationship with the Piskatawij to be centered on trade rather than warfare, and would send the young Piskatawij men who had previously served as mercenaries into the interior to trade for furs and bring them back to Fort Brouwer.

    While the lands South of the Great Lakes did support the trapping of beavers for fur, the furs trapped in the region were not as thick nor as plentiful as those trapped farther North. Thus, the Ohiejo Company soon began to desire access to better fur trapping lands, and began to commission explorers to send to the interior with Piskatawij guides in search of better fur-trapping lands.

    The most famous of these explorers was a Zeelander by the name of Jan Muis. His first expedition in 1668 mapped the Ohiejo Valley and established contact between the Dutch and the Dhegiha Confederacy, [8] which inhabited the lower Ohiejo Valley. His second expedition in 1670-1671 travelled down the Ohiejo to where it joins the Malabussi [OTL *Mississippi], and then mapped the Malabussi to its mouth. His third expedition in 1673-1676 would map the Malabussi upstream from its confluence with the Ohiejo, and would discover the great Nieutatchi [OTL *Missouri] River.

    While Muis would establish good relations between the Dutch and the both the Dhegiha Confederacy and Nieutatchi Nation, [9] his expeditions would be met with hostility by the Inoka Confederacy, who inhabited much of the upper Malabussi. The Inoka in turn were allied with the Kanatian Arkevujay, and already exported the furs that they collected through Fort Chikakua; they had little need of a new fur trading relationship with the Dutch. In fact the expansion of the Dutch trade network up the Malabussi threatened the Inoka's own trade network, and a number of wars were fought between the Dutch-allied Dhegiha and Nieutatchi and the Kanatian-allied Inoka in the 1680s and 1690s.

    By the 1690s, the Ohiejo Company had control of a trade network leading deep into the interior. The Nieutatchi would trade furs to the Dhegiha, who would in turn pass them on to the Piskatawij, would would carry them over the Alleghevian [10] Mountains to Fort Brouwer. While the Nieutatchi and Dhegiha would carry on their trading more or less independently from Dutch oversight, the Piskatawij at this time were under strict Dutch supervision to enforce the Ohiejo Company's monopoly.

    The Ohiejo Company established Fort Ohiejo in 1678 where the Monongehaila River met the Ohiejo [OTL *Pittsburgh]. This fort would be staffed by Ohiejo Company traders who would meet the Dhegiha here and negotiate a fair price for furs. The furs would then be transported by the Piskatawij who served the Company up the Monogehaila River, over the mountains, and down the Koongaruten River to Fort Brouwer. At first, furs were transported in canoes and in backpacks, but, by the late 1680s, a mule trail (the 'Ohiejo Trail') had been established connecting Fort Ohiejo to Fort Brouwer. [11] The reason for the building of the Ohiejo Trail had little to do with mule train being a more efficient form of transport than canoe and backpack. Ohiejo Company documents indicate that when furs were transported by canoe and backpack, furs would tend to get 'lost' during the many portages between Fort Ohiejo and Fort Brouwer, and would find their way to buyers in the Van Hoorn and Piskatawij Colonies. Thus, the introduction of mule trains supervised by Company representatives ensured all of the cargo reached its destination.

    The relationship between the Ohiejo Company and the Piskatawij Nation would deteriorate over time. At first, the Piskatawij had been a force a mercenaries happy to serve the Ohiejo Company. However, after the Erielhonon had been driven out of the Ohiejo Valley, those mercenaries became little more than traders; they were demoted again when they became simple labourers carrying the furs over the passes. This demotion led to discontent amongst the Piskatawij, and many of them would flee to join other neighbouring nations (most notably the Powhatan and Haudenosaunee Confederacies). Others would die due to diseases, leading to a depopulation of the Piskatawij Nation, and a shortage of labour for the Ohiejo Company.

    This shortage of labour would be replaced from two sources. The first would be African slaves who had arrived in the Van Hoorn and Piskatawij colonies in the 1560s and 1570s as plantation labourers. These slaves were soon recruited for positions loading and unloading the mule trains, although they proved of little use as teamsters driving the mules, as they would often run away into the woods as had the Piskatawij before them. The second source of labour would be white settlers from the Piskatawij and Van Hoorn colonies who were looking for an escape from the malarial lowlands. They would be settled on farms in the foothills along the Ohiejo Trail on both sides of the mountains, and would raise mules and support the Ohiejo Company with food for the traders and fodder for the mules. These white settlers would form the nucleus of what would become the Ohiejo Colony, overseen by the Ohiejo Company.

    The relationship between the Ohiejo Company and the Piskatawij and Van Hoorn colonies was never simple. While the Ohiejo Company claimed ownership of the entire Malabussi Basin, and controlled their own settlements in the Ohiejo Colony, the lower part of the Ohiejo Trail passed through both Piskatawij and Van Hoorn Colonies before reaching Fort Brouwer (which was itself located in Van Hoorn). Thus, both Piskatawij and Van Hoorn claimed the right to collect tolls on the fur trade coming down the Ohiejo Trail, and arbitrators were often sent over from Amsterdam to help determine a fair rate for these tolls. It was partly the expense of paying these tolls that led the Ohiejo Company to establish a new fur export route in the early 18th century, beginning the colonization of the Malabussi Valley. [12]

    The Cisalleghevian Trade: New England, the New Netherlands, and Danish Florida

    While the inland trade networks were dominated by the Ohiejo Company and the Kanatian Arkevujay, the fur trade in the Cisalleghevian [13] region was dominated by private individuals and small companies. By 1700, there were few beavers left East of the Alleghevian Mountains, but in the 1650s and 1660s Cisalleghevian trade was still important.

    In New England, the local fur supply had been mostly trapped out by 1660, meaning that the Wabanaki Natives could no longer trap their own furs, and often resorted to raiding the shipments travelling between Kanata and New France. These raids were the cause of the wars that took place between New France and the Kanatian Arkevujay on one side and New England and the Wabanaki on the other.

    The various New Netherlands colonies had mostly been founded later than New England, and thus had a greater remaining beaver population. While New Holland had few beavers left by 1660, Lenni fur trappers in the New Brabant region and Powhatan trappers in the Van Hoorn region were known to be active as late as the 1710s. These trappers would trade their furs to the local settlers in the Dutch colonies, who would in turn pass them on to the New Brabant and Van Hoorn colonial companies. It was partially this draw of the fur trade that led ex-indentured servants of New Brabant and Van Hoorn to begin to move inland from the coast and settle the Voorgeberte region [14]. Until the 1690s when the Ohiejo Trails was finally made fully secure, the furs trapped by the local Natives would also be supplemented by those smuggled out of the Ohiejo Company lands by the Piskatawij.

    The beaver furs in Danish Florida were of distinctly lower quality than those trapped farther North. However, this did not stop the colonial governor in Christiansborg from encouraging his Cheraw allies to secure a supply of as many furs as possible. While the first phase of Cheraw expansion (from 1570 to 1620) can largely be attributed to the aftermath of the Juan Pardo expedition and the Cheraw's adoption of ironworking, the second phase of expansion (from 1640 to 1690) is better explained by the Danish desire for furs. The Danes would trade muskets, gunpowder, and balls to the Cheraw, which the Cheraw would use against their Northern and Western neighbours. By displacing the Cheroki and Tuscarora (amongst other Nations) the Cheraw would gain control of the entire Southern half of the Alleghevian Mountains, securing a vast supply of (admittedly poor-quality) beaver pelts. The Cheroki would go on to displace the Chicaza and Alabamaha, setting off the chain reaction which would be known as the Second Malbussian Migration Period. [15]

    The Marian [16] Fur Trade: New Scotland and New Navarre

    New Scotland had had control of the Labrador fur trade ever since the original founding of New Aberdeen. However, the Queen Mary Gulf, while claimed by Scotland since its first discovery, had been under-exploited by the fur trade since the War of the Scottish Succession and Supplicant War had created division within the Scottish colonies. By 1650, New Scotland was firmly under the control of the Kingdom of Edinburgh, and the Robertsburgh Company, based in New Found Land, could again think of expanding its trade network.

    In the 1630s, Scottish [17] ships had briefly visited the Queen Mary Gulf [OTL *Hudson Bay] and Strachan Bay [OTL *James Bay], and had found no one willing to trade with them. In 1654, with the fur boom well underway, a new Scottish expedition was sent to the Queen Mary Gulf, in the hopes of discovering new peoples willing to engage in trade. While the Strachan Bay fur trade of the 1610s had been with the Nahira people who had lived there then, the Nahira had been gone from Strachan Bay by the 1630s. By the 1650s, the people the Scots discovered on the shores of Strachan Bay were not Nahira, but a new group who the Scots called 'Nashina'. The word 'Nashina' was later found to be a corruption of Anishinaabe, although at the time many Scots thought that these people were simply the Nahira by another name.

    The Nashina had their origins as dissidents amongst the Odawa, Omamiwnini and Ojibwe people who had been unwilling to accept the fur trade quotas forced upon them by the Kantian Arkevujay. Their home Nations, unwilling to see a repeat of the Michilimakinak War, had driven these dissidents out, who had in turn travelled North to the shores of Strachan Bay. Before the Scots arrived in 1654, the Nashina had adopted a lifestyle based upon hunting and fishing for food, although, with the Scots arrival, the Nashina would prove willing enough to engage in the fur trade.

    The re-establishment of the Marian fur trade between the Scots and the Nashina would in turn cause the development of a novel trade relationship between the Nashina and the Odawa, Omamiwinini, and Ojibwe from whom they had fled. While the Nashina and the 'Old Anishinaabe' Nations were both exporters of furs, the trade goods they received in return for their furs were often different. While both the Scots and the Kantians would bring metal tools and cloth as part of their trade goods, many manufactured items (like glass beads) would be brought by the Scots but not by the Kanatians, while foodstuffs and raw agricultural goods would be brought by the Kanatians and not by the Scots. This meant that Kanatian Datari [18] bread would sometimes be offered to the Scots by the Nashina and Scottish beads would sometimes find their way to Fort Matawang.

    The prosperity of the Nashina which would result from the Scottish trade at the newly-rebuilt Fort Strachan would not be unnoticed by the Nashina's neighbours. The depletion of the fur bearing regions along the Laurentian North Shore and the Labrador Coast had driven many of the Innu farther inland in search of furs. This had led to a stratification of Innu society where Innu bands along the coast (the Aberdeen, Tadoussac, and Laurentian Innu) would act as middlemen between the trappers of the interior and the European fur traders. While this arrangement was relatively stable, many of the Interior Innu were dissatisfied with their position, and some would migrate Westward to the Marian Coast. There, they would form the fifth major division of the Innu: the Marian Innu.

    By 1700, the Robertsburgh Company would have three trade posts established on Strachan Bay. Fort Strachan [near OTL *Fort Rupert], in the Southeast, was still the most important outpost, but Fort Bruce [near OTL *Fort Albany] in the West and Fort Eglinton [near OTL *Fort George/Chisasibi] in the Northeast were also active. Each of these trade posts would be manned year-round by a small number of traders, and would be visited by ship once a summer to pick up furs and drop off new trade goods. In addition to the three Strachan Bay forts, the Robertsburgh Company still maintained New Aberdeen on the Labrador Coast (which by now had become a year-round settlement), and still controlled the New Found Land fishery.

    While New Scotland and the Robertsburgh Company were not challenged in their dominance of the Eastern Marian Fur Trade, the Western half of the Queen Mary Gulf was another matter entirely. The Scots had always focused their exploration and trade efforts on Strachan Bay as the Southernmost (and therefore most hospitable) part of the Marian shore, although they had explored and charted the Western parts of the Queen Mary Gulf. These same Western areas (especially the Northwestern corner of the Queen Mary Gulf) were frequented by Basque whalers, who had, in previous decades been driven out of the St. Lawrence Gulf by the French. These whalers would often come ashore for water, and when doing so, would come into contact with the Natives and trade with them. These Natives, known as the 'Elilu' [19] to the Basques, were really another subgroup of the Nahira [we would say 'Swampy Cree' in OTL] who had absorbed the Western Nahira when they had fled Strachan Bay.

    News of the potentially lucrative fur trade with the Elilu made it back to Bayonne, where many of these whalers were based, in the early 1650s. In 1655, King Charles V of Navarre was refused the Dutch throne, which instead went to his younger brother Willem. Disappointed at his lack of acceptance in the Netherlands, Charles returned to Bayonne, where he was almost immediately approached by a group of Bayonne merchants asking for Royal funding to set up fur trade outposts in the Western part of the Queen Mary Gulf. Charles saw this colonial opportunity as a way to make up for his disappointment in the Netherlands and restore glory to the Kingdom of Navarre, and soon, with Royal backing, the Colony of New Navarre was born.

    As soon as the first fur trade post was established in 1658, New Navarre would almost immediately become profitable. The Elilu asked very little for their furs, and were a populous (albeit widely-spread) people with trade connections deep into the interior. By 1668, New Navarre was returning larger and more profitable fur cargoes than their neighbours in New Scotland. The Robertsburgh Company became quite envious of the New Navarrese position, as the Robertsburgh Company claimed all of the Queen Mary Gulf as their exclusive fur trade zone.

    At first, the Robertsburgh Company called upon the government back in Edinburgh to pressure Navarre to take back its claims. However, the government was unreceptive to the idea, as Navarre was being courted as a potential ally in the Rhineland Wars. Thus, the Robertsburgh Company was forced to take things into its own hands, and began equipping its ships for warfare.

    In 1573, the Robertsburgh Company launched its first attack on New Navarre. They sent a pair of ships armed with canon and besieged Fort Béarn [near OTL *York Factory], the chief trade post of New Navarre. The Fort soon fell, the cargo of furs within were captured, and the flag of the Robertsburgh Company was soon raised over the trade post. However, this first Scottish occupation wouldn't last for long. A number of the Navarran traders had escaped and taken refuge amongst the Elilu. They were able to convince the Elilu to help them retake the fort. After the ships had departed, when the Scottish occupiers opened the forts' gates to engage in trade, the Elilu overwhelmed the fort, putting the Basque traders back in control. [20]

    The Robertsburgh Company would try various other tactics over the next ten years. In 1576, they would succeed at burning down Fort Béarn, although the fort would be rebuilt within a year. In 1577 and 1579 further attacks on Fort Béarn would be repelled. In 1581, Fort Béarn would again be captured, and would be occupied with a much larger garrison, although in 1583 a fleet of Navarrese ships would succeed at retaking it.

    After 1583, the Robertsburgh Company, under pressure from the Edinburgh government, began to give up its goal of capturing Fort Béarn, and instead instituted other methods of trying to force the Navarrans to leave. New Scottish forts were built on either side of Fort Béarn, with the intention of competing directly with Fort Béarn by offerring higher prices for furs, and thus driving the Navarrans out of business. The construction of these new forts would cause the Navarrans to take the offensive: with the help of the Elilu, these new forts were both burned to the ground by 1586, and Navarran ships even launched attacks on the Robertsburgh Company's Strachan Bay Forts.

    By 1587, both companies were losing money on the ongoing fight between them, and the Robertsburgh Company had come to admit that it could never fully drive the Navarrans out of the Western Marian Shore. Thus, the two fur trade companies would meet in 1588 to finally discuss peace between them. During much of the times of war, the Robertsburgh Company had had the upper hand, and they were able to maintain control of almost all of the Marian Shore. New Navarre would be allowed to keep Fort Béarn, and were allowed control over the shore on either side. However, this only gave New Navarre a small window into the interior, as the Robertsburgh Company soon established trade posts on either side of New Navarre.

    The two most successful trade posts on the Western Marian shore were Fort Béarn, still run by Navarran merchants and staffed by Basque traders, and Fort Brechin, established to the North of Fort Béarn by the Robertsburgh Company. Fort Brechin, at the mouth of the Brechin River [OTL *Churchill River], would support trade with the Dennay [OTL *Dene] people who lived North of the Elilu. The Dennay would grow to compete with the Elilu for the fur supply of Western North America, and a number of Dennay-Elilu wars would be fought in the 18th century.

    The Robertsburgh Company and New Navarre undertook different approaches to managing the fur trade itself. The Robertsburgh Company had no desire to intervene in the interior of the continent, as they were already stretched thin managing both the New Found Land fishery as well as the Marian fur trade. However, New Navarre took an approach much like the Dutch farther South, and sent agents to accompany the Elilu into the interior. These agents would seek out new potential supplies of fur, would support the Elilu in their efforts in establishing trade relationships with new suppliers, and would advise the Elilu when it came time for war. Eventually, many of these agents would take Elilu wives, and their descendents would form the Basque-speaking Mestizoak [21] cutlure which would come to play a key role in the history of the Northern Plains.

    By 1700, there were three trade networks which had the potential to reach Western North America. The Dutch network in the South stretched down the Ohiejo River and up the Malabussi and Nieutatchi. The Kanatian network in the middle travelled from New France through the Great Lakes, and traversed the portages from the Great Lakes to the river networks of the West. The Navarrese network in the North travelled up the Elilu River [OTL *Nelson River] from Fort Béarn on the Marian Shore, reaching the networks of lakes and rivers which stretched to the West. In addition to those three great networks, local trade networks had been set up by New England, New Scotland, and Danish Florida. However, it would be those three great networks which would control the greatest part of the fur supply going into the 18th and 19th centuries.

    Footnotes:

    [1] Note that the Robertsburgh Company wasn't really 'established' in order to participate in the North American Fur Trade, but was split off as the North American division of the Northeast Company which specialized in the White Sea fur trade. The author here is over-simplifying.

    [2] I'm deliberately being as vague as possible here to avoid spoilers. Hopefully it doesn't break your suspension of disbelief that the in-TL author would be equally vague.

    [3] Yeah, as I think I've mentioned before, I was never planning for Kanata to be completely free of colonialism. However, their relationship with the French will be one which will avoid the destruction of their culture, language, and political structures.

    [4] We're talking about OTL Northern Québec here. The rivers that drain into the *St. Lawrence from the North (St.-Maurice, Saguenay, etc.) are the source of these furs.

    [5] The main divisions of the Innu in TTL are different than they are in OTL (butterflies). In TTL they are divided by where they meet with European patrons for trade, although they have other names for themselves that aren't based upon the names of trade posts.

    [6] The importation of African slaves hasn't really taken off yet, so the Dutch tobacco planters are using Native slaves instead, and a sort of trans-Appalachian slave trade has been established.

    [7] The Van Hoorn Company has a mandate to colonize the region between 37°N and 39°N; the Piskatawij Colony has been careful to establish its own settlements North of that line.

    [8] In TTL, the Dhegiha Siouans remained in the *Ohio Valley, and didn't move West as they did OTL. It is not clear at all what the various Dhegiha tribes' political relationships were with each other prior to the move West, so I'm positing a loose Dhegiha Confederacy.

    [9] This is the Nation known OTL as the 'Missouria'. 'Niuachi' is their OTL name for themselves. In both OTL and TTL, the *Missouri River was named after the nation that dwelt along its banks.

    [10] In OTL, the mountains we know as the Applachians were often instead referred to as 'the Alleghenies'. The word 'Allegheny' comes from the Lenape name 'Allegewi' which referred to a nation which lived on the banks of the *Allegheny River. In TTL, 'Allegewi' instead became 'Alleghevian', and became the name for the mountain range. If you look at some of my early maps in this TL, I have the name 'Allewegis' for the Erie Nation. This was taken from another map, and I think the author of that map maybe just happened to mis-spell 'Allegewi'??

    [11] The 'Ohiejo Trail' follows the route of the OTL 'Nemacolin's Trail'. It travels up the *Potomac to *Cumberland, Maryland, overland through the *Cumberland Narrows to *Brownsville, Pennsylvania, and then down the Monogehela to Pittsburgh/Fort Ohiejo.

    [12] As I may have hinted before, OTL *Louisiana will be Dutch.

    [13] Cisallegevian = East of the *Appalachians.

    [14] Voorgebergte = 'in front of the mountains' . In OTL we would say the 'Piedmont region'.

    [15] TTL Malabussian = OTL Mississippian. The 'First Malabussian Migration Period' was what we know OTL as the 'Mississippian Collapse' and it took place in the aftermath of the de Soto expedition. The term 'Migration Period' has been chosen to make an explicit comparison between the Mississippian Collapse and the fall of the Western Roman Empire.

    [16] Marian = along the shores of the Queen Mary Gulf known OTL as Hudson Bay.

    [17] Remember, TTL Scotland is divided into the Kingdom of Edinburgh in the lowlands/South and the Kingodm of Alba in the highlands/North. While the Kingdom of Alba has the official claim to being the 'Kingdom of Scotland', the terms 'Scot' and 'Scottish' are usually used for the people of the Kingdom of Edinburgh, as they speak the Scots language. The people of the Kingom of Alba are instead referred to as 'Gaels' or 'Gaelic', as they speak the Gaelic language.

    [18] Datari is a hard tack-like bread made by the Kanatians as a staple food which can be cheaply produced and easily transported. It's made from corn/maize. It serves much the same purpose in TTL as pemmican did in OTL; it's traded to fur trappers to help feed them through the winter, enabling these same trappers to spend more time trapping and less time hunting for food.

    [19] The word 'Elilu' is derived from the Cree word 'Ililiw' for 'man', which has become an autonym of sorts amongst the OTL Cree.

    [20] In writing this segment, I read up on the various campaigns by New France against the Hudson's Bay Company in OTL, as the TTL conflicts are taking place around the same time in the same place. There were lots of strange tactics used by the OTL New French that turned out to surprisingly work, and the same thing is happening here.

    [21] Yes, this is a Basque version of the OTL Métis of the Canadian Prairies. They might even have their main settlements along the Red River Valley, as the Red River is well-connected to the *Hudson Bay trade network via Lake Winnipeg.
     
    Update 58A - Kitpoo (part I)
  • Update 58a – Kitpoo (part I)

    (Fort Maliseet [1], July 1566)

    To the men, women and children in the fleet of nine canoes, Fort Maliseet was a welcome sight. The bay crossing from Lennox Harbour to Fort Maliseet was always a dangerous one, and while L'Nuk canoes, with their high sides and square sails, [2] were capable of making the crossing, their boats were simply not as seaworthy as those built by the English. This time, Kitpoo and his companions had been lucky: the wind had been relatively constant from the South, and there had been few large waves.

    Entering the mouth of the Maliseet River [OTL *St. John River], Kitpoo and his band caught sight of the English fort. Fort Maliseet was a modest settlement in comparison to the city of Lennox Harbour, but it was still more imposing than any L'Nuk village that Kitpoo had ever visited. While it was only home to less than a hundred permanent residents, Fort Maliseet still seemed large to Kitpoo, with buildings that were oversized and intimidating.

    As the canoes pulled up to the beach next to Fort Maliseet, Kitpoo saw that there was another group of canoes already there, and a camp already set up. By the designs of the canoes, Kitpoo could tell that the band was not L'Nuk. They had probably come from inland to Fort Maliseet in order to trade furs. Kitpoo could see that someone in the camp must have noticed the approaching canoes. By the time the canoes arrived at the beach, there was already a group of men and women at the water's edge, ready to greet them and help out.

    “Who are you and what brings you here?” the leader of the band called out.

    “My name is Kitpoo. We are from Sikepne'katik [3]. My father is the chief of a small village which used to be located along the South shore East of Owkogegechk [4], the home of the great Glooscap. However, this spring, upon returning from our winter camps, we found that English settlers had taken our village site and were in the process of building a village of their own. We spoke to the Proprietor in charge of the village, and made the customary offer to buy the land from us in exchange for muskets and ammunition for each man in our village.”

    “A lot of the land in Sikepne'katik is being taken that way, isn't it?” the other man asked.

    “Well, we hadn't really understood that when we made the decision to move on. Last time we moved our summer village, more than ten years ago, there had been lots of new sites available. This spring, it seemed that all of the best fishing sites were already taken, either by other L'Nuk villages or by English Proprietors. We couldn't find a good site in Sikepne'katik, so we began travelling down the coast towards Kesputkwitk [5]. It was only when we reached Lennox Harbour without finding a suitable site, that we realized how difficult it would be to find what we were looking for. It was then that we decided to try to cross the bay and look for land on the North side. That is what brought us here.”

    “You know that this is Maliseet territory, right?” the other man inquired. “You L'Nuk, however desperate your situation, are not welcome to simply come and take our lands for your own summer villages. We ourselves have had lost lands of our own to Proprietors based out of Fort Maliseet. Every year, we move farther and farther up the river, away from the coast where the best fishing spots are. There are no village sites available for newcomers.”

    “However,” the Maliseet man continued, “if you're looking for somewhere to go to, you might try following this river all the way up to its source in the Abenaki Mountains [6]. The land in the mountains belongs to the Wabanaki Confederacy as a whole, and not to any individual tribe, so you are welcome to settle there. There are no clams there, and the fishing is not as good as it is here. Instead of fishing, many of the men who live in the mountains spend their summers organizing raiding parties against New France and Nouvelle Genève. They come back with their packs full of tools, cloth, and other useful goods. Sometimes, they're even able to secure gold or jewelry, which the English here at Fort Maliseet will pay well for. We're actually here ourselves to engage in a bit of trading.”

    The Maliseet man pulled out a leather bundle, and unwrapped it to show Kitpoo a pile of shiny metal and polished stones. Kitpoo knew that these were objects that the English valued greatly, and that they would pay much for, although he couldn't really understand how these delicate metal trinkets could be worth more than an axe or a musket. “My cousin organized a raiding party against Nouvelle Genève last summer,” the man continued, “this is a small part of what he brought back. He's given this bundle of valuables to me, and I'm here to trade them at Fort Maliseet. We're hoping that we can get new clothing for our whole band here in exchange for these. We might even be able to get some of that stuff that the English call Whiskey.”



    That night, as he sat by the fire, Kitpoo couldn't get the image of the gold and jewelry out of his head. He had never seen so much jewelry together in one place before. The idea that a bundle that small could buy enough clothing to cover a whole band astounded him. If that was just a small piece of the proceeds from one raid, Kitpoo couldn't imagine how much he could get from a lifetime of raiding. His band had muskets and ammunition: they were already equipped for raiding. All they needed to do was travel up to the mountains, and find a raiding party to join. Kitpoo knew that joining the warriors in the mountains would be their best chance for prosperity. He just had to convince the rest of the band.

    * * * * *

    (Upper St.-Joseph Valley [7], June 1667)

    Kitpoo and his companion Chegual looked down from their perch in the top of a tree. Kitpoo had always been good at tree-climbing, and this tree was well-positioned to give a vantage point over the whole river valley. This side of the valley had quite a shallow slope, which meant that it was difficult to find a good spot to take in the landscape of the whole valley.

    The far, Northern side of the valley was bounded by a long escarpment. At the foot of the escarpment was the St. Joseph River, which flowed westward. A gap in the escarpment was visible, where the river took a sharp turn to flow North towards the land of Kanata. On the banks of the river, just before the bend, was located a large field. From the looks of it, the land must have been cleared by humans, as the borders of the field seemed to form almost a perfect circle. In the center of the circle was located a complex of three or maybe four buildings surrounded by a pallisade. The whole complex was about the same side as Fort Maliseet, although the architecture was different. The buildings here were less square, more arch-shaped perhaps. [8] “Is that Nouvelle Genève?” Kitpoo asked.

    “No,” Chegual replied, “Nouvelle Genève is around the bend in the river, on the other side of the escarpment. What you see is Fort Josev. It was built two years ago, and is now occupied by the Kanatian Arkevujay. We need to reach Nouvelle Genève while avoiding the fort. Last year, we tried crossing the river upstream from here, and rounding the Eastern end of the escarpment. However, I've heard that the fort's garrison is now patrolling that route. I'm thinking this year we will travel past the fort, and scale the escarpment West of here. Then, we can surprise Nouvelle Genève by attacking from the West.”

    Chegual was three years older than Kitpoo and had been born near Fort Kennebec to the South. However, like Kitpoo, his band had relocated to the Abenaki Mountains. While he still spoke with the Kennebec accent, Chegual no longer referred to himself as being from the 'Kennebec' tribe. Now he just referred to himself as an 'Abenaki', as did most of the others who lived here.

    Kitpoo's band had settled in a village site next to the one in which Chegual lived. The two young men had become friends, and Chegual had invited Kitpoo to come with him for the annual raid on Nouvelle Genève. Chegual was an expert raider, and had many stories of the successful raids he had made in the past, although had equally many stories of the friends he had lost while out raiding. This year, he had taken Kitpoo under his wing, teaching him skills he would need on the raiding expedition.

    Soon, Chegual and Kitpoo were down from the tree. “Fellow raiders,” Chegual called out to the group of a few hundred who stood gathered at the base of the tree. “We have decided upon our route of attack. This year, we will travel Westward past the Fort, will cross over the hills there, and then will come down on Nouvelle Genéve from the West. We know that the Arkevujay have patrols out in the woods in these areas. If anyone spots an Arkevujay scout, they must shoot him with an arrow before he has a chance to bring a message back to the fort. If a message gets back, we will lose the element of surprise. If anyone hears a musket shot or any sort of cry, we abandon the attack, we split up, and disappear into the woods. I must also reiterate that you are to use only spears, bows, and arrows until we are ready to make our final attack. Muskets must not be used unless absolutely necessary. Shooting off a musket will alert the enemy as to our position, which will mean that we'd have to abandon our attack and start again. Is that clear?”

    The men assembled here voiced their approval.

    “Great,” Chegual acknowledged. “then it's time for us to move…”

    Chegual was interrupted by a cry from the woods, in the direction that one of the scouts had been placed. The cry was followed by the sound of a gunshot. By the time Kitpoo realized what was happening, half of the men around him had already disappeared into the woods. Kitpoo picked up his pack, with his musket and bow attached, and began to run. He dodged branches and leapt over roots as he did his best to isolate himself from the rest of the group. It's easier to hide one hundred men than one army, Chegual had always said. The fewer men were nearby, the more easily Kitpoo would be able to hide without being noticed.

    It was only once Chegual had to stop running that he realized he had lost his sense of direction. Run in a random direction at first, Chegual had instructed, but make sure you gradually turn South and East. If we travel South and East, we will all eventually reach the Kwinentucket [OTL *Connecticut] River. From there, we can travel downstream to Fort Henry [near OTL *Colebrook, NH] and regroup. Kitpoo needed to turn South and East if he was to regroup and join in the next raid. However, he wasn't sure what direction was South or East. The day was cloudy, so there were no shadows to give him a sense of direction. He'd have to climb a tree and take a look at the nearby landmarks.

    The first thing Kitpoo noticed as he made it to the top of the nearest tree, was that he was almost at the end of the forest. The trees abruptly ended a short distance away, and, after the trees ended, there was a field, followed by a… fort! Kitpoo realized that he had almost run directly into Fort Josev.

    Just then, Kitpoo heard shouts from the bottom of the tree in an unfamiliar language that must be Kanatian. He realized that he had neglected to properly hide his pack before climbing the tree, and it must have been discovered. The sound of a shot was heard from below and a ball whizzed by his ear. While he couldn't understand the words being said, Kitpoo got the message and began climbing down from the tree. A dozen Arkevujay soldiers were waiting at the bottom, with ropes ready to bind his wrists. Kitpoo was to be made a captive…

    Footnotes to part a:

    [1] Fort Maliseet is located near OTL St. John, NB. It is strategically located at the mouth of the *St. John river to control trade with the interior.

    [2] A bit of quick internet research revealed the the L'Nuk/Mi'kmaq did make sailing canoes for crossing open ocean. They would have been seaworthy enough for the Bay of Fundy or the Gulf of St. Lawrence, although I can't imagine they would have tried to venture out into the Atlantic.

    [3] This Mi'kmaq/L'Nuk name refers to the middle part of Nova Scotia which includes OTL Kentville, Windsor, Truro, and Halifax.

    [4] This is the Mi'kmaq/L'Nuk name for OTL Cape *Blomidon.

    [5] Southwestern Nova Scotia including OTL Digby, Yarmouth, and Shelburne.

    [6] Remember the 'Abenaki Mountains' is the TTL name for the Northern ranges of the Appalachians in OTL Quebec, New Hampshire, and Maine.

    [7] Remember, the OTL St-François River is called 'St-Joseph' in TTL.

    [8] Kanatian architecture still takes cues from the longhouses which are still the most common type of building.
     
    Update 58b - Kitpoo (part II)
  • Update 58b – Kitpoo (part II)

    (Nouvelle Genève, July 1667)

    “Where are they taking us?” Kitpoo asked the captive next to him. Kitpoo's companion Aplikmuj, who was also L'Nuk by birth, had spent enough time around the Kanatians that he knew their language. While Kitpoo had tried to pick up as much of the language as he could in the month in which he had been held in captivity, he still barely understood his guards' instructions.

    “I think the guards said we're going to Terasara,” the man replied. “We're probably being sent to the iron mines there. Of course, we wouldn't go directly there. We'll probably be brought there via Hochelaga. My guess is that these packs we are carrying are only going as far as Hochelaga. We'll probably get new packs for the remainder of the journey.” [1]

    Kitpoo and Aplikmuj stood side-by-side in a column of nearly one hundred captives which walked forward two men abreast. Each of them had his head shaved, walked barefoot, and had been dressed in the plain woollen robes that all captives wore. Each carried a pack bearing some unidentified cargo. Each captive was bound to the man beside him by a pair of metal cuffs joined by a chain. These cuffs were strung together on a long rope running the front of the column to the back. [2] Clearly, the Arkevujay warriors who marched at the front and back of the column were worried about the captives trying to escape.

    Kitpoo had gotten a chance to meet most of the other captives during his month-long stay in Fort Josev. Most of them were warriors like himself who had attempted a raid on Nouvelle Genève or on settlements in Kanata proper. However, there were some who had claimed to have had no intention of engaging in warfare, and had simply been caught by Arkevujay patrols while off hunting in the wrong part of the Abenaki Mountains. Everyone told Kitpoo that the Arkevujay were ranging deeper into the Abenaki Mountains than they ever had before, although Kitpoo hadn't been around long enough himself to know. [3]

    The column of captives and soldiers marched along the road away from Fort Josev, following the bank of the St-Joseph River. As the column passed through a gap between two hills, Kitpoo caught sight of the city of Nouvelle Genève. It was a lot smaller and shabbier-looking than Kitpoo had thought it would be. He had envisioned something like the English settlement at Lennox Harbour with its stone buildings and earthen ramparts. The buildings of Nouvelle Genève were made of wood and plaster, and were surrounded by a simple log palisade. Kitpoo could see why Nouvelle Genève, with its weak defenses, was such a tempting target for raiders.

    It was only shortly after Kitpoo first caught sight of the city that he saw the puff of smoke and heard the crack of musket fire. The noise and smoke was coming from the far side of the city, indicating that Nouvelle Genève must be under attack. By the time Kitpoo realized what was happening, he was already surrounded by commotion as the Arkevujay warriors began shouting orders to each other. The column of captives were stopped as most of the warriors rushed off in the direction of the city. Only a dozen warriors were left to guard the captives. Clearly, the Arkevujay were confident in their captives' restraints.

    “Are we just supposed to stand here?” Kitpoo asked his companion. “If we're not walking, wouldn't it be better to sit down?”

    “The guards specifically asked us to remain standing,” Aplikmuj replied, “they want us to be ready to move at a moment's notice. Besides, getting all of us to sit without tangling the ropes would probably be quite … what's going on?”

    Kitpoo noticed it too: arrows whizzing through the air towards the Arkevujay soldiers who stood guard. The arrows deflected easily off the soldiers' wooden armour, although one was struck in the neck. The others turned to face the direction that the arrows had come from, moving away from the column. It was as the soldiers drew away from the column that Kitpoo heard the crack of musket fire again, and smoke rose from the trees above the road. The ambushers were clearly a large group of well-armed warriors, and not just a half-dozen men with bows. Within minutes, all of the soldiers were either dead, incapacitated, or had fled.

    Leading the group of ambushers who emerged from the trees was none other than Kitpoo's friend Chegual. “You've come to rescue me?” Kitpoo asked in surprise.

    “No, no,” Chegual replied, “I wouldn't be able to convince all these men to follow me if I was just here to free a few captives. What we're really after is in your packs.”

    “And what's that?” Kitpoo asked as Chegual began cutting the rope that bound the captives to each other.

    Chegual reached a hand into Kitpoo's pack. After fumbing around for a bit, he drew out a small leather pouch. Inside were a number of intricately shaped metal disks. “These,” he said, “are pelt tokens. Each is equal in value to a beaver pelt. They are collected from Nouvelle Genève as tribute by the Arkevujay.” [4]

    By now the ambushers had succeeded at cutting the ropes, and were leading the captives away into the woods. Looking back, Kitpoo could tell that the soldiers who had rushed to the defence of Nouvelle Genève had by now realized that the attack had simply been a ruse, and were on their way back. The captives would need to move quickly in order to make their escape.

    “When we got back to Fort Henry after the last attack,” Chegual continued, “there was a man from Nouvelle Genève waiting for us. He had reached a deal with the English to trade them furs if they could secure some of these pelt tokens for him. The English, in turn, needed our help to get these tokens. This man had connections inside Fort Josev, and knew when a large shipment of pelt tokens would be sent from Fort Josev back to Hochelaga. We timed our raid accordingly, and were lucky that we made it past Fort Josev without being detected. If we can make it back to Fort Henry, the English will make us rich!”

    * * * *

    (Fort Henry, July 1667)

    The past few days had been a blur. Kitpoo felt like he hadn't really stopped walking since he had left Fort Josev, although he knew that wasn't really the case. They had taken that break early on the first day to remove the cuffs from the captives' wrists, and had stopped a couple times every day since to check the traps that Chegual had set on the way too Nouvelle Genève. Most of the traps were empty, but, every so often, there was a rabbit or bird that could be cooked for dinner. And, of course, they would stop walking at night, once it got too dark to continue safely.

    Every night, they had caught sight of the campfire of their pursuers behind them. It seemed that every night, the Arkevujay fire had been a little closer than it had been the night before. At the same time, every night the fugitive party got closer and closer to the safety of Fort Henry. However, the fugitives simply couldn't keep up as good a pace as the Arkevujay warriors. Many of them had been wounded when they had first been captured, and they were all barefoot and poorly clothed. While their rescuers had often offered to share their own shoes and clothing, there was simply not enough to go around.

    It was just before noon on the last day that Kitpoo first caught sight of the Arkevujay in daylight. Chegual had stopped the group in order to check another one of his traps, and Kitpoo was walking down a hillside to a small stream when he noticed the shapes of other men on the next ridge behind them. Judging by the distance, it was likely only hours before they caught up. Kitpoo quickly turned and ran back to the rest of the group “How far to Fort Henry?” Kitpoo asked Chegual. “I just caught sight of the Arkevujay. They're not far behind us now.”

    “Oh, we should be there by mid-afternoon,” Chegual replied. “We can make it. We just need to keep up the pace.” Chegual got up from his trap and called out to the rest of the group. “Come on everyone! Rest time is over. We need to get moving, or else we'll be dead before we make it to Fort Henry!”

    For the rest of the afternoon, the group was tense as they walked. They made a better pace than they had on other days, but Kitpoo still felt that it wasn't good enough. That afternoon, Chegual refused to give the group a break when they caught sight of Fort Henry. The Arkevujay were closing fast, and would soon be within range to fire. “We can rest for days once we're inside those walls,” he said, “but for now we need to keep walking. It's better to be alive with bleeding feet than to take a break and get killed.”

    Fort Henry stood on a small hill surrounded by a large field overlooking the Kwinentucket River. In was only shortly after the fugitives left the forest and emerged onto the field, that the Arkevujay themselves emerged from the trees. They were definitely within firing range now, and probably had been for quite some time, but their approach had been obscured by the forest. “Run,” Chegual cried out. “They will open fire as soon as they can the forest. We need to get to the walls of the fort before we are killed!”

    Sure enough, Kitpoo heard orders shouted behind him as the Arkevujay readied their weapons. The first volley was launched, and men fell on either side of Kitpoo. With the second volley, Chegual fell out of sight. Still, Kitpoo ran towards the fort as best he could. His bare, bruised feet stung with pain with every footfall. With the third volley, Kitpoo felt a searing pain in his leg and fell to the ground. Looking up he could see men lying in the grass all around him crying out in pain. It would only be a matter of time before the Arkevujay shot down the last of their former captives.



    A loud BOOMstartled Kitpoo. It sounded like a musket shot, but was louder and deeper somehow. Another BOOM, and Kitpoo came to realize the sound wasn't coming form the Arkevujay. It was coming from Fort Henry. Another BOOM and Kitpoo saw the metal balls whizzing by overhead. They looked like musket balls, but were much, much larger. They flew in a cluster overhead, all travelling together to where the Arkevujay soldiers stood. [5] He looked back and saw the Arkevujay retreating into the forest. The English, the English had come to their rescue! Kitpoo breathed a sigh of relief. He collapsed into his pain and lost consciousness.

    Footnotes to part b:

    [1] Using captives to carry cargo in packs is a cheap method of transportation to areas not easily reached by river or road. It also keeps the captives consistently more tired than the soldiers escorting them to demoralize them and discourage them from trying to escape. However, the arkevujay do also use riverboats, ox-carts, and/or pack animals to transport goods when captives are not readily available.

    [2] While building iron cuffs and short chains is well within the capacities of the Arkevujay smiths, building a chain long enough to make a proper chain gang is too expensive, so rope is used instead.

    [3] An explanation of why the Arkevujay are being more aggressive with their expeditions into the Abenaki Mountains will be provided in the next update.

    [4] As mentioned in some previous updates, the Kanatian economy is on its way to becoming a money-based economy, with coins being introduced as tokens which are equal in value to a standard beaver pelt. This allows the Arkevujay to collect tribute in the form of coins rather than pelts, and to then use those coins to purchase food and other agricultural goods. These coins are made from an iron-based alloy. The other ingredients in the alloy are added mostly to give the coins a different appearance from regular iron to deter counterfeiting (while there are many independent smiths who could conceivably make counterfeit coins, the Arkevujay control the only mines and ore-smelting facilities, making it difficult for anyone else to produce the exact alloy).

    [5] They are firing grapeshot from Fort Henry's cannon. I've tried to describe grapeshot in the way it would be perceived by someone unfamiliar with artillery. I hope I've done an adequate job.
     
    Update 59 - the Second Wabanaki War
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    Update 59 – The Second Wabanaki War



    (a) an excerpt from The History of Old Kanata 1500-1700 by Georges Hantero (Turtle)

    To some Euro-centric historians, the name “Second Wabanaki War” simply refers to nothing more than the North American theatre of the War of the Darmstadt Succession (or First Rhineland War). These are often the same historians who describe the “First Wabanaki War” as being the North American theatre of the War of the Scottish Succession. While the Second Wabanaki War would have been very different if there had been no European conflict between England and France at the time, it wasn't simply a theatre of the European conflict, but a war of its own which was exacerbated by the conflict in Europe.

    What is commonly referred to as the “Second Wabanaki War” was actually a convergence of two separate, but related wars. There was the ongoing Arkevujay-Wabanaki War which had its epicentre in the St.Joseph-Kwinentukett Corridor, and in which England and France intervened, and a separate Anglo-French War which in North America amounted to a naval war between the English and French colonies. While these two wars took place at the same time, and involved many of the same players, they had distinct causes, and evolved somewhat independently. For the purposes of Kanatian history, the only relevant detail of the ongoing Anglo-French war was the way in which the intervention of both colonial powers in the Arkevujay-Wabanaki conflict led to a period of more intense warfare. It is really this intervention that I will be describing here.

    The conflict between the Arekvujay Empire and the Wabanaki Confederacy had been brewing for decades before England or France got involved. The Wabanaki Confederacy had been undertaking extensive raids on Kanatian-French trade ever since the 1640s. These raids grew in intensity as the value of the Kanatian-French trade increased, and as the Wabanaki themselves ran out of local sources of furs. By the early 1660s, these raids had become a major liability for the Arkevujay and New France alike.

    Thus, in 1662, the Arkevujay and the government of New France began a campaign aimed at stopping these raids before they could get anywhere near the Wanedawa [OTL *St. Lawrence]. Both New France and the Kanatian Arkevujay began undertaking regular patrols of the land South of the Wanedawa, and two new forts were built in order to serve as bases for these patrols. The French built Fort Gérard near the abandoned gold fields, both as a base for patrols as well as to defend against any raids on Stadacona which attempted to make use of the Swift River [OTL *Chaudière] valley. The Kanatians built Fort Josev on the upper reaches of the St.-Joseph River [OTL *Rivière St.-François] upstream from the City of Nouvelle Genève. [1]

    When Nouvelle Genève had been originally founded, it had depended on trade with New England (via the upper Kwinentukett [OTL *Connecticut River] Valley) for its survival. English maps from the 1640s and 1650s often showed Nouvelle Genève as being a part of New England, even though it lay beyond the watershed boundary that was supposed to mark the edge of New England (according to their treaty with New France). [2] While the New English government in New Bristol claimed Nouvelle Genève as falling under their jurisdiction, they never enforced their authority, and refused to protect Nouvelle Genève from Wabanaki raids.

    The construction of Fort Josev, beginning in 1663, angered the government of New England, who saw this as a violation of their territory by the Arkevujay. New Bristol soon ordered the construction of an English fort, Fort Henry, on the upper Kwinentukett River, just opposite Fort Josev. Fort Henry would be garrisoned by only a token English force, but would serve as a supply base from which the Wabanaki could launch more frequent raids against Nouvelle Genève. These raids in turn upset the Arkevujay, who began patrolling deeper and deeper into New England's claimed territory in search of Wabanaki raiding parties.

    At the same time, New England's refusal to defend their claimed territory around Nouvelle Genève from Wabanaki raids forced the city to turn to the Kanatian Arkevujay for defence. In exchange for this defence, the Arkevujay collected tribute from the citizens of Nouvelle Genève. At first, this tribute usually amounted to craftspeople in Nouvelle Genève taking on Arkevujay trainees as apprentices. However, by the 1660s, the Arkevujay had learned most of the skills that they could from Nouvelle Genève, and instead demanded tribute in the form of furs or pelt tokens.

    To a certain extent, it was the inability of Nouvelle Genève to acquire the furs or tokens necessary to pay the tribute which was the immediate cause of the Second Wabanaki War. A group of citizens form Nouvelle Genève, angered at what they saw as extortion demands form the Arkevujay, hatched a scheme to steal pelt tokens from the Arkevujay themselves in order to pay the owed tribute. In the summer of 1667, they would make contact with Fort Henry where they would recruit Wabanaki raiders to steal some pelt tokens for them. They would pay the Wabanaki in furs, but at only half the tokens' face value, allowing the schemers to make a tidy profit.

    In the end, this scheme backfired. The Wabanaki raiders, after stealing the tokens, were pursued to the walls of Fort Henry itself. In a one-sided battle outside the walls, the Arkevujay proceeded to kill most of the raiders, while they were watched by the Fort Henry's English garrison. If the French had not been allied with the Arkevujay against the Wabanaki raiders, or if the English and French had been on better terms in Europe, things might have gone differently. However, French-English relations were bad enough at the time that the officer in charge of Fort Henry was eager to find an excuse to start a war against a French ally. He ordered Fort Henry's sole cannon to be loaded with grapeshot and fired on the Arkevujay soldiers. After only a few volleys, the Arkevujay turned and ran back into the woods.[3]

    It must be made clear that, at this time, the Arkevujay had long seen the English as an enemy. In Arkevujay eyes, the English supported the Wabanaki and the Wabanaki were the greatest nuisance on any of their borders at this time. However, until the construction of Fort Henry, the Arkevujay had simply had no way to strike at the English. New Bristol was too far from Kanata to be easily attacked, and the English traders which had long frequented the Upper Kwinentucket Valley weren't worth attacking.

    However, now that Fort Henry had been constructed within a few days' march of Fort Josev, the Arkevujay had a target which they thought they could take. Only a few weeks after the initial battle outside the walls, a newer, larger Arkevujay army arrived to beseige Fort Henry and starve the garrison into submission. The Arkevujay knew better than to launch a head-on assault, as Fort Henry had one cannon, while they had none. However, Fort Henry at this time was dependant on the Kwinentukett River for its water supply, and by building a camp opposite the river from the Fort, the Arkevujay could succeed at mowing down any Englishman who left the fort to fetch water. While the defenders of Fort Henry had stored some water before the siege began, the water stores were not enough to last long. After less than a month of siege, Fort Henry surrendered, and its garrison turned over control to the Arkevujay.

    When news of the capture of Fort Henry reached New Bristol, Governor Joseph Lockley was livid. The fall of an English fort to people that Lockley saw as 'savages' was simply unacceptable to him. He spent the winter scraping an army together, and insisted on leading the troops himself in the Spring. Lockley's small army of 300 men was made up mostly of militiamen who had previously fought against the Nipmuc and Pequot. Many of them were unaccustomed to fighting a disciplined adversary, and few were professional soldiers. Moreover, Lockley had neglected to make adequate logistical preparations, and had departed so early in the spring that the ice had still not melted from parts of the Kwinentukett River. Thus, Lockley's army was often forced to march ahead of the Wabanaki canoes that had been contracted to carry their supplies, and morale was very low by the time the English troops reached Fort Henry.

    Needless to say, the 1668 Battle of Fort Henry was a disaster for the English. Lockley only barely survived the battle himself, and was relieved of the governorship once news of his disgrace made it back to England. However, by this time, France had become embroiled in the War of the Darmstadt Succession, and the government in Coventry was in the processing of debating whether or not they should get involved. Going to war against the Kanatians in North America was seen as a way of taking advantage of France's distraction in Europe without having to commit to an all-out war with France. Thus, the new governor, William Spence, was sent to New England in the late months of 1668, accompanied by 500 professional soldiers, and was given the explicit task of taking not only Fort Henry but also Fort Josev, and, if possible, Hochelaga itself.

    Before the reader scoffs at how utterly implausible it would be for an army of 500 to take out Hochelaga itself, one must remember, that, at the time, the total fighting-age strength of the Arkevujay Warrior corps was likely no more than 5000. Even the Arkevujay headquarters in Hochelaga never contained a garrison of more than 500, and no Arkevujay fort was built to withstand artillery attack. Spence hoped that his force could recruit enough New English militiamen to outnumber the Arkevujay garrisons, and that its artillery could smash the Kanatian forts before reinforcements could be mustered.

    Spence, unlike Lockley, was acutely aware of the logistical limitations of New England, and was able to secure a better contingent of Wabanaki auxilliaries, and would send many of them ahead with supplies. The campaign of 1669 saw 800 men under Spences' command make it to the walls of Fort Henry, accompanied by a few small artillery pieces. After losing a battle against the English outside the walls, the Arkevujay decided to withdraw from Fort Henry, which was simply not equipped to withstand a siege.

    After the capture of Fort Henry, Spence would move on to his next target: Fort Josev. Fort Josev was larger than Fort Henry, and was capable of housing 500 defenders. However, it was built out of wood and was very vulnerable to artillery fire. After winning a number of small battles, Spence and his army made it to Fort Josev, where his cannon made short work of the walls. The Arkevujay were again forced to retreat, leaving both Fort Josev and Nouvelle Genève in English hands.

    However, before Spence could advance any farther than Nouvelle Genève, winter set in. The Kwinentukett River froze up, preventing supply canoes from making it upriver to Fort Henry. Thus, Spence was forced to feed his army by raiding the granaries of Nouvelle Genève, and employing his Wabanaki auxilliaries to hunt for food. The harsh Kanatian winter was demoralizing to many of Spences' soldiers, and Spence was forced to repeatedly loot Nouvelle Genève in order to find goods to trade to the Wabanaki for food. By the time spring came, most of the population of Nouvelle Genève had fled, and Spence found himself occupying an empty land.

    The spring of 1670 would see the Arkevujay strike back against Spences' forces with renewed vigour. An army of 2500 would be deployed to the St.-Joseph theatre. While the Arkevujay had lost almost every battle they had fought in 1669, this was largely because they were not used to fighting a better-equipped, more discipled enemy. They had spent the 1669-1670 winter preparing to fight the English, and had even secured French support in loaning them two artillery pieces complete with the crews to operate them.

    However, despite their improved morale and numerical superiority, it would take the Arkevujay three attempts to finally recapture Fort Josev. This was partly due to English tenacity in defending their position, and partly due to improvements that Spence had made to the fort over the winter. However, the Arkevujay troops attacking Fort Josev were also experiencing a shortage of powder at this time; the Arkevujay had not adequately prepared themselves to fight a disciplined, gunpower-armed enemy. It was largely this powder shortage which led the Kanatians to cease their advance once they took back Fort Josev, allowing Spence to withdraw to Fort Henry.

    The gunpowder shortage at the end of the Second Wabanaki War would be the beginning of a much longer period of general social upheaval. The war fought against Spences' English army was the first time that the Kanatian Arkevujay had fought even a small European force, and their gunpowder stores had not been adequately stocked to supply such a war effort. During the winter of 1669-1670, the Arkevujay were forced to step up gunpowder production which led to a need to procure additional raw materials, including manure. Throughout much of the winter, Arkevujay regiments would visit villages throughout the Amekwista Valley, demanding that they surrender their manure stores in return for freshly-minted pelt tokens.

    In the early spring of 1670, one sole village, Adewato, refused to turn over its manure stores, as the manure was needed to fertilize the fields before spring planting. In retaliation, the Arkevujay rounded up the Clan Mothers of the village and executed them before taking the manure anyways. This punishment for disobeying the Arkevujay was not unusual for the time, and had been practiced for decades. However, in Adewato, there was one Clan Mother who escaped punishment. Her name was Madeleine Avatreskvati, and she had taken refuge with the Magdalene Priestesses. Avatreskvati's writings - printed by the Huguenot printing presses and distributed by the Magdalene Priestesses - would inspire the 'Amekwista Revolts' which would eventually grow to give rise to the Kanatian Revolution. [4]

    By the summer of 1670, the Arekvujay leadership was willing to sit down and negotiate peace with the English. The Peace of Nouvelle Genève, signed by New France, New England, the Kanatian Arkevujay, and key leaders amongst the Wabanaki, would be the first peace negotiation in North America to include more than one colonial power as well as multiple Native leaders. According to the treaty, the boundary between the Arkevujay Empire and New England, like that between New England and New France, would run along the height of land between the St.-Joseph and Kwinentuckett watersheds. Thus, New England would be allowed to keep Fort Henry while the Arkevujay could keep Fort Josev.

    While the Peace of Nouvelle Genève would essentially restore the territorial status quo, the war itself had displaced the Huguenots who had previously settled in the area, meaning that the land now needed to be resettled. As had been done with other conquered lands, the Arkevujay settled the St.-Josev valley by inviting ambitious young women to become Clan Mothers of new villages to be founded in the new Jenev and Josev districts. [5] While some Huguenots would return to Nouvelle Genève, most would remain in the lands to which they had fled. Many would settle in 'Petite Rochelle' communities amongst the towns and cities of the Maisouna and Dekektare districts. Those Huguenots who had collaborated with the English occupiers (especially young women who had become entangled with English soliders) would go on to settle in the region now known as the 'French Hills' near Fort Henry. Even today, many of the oldest families in the French Hills can still trace their genealogy to Huguenots who fled from Nouvelle Genève during the Second Wabanaki War.

    As peace was returning to the St.-Joseph-Kwinentukett corridor, a greater calamity than war would befall Kanata. It was likely the arrival of English soldiers in Nouvelle Genève which had first introduced measles to Kanata. The new disease would spread like wildfire, reaching Maisouna and Hochelaga in 1570, Wendake by 1571, and Chikakwa in 1572. While the Red Sisterhood had taught the Kanatian people how to identify the early warning signs of smallpox infection, allowing the sick to be confined to hospital before they became contagious, measles spread too quickly for such a quarantine to be effective. Even when patients were confined to hospital, their sickness would simply spread to the Red Sisters, who had no immunity to the new disease. It was largely the consequences of this measles epidemic, together with the ongoing Amekwista Revolts, which would lead to the upheaval of the Kanatian Revolution… [6]






    (b) an excerpt from Europeans in America: A History of Colonization by Georges Hantero (Turtle)

    …In the early months of 1670, William Bourbon, King of England and the Netherlands, entered the War of the Darmstadt Succession by issuing a declaration of war against France. While much of the fighting between France and the Netherlands would be land-based fighting in Flanders and the Rhineland, the Anglo-French war would be largely fought at sea as the English and French fleets clashed with each other.

    To understand this naval conflict, and how it affected the North American colonies, it is important to understand the different natures of English and French naval forces at the time. England and the Netherlands both had larger merchant fleets than France, and most of their wartime naval capacity was drawn from their merchant fleets (either through the purchase or hiring of merchant ships by the Crown or through privateering). Both countries' principal naval antagonist for most of the 17th century had been Spain. The English and Dutch naval warfare against Spain had largely consisted of raids on the Spanish treasure convoys returning from the New World, and had largely been carried out by privateers. Neither England nor the Netherlands had had a need to invest in large purpose-built warships, as their plentiful merchant fleets could double as privateers in wartime. Thus, the few Crown-owned warships in England and the Netherlands were used mostly for coastal defence and naval confrontations in European waters, and few were truly capable of trans-Atlantic voyages.

    At the same time, the French, who had a much less extensive merchant fleet, had spent much of the 17th century investing in large galleons and other warships. These galleons, starting with the King Charles Galleons in the 1590s, were built with the explicit purpose of being able to mount offensive naval actions on both sides of the Atlantic. It was largely this war fleet which had enabled France to successfully capture New Valencia [OTL *Argentina and *Chile] from the Spanish, and which had secured Jamaïque and the other French holdings in the Caribbean. While both England and the Netherlands had more ships at their disposal than France, the only English and Dutch warships of the same quality and range as the French galleons were owned by the English and Dutch East India Companies, and were permanently stationed in the Indian Ocean. Neither the English nor the Dutch Royal treasuries could afford the aggressive shipbuilding programs undertaken by the French, as neither country had a tax base anywhere approaching that of France.

    This meant that, in the 1670s, the English and Dutch colonies in North America were quite vulnerable to French attack. While the merchants of New Bristol, New Amsterdam, and Sint Pieter were able to put together large enough defensive fleets to fend off French attacks, these same merchants were often unwilling to defend the smaller harbours where they had no commercial interests. Thus, French raids on the Narragansett District, New Groningen, and Van Hoorn went largely unopposed. The Robertsburgh Company of New Scotland found itself declaring neutrality in the ongoing war in order to prevent an attack by the French navy. [7]

    The only major naval battle lost by the French during this time was against the Danish fleet based out of Christiansborg in Danish Florida. [8] Denmark had put much of its income from sound tolls towards building a fleet of warships to rival that of France, and was the only European power at the time which could match France in terms of warship quality. The Danish were thus able to defeat the French on the seas, keeping French raids away from Danish Florida (and Southern New Netherlands). This meant that French raids would remain focused on New England in the North.

    One of the first attacks made by the French navy in 1670 was directed at the English port of New Calais [near OTL *Pictou, Nova Scotia], which lay in close proximity to the French naval base at Port Vert [near OTL *Souris, PEI]. After a quick battle, much of New Calais was set on fire, and the ships in the harbour were taken as prizes back to Port Vert. This devastating attack had infuriated the residents of what was to become the Calais District of New England, and soon a counterattack was organized. The next spring, while the French fleet was out patrolling the Cabot Strait, [9] a fleet of small fishing boats slipped through the Strait of Unamakik [OTL *Strait of Canso] and attacked Port Vert by surprise. While the attack was unable to penetrate the town or fortress guarding the harbour, the attackers did succeed at capturing a number of ships that lay at anchor, including three French galleons.

    The “fishermens' raid”, as this attack became known, was responsible for drawing French attention to the strategic importance of Unamakik Island [OTL *Cape Breton Island]. While France had recognized Unamakik as English territory since the end of the First Wabanaki War, they changed this position during the Second Wabanaki War, claiming that Unamakik (which they called 'Ile-St-Pierre') was one of the 'islands of the St. Lawrence Gulf' which had been assigned to France. [10] St. Peter's, [11] the only English settlement on Unamakik (from which Ile-St.-Pierre got its name), was destroyed by the French just before the end of the Second Wabnaki War. While England would get a chance to rebuild St. Peter's after the war, France would also build a settlement of their own, building a town on the banks of the Baie du Sable [OTL St Anns Bay, Cape Breton] which would go on to grow into the great French fortress of Colline-du-Roi.

    By the end of 1671, the War of the Darmstadt Succession had ended in Europe, and the North American colonies would return to a state of peace. The peace treaty signed in Europe said nothing about the colonial borders in North America, and thus no territory changed hands. However, the devastating French raids had forever altered the settlement patterns of the Protestant Colonies. Many who had lived along the shores of the smaller harbours instead retreated inland or relocated to the larger ports of New Bristol, New Amsterdam, and Sint Pieter. The many peninsulas and islands which protruded into the Atlantic were abandoned by European settlers, and many would soon become Reserves for the various Native nations which were being displaced from their lands. The vulnerability of sea-borne trade to French attack led to the construction of roads joining the various colonies, and the development of inland riverine trade routes. While coastal trade was still the norm in times of peace, these roads and rivers provided an extra measure of trade security, and allowed people to move more easily between the English and Dutch colonies. The most ambitious of these road projects was the Bristol-Burbon road which connected the Northern end of the Dutch river network at Fort Burbon with the New English capital at New Bristol.

    Thus the War of the Darmstadt Succession, while it had little direct impact on the colonial borders, would shape the development of the Protestant Colonies. In the history of the Protestant Colonies, the last quarter of the 17th century is often known as the 'conquest of the hinterland' when the focus of the colonial governments moved away from the founding of new far-flung opportunities to instead concentrate on developing the areas between and around the existing colonial centres. The 'conquest of the hinterland' is often described as a time of colonial expansion brought on by the economic successes and demographic grown of the colonies founded earlier in the century. However, critics of this sort of triumphalist historiography instead describe this period as a sort of 'flight to the hills' brought on by French naval raids…

    Footnotes:

    [1] Nouvelle Genève is only a “city” in its form of govenment. Its population is about 1500 and most of that population is engaged at least part-time in agriculture. However, due to frequent raids, the people of Nouvelle Genève don't live on isolated farms but clustered together in a palisaded village. They commute to and from their farms each day.

    [2] Remember, at the end of the First Wabenaki War, the boundary between New England and New France was set at the Baie de Chaleur and along the *St. Lawrence/Atlantic watershed divide. It roughly parallels the Southern border of OTL Québec. Many aspects of the border are as of yet undefined, but the disputed regions (mostly near the OTL Madawaska region) are of little importance to the colonizers. However, while the border between New France and New England (and the border between the Arkevujay Empire and New France) has been defined, that between the Arkevujay Empire and New England has not. The Arkevujay only really started thinking about defined borders recently.

    [3] This was the battle scene at the end of the last update.

    [4] More will be said about the period of unrest leading to revolution in a few updates.

    [5] The Jenev District is named after Nouvelle Genève, and contains the upper St.-Joseph (OTL *St.-François) valley in what is the OTL Eastern Townships of Québec. The Josev District is the remaining land between the Jenev District and the Maisouna and Dekektare Districts. The creation of these two districts has meant a loss of political autonomy for the Huguenots, although many of them still live in the area.

    [6] At this point, the Kanatians have gone remarkably long without a major epidemic. The Red Sisterhood has done a good job of keeping smallpox under control, but, again, their methods of quarantine once the first symptoms are detected only really works for smallpox and not other diseases because smallpox isn't infectious until the rash becomes visible. In fact, I don't really have a good reason why measles hadn't hit Kanata until now, except the excuse that it's too fast spreading to make it across the Atlantic (it spreads through the crew of a ship and burns itself out before the ship makes it across). There will be an update specifically about measles coming up soon.

    [7] Note that the Kingdom of Edinburgh, which has sovereignty over New Scotland, has not declared war on France while England and the Netherlands have. This is possible largely because William Bourbon, who is King by marriage in both England and Edinburgh, has the power to declare war in England but not in Edinburgh (for reasons discussed in an earlier update). Edinburgh wants to remain out of the war so it can safely bring New Scotland fish to market in Glasgow, and France, currently enjoying the privilege of unlimited fishing rights on the Grand Banks (earned by defending Robertsburgh in the 1620s) has not desire to antagonize Edinburgh. William himself has no need of the tiny bit of extra military capacity that the Kingdom of Edinburgh would provide, so is perfectly happy with this arrangement for now.

    [8] Yes, Denmark, Germany, England, and the Netherlands are all on the same side in this war. France's only allies are Portugal (which provides naval support and not much else) and the Grand Duchy of the Rhine (which is a French puppet anyways).

    [9] I'm guessing that this name predates the POD. If not, sorry for the convergence.

    [10] The treaty at the end of the First Wabenaki War had given 'the mainland South of Chaleur Bay' to England and 'the islands of the St. Lawrence Gulf' to France. At the time, the assumption had been that Unamakik/Cape Breton was not one of the 'islands of the St. Lawrence Gulf', but France has now come to dispute this position.

    [11] Recently, I learned that St. Peter's, Nova Scotia actually was a Portuguese settlement called 'Santo Pedro' around the time of the POD. It was abandoned OTL and TTL, but, in both cases, the name stuck.
     
    Update 60 - The First Rhineland War
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    Update 60 – The First Rhineland War



    The following is an excerpt from the book 17th Century Europe by Anton van der Meer.



    The First Rhineland War, also called the 'War of the Darmstadt Succession' began with the death of Landgrave Ludwig V of Hesse-Darmstadt in 1667. Ludwig, the sickly only child of Georg II (who had led Hesse-Darmstadt through the Second Schismatic War) was the last of the Hesse-Darmstadt line. Ludwig was likely infertile, probably due to an illness he had contracted in his youth. Whatever the reason, Ludwig's death meant the end of the Hesse-Darmstadt line.



    According to the traditions of the House of Hesse, the extinction of the Darmstadt line would mean that the lands of Hesse-Darmstadt would now be inherited by Landgrave Wilhelm VI of Hesse-Kassel, head of the last remaining branch of the House of Hesse. [1] However, there was one complication. Wilhelm VI was a Lutheran who, in the past, had advocated for the intervention of the Empire of the German Nation [2] in disputes within the Grand Duchy of the Rhine.While any land inherited by Wilhelm VI would remain a part of the Grand Duchy of the Rhine, the Grand Duke had such little power over his vassals that there was nothing to prevent Wilhelm VI from siding against Grand Duke Ludwig II in any future war.



    Ludwig II, Grand Duke of the Rhine, son of 'Ludwig the Great' who had lead Palatine armies to victory in the Second Schismatic War, was a fearful, suspicious man in many ways unlike his father. He had inherited a state which had been held together by his father's personality and reputation. Under Ludwig II, the vassals which had been staunch allies of his father had started looking for allies beyond the Grand Duchy's borders. Ludwig II was thus constantly suspicious of attempts by the Holy Roman or German Emperors to steal his vassals away from him. He had only been able to prevent such attempts in the past through his alliance with France, the largest and most powerful nation in Europe.



    With the inheritance of Hesse-Darmstadt by Hesse-Kassel, Grand Duke Ludwig became suspicious of the possibility that Wilhelm VI was just the vanguard of a Lutheran invasion of the Grand Duchy of the Rhine. Darmstadt itself was only a short distance down the Rhine valley from the Grand Ducal capital of Heidelberg, and Ludwig had purportedly had nightmares about Hessian troops marching up the Rhine from Darmstadt to destroy Heidelberg. In the end, Ludwig refused to recognize the inheritance of Hesse-Darmstadt by the Hesse-Kassel line, and instead decreed that, in the future, Grand Ducal lands could not fall by inheritance to heirs outside the Grand Duchy of the Rhine.



    This decree by Grand Duke Ludwig II wise widely condemned as overstepping Ludwig's powers as Grand Duke, and was seen by many as having no legal force. The controversy surrounding it was only made more complicated by the fact that the Grand Duchy of the Rhine had no written constitution, and had not been around long enough to have accumulated constitutional traditions. However, the decree was justified by an appeal to a Rationalist [3] argument that it was simply 'irrational' for Wilhelm to serve as vassal both to the Grand Duke of the Rhine as well as to the German Emperor, and that some other heir inside the Grand Duchy would need to be found.



    By 1668, it was clear that Ludwig's actions were going to lead to war. Landgrave Wilhelm had refused to vacate Darmstadt, and his neighbour Count Joachim of Nassau had agreed to come to his aid. Joachim was of the same Ascanian dynasty as Saxe-Lauenberg and Grand Duke Ludwig's decree had threatened the Ascanian family compact. [4] Ludwig had called on French troops to help put down his 'rebellious vassals', and Wilhelm and Joachim had in turn called upon the armies of the German Empire to support them.



    In July of 1668, a Franco-Rhenish army would enter the lands of Hesse-Darmstadt. Darmstadt itself would be quickly besieged and taken, giving Grand Duke Ludwig possession of the disputed capital. However, Landgrave Wilhelm had escaped with a good part of his army. The remainder of the 1668 campaign season would see the armies of Hesse and Nassau make a fighting retreat towards Kassel, drawing the Franco-Rhenish army to the border between the two halves of the Landgravate of Hesse. The hope was that if the Franco-Rhenish army crossed into the territory of the German Empire, the army of the German Empire could come to the aid of the two fugitive Princes.



    At first the commander of the Franco-Rhenish army (François de Gondi-Retz, the Marquis de Belle-Isle) refused to take the bait. However, Grand Duke Ludwig had had difficulty maintaining order in the occupied territories, as the people of Hesse-Darmstadt still saw the fugitive Wilhelm as their rightful Prince. Thus, after much pressure from Grand Duke Ludwig, Belle-Isle relented and ordered the army to cross the border into the Empire of the German Nation. After all, France was willing to risk a war against the German Empire as many in France felt it was a war they could easily win.



    The 'Kassel Campaign', as the 1669 phase of the war was called, saw the Franco-Rhenish army steadily advance towards the city of Kassel, capital of Landgrave Wilhelm. While their advance was opposed by an army led by Elector Augustus of Brunswick-Lüneberg, Augustus' forces proved insufficient to stop the Franco-Rhenish advance. In June, Augustus tried to make a valiant stand in the Battle of Edertal. The battle, while it was a victory for the French, would go on to give Augustus a reputation as a brilliant general, as he was able to inflict twice as many casualties on his enemy as he took himself. However, despite Augustus' attempts, the city of Kassel itself would be under siege by mid-July, and the Augustus' army would retreat across the Weser to await reinforcements.



    While many historians have described the Kassel Campaign as a threat aimed at the very existence of the Empire of the German Nation, this description is more sensationalism than objective fact. The Franco-Rhenish had limited war aims, intending only to force Landgrave Wilhelm to sign away his rights to Hesse-Darmstadt. There was never any plans for the Franco-Rhenish army to cross the Weser themselves, as the Marquis de Belle-Isle was acutely aware of the limitations of the long supply lines stretching from France to Kassel through the narrow corridor of Hesse. However, there was much fear at the time amongst France's rivals that the Kassel Campaign would result in a repeat of the Second Schismatic War, and France would break off another chunk of Germany to form into a brand new Grand Ducal puppet. [5]



    While this was not apparent to foreign observers at the time, the German Empire would have been easily able to defeat any French advance beyond Kassel. The army under Elector Augustus which had been defeated by the Marquis de Belle-Isle was only a small part of the German Empire's defensive forces. Under agreements that had been reached in the 1660s, the German Empire was divided into five 'circles' (and the 'unencircled lands' of Silesia and Lusatia), which would each have an army of its own led by one of the five Electors. [6] Each circle had responsibility to defend a different portion of the border, with the Weserland Circle, under the leadership of the Elector of Brunswick-Lüneberg, having responsibility for the border with the Grand Duchy of the Rhine. While the Weserland Circle's portion of the German army was not sufficient to fend off French attack, reinforcements would soon be arriving from the other Circles of the Empire and from the armies of the German Emperor himself, the aging Frederick of Denmark.



    However, during the summer of 1669, while Kassel was under siege, the Hapsburg and Bourbon powers began contemplating intervention in the ongoing conflict. The Spanish Hapsburgs had little interest in entangling themselves in German affairs, although were willing to go to war alongside their Austrian allies. The Austrian Hapsburgs themselves were busy with ongoing conflicts in the Balkans, and had no interest in preventing a collapse of the German Empire (as such a collapse would be a ripe opportunity for the reunification of the Holy Roman Empire under Austria). Thus, if anyone was to intervene, it would seem that it would have to be King William of England, the Netherlands, and Edinburgh.



    King William's mother had been a French princess, and his father had always been a close ally of France. William had been brought up to think of the Spanish as the greatest threat to the liberty of the Netherlands, and to think of the French as the protector of the Dutch against Spanish aggression. After all, it had been the French who had won the Navarro-Spanish War, and who had destroyed the Spanish Netherlands. At the end of the Navarro-Spanish War, the French presence in Flanders had been seen as a benefit to the Netherlands as it provided a guarantee of French aid against any Spanish attempt to reconquer the Netherlands.



    However, since the end of the Second Schismatic War, relations between France and the Netherlands had only grown more tense. With the destruction of the Spanish Netherlands, Flanders was no longer a vulnerable French possession, but was instead a threat aimed at direct at the heart of the Netherlands. Antwerp, still the Netherlands' largest city (although no longer the richest), and the seat of the Dutch States-General, lay just across the river from the French Netherlands. In the 1650s, the Dutch began making offers to purchase Northeastern Flanders from France in order to secure Antwerp against attack. Offers of money were turned down by France, as was a generous offer by the Netherlands to turn over the Duchy of Jülich to France. It was largely French refusal to part with Northeast Flanders that led to the breakdown of the Franco-Dutch alliance in the late 1650s.



    In the 1660s, the strengthening of the Anglo-Dutch alliance into a personal union meant that it was now conceivable that the Netherlands could acquire Northeastern Flanders via warfare. Almost immediately after William Bourbon's coronation as King of England, English and Dutch generals began drawing up plans for an invasion of Flanders. While the Netherlands had the most to gain from the planned war with France, it was actually England which was more eager to begin the attack, [7] as England had little to lose while the Netherlands could face a potential French occupation of Antwerp.



    Thus, even with War of the Darmstadt Succession already underway in Hesse, the Dutch States-General was reluctant to support a war. However, as England was already ready to commit to a conflict, King William and the English government began a strategy to provoke a French declaration of war on England. The idea was that if France declared war first, it would force the Dutch States-General to come to the aid of their ally. In 1668, English troops were sent to the North American colonies, ships of the London East India Company were encouraged to attack Portuguese possessions in the East, and English financial aid was given to Moroccan rebels (who were in turn backed by France's ally in Portugal). The hope was that an attack on French allies would either allow England to expand its overseas holdings without penalty or would force France to come to its allies' aid.



    However, it would not be France in the end that would declare war on England, but the Dutch States-General which would eventually come around to support a declaration of war against France. The key motivating factor were a series of documents smuggled out of Paris in late 1669 by spies working for King William. These documents contained plans for a new fortress to be built at Terneuzen in North Flanders. Terneuzen, located along the Lower Scheldt downriver from Antwerp, was of little use to the French except as a choke point to cut off trade to Antwerp. The threat of a real fortress at Terneuzen forced the Dutch States-General to act and to try to take Terneuzen before any fort could be built.



    Thus, in March of 1670, both England and the Netherlands simultaneously issued declarations of war against France. The Dutch armies crossed the Scheldt just South of Antwerp, and began marching downriver, securing the old Spanish forts along the riverbank. Meanwhile, English ships would land troops in Ostend from where they would attack Bruges. By June, French garrisons had been forced to retreat from North Flanders, and were stuck desperately defending Ghent against both English in the West and Dutch in the East. While the French had been prepared for an attack by the Dutch, they hadn't adequately prepared for a simultaneous English assault from the sea.



    When the attack on Flanders had begun, Landgrave Wilhelm of Hesse-Kassel and Count Joachim of Nassau had been prepared to negotiate peace with France. By this time, both their lands were under occupation by the Franco-Rhenish army, and the attempted German counterattack in the fall had failed. While German Emperor Frederick was determined to continue the war for the time being, Landgrave Wilhelm had begun to feel that he had nothing to gain and everything to lose from a continued conflict. He was prepared to give up his claim to Hesse-Darmstadt in exchange for a Franco-Rhenish withdrawal from Hesse-Kassel, and the only sticking point in negotiations was the fate of the County of Nassau.



    However, when news of the Anglo-Dutch intervention reached Hesse, Wilhelm and Joachim immediately pulled out of the ongoing negotiations and began petitioning the Dutch to intervene directly in Hesse. In July of 1670, a Dutch army crossed the border and entered the Grand Duchy of the Rhine, claiming to defend the rights of Hesse-Kassel and Nassau against the tyranny of the Grand Duke. By the end of the summer, the French army in Hesse, like that in Flanders, was fighting on two fronts, and had its supply lines threatened. By the fall of 1670, France had abandoned Kassel, and the County of Nassau was home to a Dutch army. The German army, under Elector Augustus of Lüneberg, had crossed back over the Weser, and had retaken almost all of Hesse-Kassel.



    The war in the North had gone similarly poorly for the French. While a French counterattack directed at Liège and Southern Brabant had succeeded at capturing a number of border forts, it hadn't made a deep enough advance to threaten the Dutch heartland. Meanwhile Ghent had fallen and the combined forces of England and the Netherlands had advanced farther and farther South. The Dutch-speaking population of Northern Flanders largely welcomed the occupiers, although French-speaking cities like Lille and Tournai [8] continued to hold out. By the time the armies retired to winter quarters, almost all of Flanders was under Anglo-Dutch occupation.



    While 1669 had gone in France's favour, and 1670 had seen a reversal against France, France began to turn the tide again in the early months of 1671. The Anglo-Dutch army was defeated in a large battle outside of Lille which not only stopped the Anglo-Dutch advance, but cost thousands of casualties amongst the Bourbon allies. While the German army continued to advance into Hesse-Darmstadt, they were unable to take Frankfurt and cross the Main, and so were unable to advance as far as the City of Darmstadt itself. Meanwhile, French forces advanced deeper into Liège and Brabant and King William decided it was time to make peace.



    As a truce was made and peace negotiations began, it became clear that the peace treaty would align itself rather closely with the state of affairs on the ground. The Northern part of Hesse-Darmstadt North of Frankfurt would go to Landgrave Wilhelm while the City of Darmstadt itself would go to Grand Duke Ludwig. The Northern, Dutch-speaking part of Flanders would be annexed to the Netherlands while the Bourbon allies would withdraw from French-speaking Southern Flanders. The Bishopric of Liége and French Namur, which each held enclaves within the other's territory, would exchange a number of these enclaves in order to 'rationalize' their mutual borders. [9]



    One of the most important results of the end of the War of the Darmstadt Succession was the transfer of the Landgravate of Hesse-Darmstadt (at least the part of it inherited by Hesse-Kassel) and the County of Nassau from the Grand Duchy of the Rhine to the German Empire. At first these two Princes would find themselves under the Elector of Lüneberg in the Weserland Circle. However, when Emperor Frederick would finally pass on in 1674, he would be replaced by Elector Augustus of Lüneberg, who had led the German armies to victory. Augustus would detach Hesse and Nassau from the Weserland Circle and would grant them the new status of 'Crown Vassals' to be overseen and taxed not by any particular Elector but by whomever currently held the office of German Emperor. [10]



    The precedent set by Nassau and Hesse meant that Princes in the Grand Duchy of the Rhine began to no longer trust their Grand Duke to protect them. Many began to form alliances with outside powers: the Free City of Frankfurt formed a loose alliance with the German Empire, East Lorraine [11] and the Archbishopric of Trier sought French protection, Luxembourg [12] became an ally of the Netherlands and England, and the Archbishop of Mainz came under Austrian influence. Grand Duke Ludwig, while he had enlarged his own demesne through the capture of Darmstadt, found himself more powerless than ever, serving only as a figurehead.



    England was the only major belligerent in the anti-French alliance who found herself without major gains. While King William had made no specific promises to the English Parliament in order to convince them to support the war effort, communication between Parliament and the Dutch States-General had made it clear that England would be granted gains 'in the colonies' to offset the Dutch gains in Flanders. At first, the hope had been that the English army would win great gains against New France and Kanata in North America, although, by 1670, it was clear that no such gains would take place. Instead, the Dutch offered a number of small concessions to placate the English.



    In North America, England would gain claim to all of the West Bank of the Kwinentuckett River North of 43°N latitude. This region was under de facto English control anyways (as it was North of the Northernmost settlements of New Groningen, and reasonably close to the English outpost at Fort Henry), but the de jure change of ownership made it easier for New England to settle the region. The Port of Ostend, which lay at the Western edge of Northern Flanders was transfered from Dutch to English control to give England a forward base on the mainland for future wars against France. In the Caribbean, the islands of St. Vincent and Angelsblade [OTL *St Lucia] (at the time still known by its orginal Dutch name 'Engelsplaad') were given to England.



    This last transfer proved later to be quite controversial, as the Amsterdam West India Company had recently purchased both islands from their original private owners. [13] While the transfer of the islands to English sovereignty didn't require the West India Company to surrender ownership of the land itself, the West India Company lost their trade monopoly with the islands. This meant that English and Dutch ships were now in competition for the islands' sugar trade. Both fleets saw the others' activities as illegal smuggling, and the two fleets soon began to engage in open combat. King Williams' attempt to end the 'St. Vincent War' by buying out the West India Company's property on the island were met only with hostility by the Amsterdam merchants who controlled the company. The resulting tension (together with a perception that William's policy choices during the War of the Darmstadt Succession had favoured Brabant and Flanders over Holland and Zeeland) would go on to become one of the main causes of the Dutch Civil War.



    Despite the tensions and sources of instability that still remained, Europe after the War of the Darmstadt Succession was generally more at ease than it had been before the war. While before the war, France's neighbours had been fearful of her growing power, after the war, these same countries felt confident that they could defeat France again if they stood together against her. At the same time, France herself began to feel less diplomatically isolated, and began to build ties with Denmark and Brandenburg. The Germano-Danish bloc, having gained substantially from the war, began to display confidence in the face of their three more powerful rival blocs. It wouldn't be until the late 1680s that tensions would again begin to rise and the Dutch Civil War would begin the spiral down into the Second Rhineland War.



    Footnotes:

    [1] There was a reference a while ago to 'two of the three Hesses' implying that in the 1620s Hesse was divided in three rather than just in two. The third of these ATL branches (which didn't exist OTL), which I declined to name, died out in the 1630s, and now Hesse-Darmstadt has also gone extinct.

    [2] It's not explicitly mentioned here, but you might recall that, at the end of the Second Schismatic War, Hesse-Darmstadt became part of the Grand Duchy of the Rhine while Hesse-Kassel became part of the Empire of the German Nation.

    [3] Remember, TTL's 'Rationalism' is highly political unlike that of OTL's Descartes et al, and demands a 'rationalization' of international borders to form 'medium-sized countries'.

    [4] The idea is that Saxe-Lauenberg and Nassau is each supposed to be heir to the other's lands. This agreement is what is threatened by Grand Duke Ludwig's decree.

    [5] 'WI: Grand Duchy of the Weser' is a favourite topic on TTL's version of AH.com.

    [6] If you're curious: the King of Denmark (also Elector of Silesia) has responsibility for the Low Saxon Circle and the border with the Netherlands, the Elector of Mecklenburg has responsibility for the Mecklenburger Circle and defence of the Baltic Sea coast, the Elector of Brandenburg has responsibility for the Brandenburger Circle and the border with Poland, the Elector of Saxony has responsibility for the High Saxon Cricle and the border with the Holy Roman Empire, and, lastly, the Elector of Lüneberg has responsibility for the Weserland Circle and the border with the Grand Duchy of the Rhine.

    [7] England has gone nearly two generations without a 'proper' war, as the Supplicant War in Scotland was mostly won by the Supplicant Militias before England even entered the war, and England had almost no involvement in the Second Schismatic War. The Spanish occupation of London is now a distant memory, and the English feel that the France can be kicked out of Flanders as easily as the Spanish were kicked out of Dublin.

    [8] Yes, Lille and Tournai were both part of Flanders at the time of the POD, and are still parts of Flanders at this point in time in TTL. If anything, the term 'Flanders' in TTL will wind up including Artois and Hainaut (which were also, at one point, French territories under the Holy Roman Empire) unlike OTL where it includes large parts of Northern Brabant.

    [9] I haven't shown any of these enclaves on my maps, but they're there as the Namur/Liége boundary hasn't changed since the POD.

    [10] The constitutional structure of TTL's German Empire is starting to diverge significantly from OTL's HRE. In some ways, TTL's 'German mediatization' already occurred during the Second Schismatic War and immediately after whereby the five Electors increased their own power over the other Princes in their respective circles. The creation of 'Crown Vassals' is in sense a re-granting of Imperial Immediacy while being careful to make sure that these 'Crown Vassals' don't have any more rights than 'Circle Vassals'. The idea is that the power the Electors have over their respective 'Circle Vassals' is exactly the same power the Emperor has over the 'Crown Vassals'.

    [11] Remember East Lorraine was the consolation prize granted to the House of Hohezollern-Ansbach after they were ousted from Ansbach proper.

    [12] Again, Luxembourg is now the headquarters of the House of Württemberg, which has become the most successful of the dynasties uprooted by the Second Schismatic War.

    [13] See the Caribbean portions of the 'Fracture of New Spain' update.
     
    Update 61 - the Balkan Conflagration
  • Update 61 – The Balkan Conflagration

    The following is an excerpt from the book 17th Century Europe by Anton van der Meer.

    The time period from the late 1650s to the late 1670s is a time known as 'the Conflagration' by Balkan historians. This time period saw almost continuous fighting from Albania to Crimea in the border territories between the fragmenting Ottoman Empire and the expanding Austrian [1] and Russian Empires. While some historians treat the Rumelian Civil War, the ongoing Carpathian Wars, and the First Crimean War as separate conflicts, I feel that the multifaceted nature of these conflicts make them best understood as part of a wider Conflagration period.

    While each individual conflict of the Conflagration had its own immediate cause, part of the reason that these individual conflicts gave rise to wider wars was the weakness of the Ottoman Empire following the conclusion of its civil war. The newly-reformed Ottoman Empire had its capital in Alexandria, far form the Balkans, and its governor in Constantinople was hard pressed just to maintain order in Western Anatolia and Thrace. Thus, the Principality of Rumelia and the Khanate of Crimea, while still vassals of the larger Ottoman Empire, were largely left to fend for themselves. Military aid from the Ottoman Empire, which would have come quickly in past centuries, was often too slow to arrive, meaning that Rumelia and Crimea became easy targets for Austrian and Russian expansion.

    While Venice, Persia, and Franco-Portuguese North Africa had taken advantage of the Ottoman Civil War itself to expand their borders, Russia and Austria had both been distracted for much of this time. Austria had been busy fighting the Schismatic Wars in Germany while Russia had been busy in its many wars against Poland. It was only in the 1650s that both these states of distraction would end and Austria and Russia would ready themselves to act against the Ottoman Vassals.

    The First Crimean War

    With the death of Tsar Feodor II in 1651 and the succession of his son as Tsar Boris I, a new era in Russo-Polish relations was born. Feodor II had been obsessed with Russia's irredentist claims to much of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, and had spent his life pursuing his vendetta against King Jan of Poland (who, after all, had been responsible for the death of Feodor's father, Boris Godunov). Boris Godunov’s grandson, also named Boris, had little interest in another war aimed at Smolensk, and spent the first years of his reign building a lasting peace with the Polish-Lithuanian Union. Marital alliances were pursued, with two of Boris' own daughters betrothed to the eldest sons of Grand Duke Vladislav of Ruthenia and Grand Duke Mykolas of Lithuania.

    Every since the rule of Tsar Feodor had established the presence of Cossacks at the court in Moscow, the ongoing conflict between the Cossacks and the Khanate of Crimea had become well-known. The Cossacks of the steppe had long been subject to Tatar raids, and had responded with raids of their own. However, until the end of the Russian Civil War, the Cossacks had been unable to obtain an alliance with a state capable of defending them from the. During the reign of Feodor II, Moscow had financed the construction of a number of fortresses in Cossack territory, securing trade routes along the upper reaches of the Dnieper and Don Rivers. However, the mouths of the Dnieper and Don still lay in Tatar-controlled lands, and thus were often unsafe for shipping.

    In 1655, Tsar Boris began a series of conferences attended by representatives of Russia, Ruthenia, Poland, Lithuania, and the Cossack leaders. In these conferences a plan was drawn up to finally oust the Tatars from the Steppe, securing access to the Black Sea for both Russia and the Polish-Lithuanian Union. The Cossacks would get an end to Tatar raids and the protection of Russian and Polish-Lithuanian garrisons. In exchange, the Cossacks would have to accept Russian and Ruthenian suzerainty, and pay taxes to Moscow or Kiev. It was the last point, necessary for the financing of the upcoming war, which would prove most controversial, and it would take the Cossack leaders three long years to come to trust the Russians and Ruthenians enough to believe that an end to independence would not mean a return to serfdom.

    Thus, in 1659, the First Crimean War would begin as Russian and Ruthenian armies would advance South along the Dnieper and Don Rives, flanked by hosts of Cossack horsemen. While these armies could easily defeat the Tatar hordes in a pitched battle, the Tatars knew this well, and refused to meet the armies in battle. Instead, the Khanate's cavalry would attack the allies' supply lines, hoping to cut off the armies from their stocks of food and ammunition. Thus, the First Crimean War would not be a quick victory, but would drag on for years as the Russians and Ruthenians were forced to built forts to defend their supply lines and secure crossings of the Dnieper and Don before they could advance farther South.

    Thus, it would not be until 1662 that the Russians would take the fortress of Azov, securing the mouth of the Don, and not until 1665 that they would reach their ultimate goal: the Isthmus of Perekop. The hope was that, if the allies could secure control of Perekop, they could cut off the Crimean homeland of the Tatars from the mainland Steppe, ending raids once and for all. Perekop was a very difficult fortress to besiege, as it could be resupplied both by land from the Crimean peninsula, and by sea by the Ottoman Navy. However, Tsar Boris knew that Perekop was all that stood between him and control of the Steppe and thus put everything Russia had into the siege.

    If the Ottoman Empire had responded to calls for help from Crimea quickly and in greater force, there is a chance that Perekop would have never fallen. After all, the Russian assault on the fortress only succeeded because they defenders had run out of gunpowder. The Sultan in Alexandria, while willing to send Ottoman ships to resupply Perekop, had neglected to send a large enough fleet, or to stock it with sufficient ammunition for the year-long siege. While the first fleet returned to Constantinople with a more urgent plea for help, the second fleet sent to Perekop would not arrive before the fortress had fallen.

    The fall of Perekop, while it would mark the end of the allies' southward advance, would not yet end the fighting on the Steppe. Hundreds of thousands of Tatars remained North of Perekop on the Black Sea Steppe. Those Tatars who were settled in villages and towns were largely allowed to remain in place, provided they lay down their arms and submitted themselves to the Cossacks. The nomadic Tatar cattle-breeders, on the other hand, were all potential raiders, and Cossack cavalry was dispatched to hunt them down and confiscate their horses and herds. Their reduction to the status of outlaws drove many of these Tatar horsemen to abandon their herds and increase their raiding activity. The period from the late 1660s to early 1680s, known as the 'Taming of the Steppe' in Russian historiography, saw massive amounts of destruction as desperate Tatar horsemen looted the countryside.

    The ‘Taming of the Steppe’ would see Cossack leaders maintain much of the responsibility for local affairs, as Steppe lands would be divided into three Cossack Hetmantates. The Dnieper Hetmantate along the Eastern bank of the Dnieper River would be secured from Tatar raids by the capture of Perekop, and would go on to become a productive agricultural region. The Don Hetmantate would see itself in continued conflict with the Lesser Nogai Horde South of Azov, although the land North of the Lower Don would be safe for agricultural development. Those Cossacks who wished to continue raiding rather than settle down and farm would largely migrate East and form the Caspian Hetmantate around Astrakhan. It would be these Eastern Cossacks who would take part in Russia’s Eastward expansion across the Eurasian Steppe.

    The Russian state was only able to maintain its fragile control over the Steppe through its network of forts stretching down the Dnieper and Don Rivers to the sea, preventing Tatar horsemen from escaping the Black Sea Steppe. Despite these forts, and despite the bands of roaming Cossacks, many Tatars did escape. Those who crossed the Don would go on to join the Lesser Nogai Horde who dwelt between the Don River and the Caucausus Moutains, and were still outside of Russian control. Those who crossed the Dnieper crossed into what was now nominally Ruthenian territory, although, the Grand Duchy of Ruthenia, unlike Russia, had much more difficulty maintaining order. This was largely due to the fact that the Cossacks of the Steppe were loyal to Russia and willing to enforce the laws of the Russian state, while Ruthenia was still seen as an embodiment of the institution of serfdom from which many of the Cossacks had fled. [2]

    These Tatars who crossed the Dnieper soon found an ally with the Ottoman garrison at Vozia [OTL Ochakiv] on the Black Sea coast. Vozia was one of the few Ottoman fortresses too far North to have been swept up by the tide of the Rum Army that had taken control of the Silistrian Coast. In 1666, when the second Ottoman fleet sent to resupply Perekop found the fortress in Russian hands, it was to Vozia that the fleet was redirected. Thus, Vozia had put up stiffer than expected resistance to the Ruthenian army sent to besiege it, and Ruthenia had been forced to retreat rather than take the fortress. This gave the Ottomans control of the coast, and gave a place for the Tatars to seek refuge. While the Ruthenian state would firmly establish its authority in the land between the Dnieper and the [Southern] Bug, the coastal lands West of the Bug would become the home of the newly-formed Horde of Vozia which would raid both North into Ruthenia, West into Moldavia, and South into Wallachia. The Horde of Vozia would be responsible for much of the destruction of the later half of the Balkan Conflagration.

    The Carpathian Wars

    Before we talk about the Horde of Vozia's effects on the Balkan theatre, we need to discuss what was happening already in the Balkans in the 1650s and 1660s. Since the 'Wallachian War' of the 1630s had destroyed the native leadership, Wallachia had been divided between zones of Transylvanian and Moldavian occupation. While this occupation had at first been welcomed by the Christian Wallachians (who had welcomed their fellow Christians over the previous Ottoman occupiers [3]), over the decades since then, the Wallachians had become resentful of the occupying forces. This resentment was strongest in the Transylvanian zone of occupation where the Orthodox population was subject to Catholic and Protestant overlords, and where Hungarians, Saxons, and Szeklers were granted representation in the Transylvanian diet while the Orthodox Wallachians were not.

    Transylvania, at the same time, was engaged in a struggle with Hapsburg Hungary, which was attempting to reassert its suzerainty over Transylvania and reinforce Catholicism on the Transylvanian populace. Beginning in the early 1650s, Emperor Karl VI began to crack down on Transylvanian religious freedom, provoking a number of revolts which would soon grow into full-scale war. It was in 1657 that Prince Stephen Bathory II of Transylvania first rose in open revolt in defence of his Protestant subjects against the policies of Karl VI. This Transylvanian Revolt would open a new phase of the Carpathian Wars (of which the last phase was the Wallachian War) and would begin the descent of the Carpathian Principalities into Conflagration.

    In order to support its war against Hapsburg Hungary, Transylvania would raise taxes, and levy soldiers not only from Transylvania itself, but also from occupied Wallachia. This provoked the anger of a number of Wallachian boyars, who soon rose in revolt against Transylvania. However, these boyars on their own did not have the resources to recruit a large enough army to fight the Transylvanians. While an offer of alliance was made to Hapsburg Hungary, it was not Hungary but Rumelia that was the first to come to the aid of the Wallachian rebels. In 1659, Prince Ioannes Palaiologos of Rumelia would capture Curtea de Arges (the capital of Transylvanian-occupied Upper Wallachia) and would be elected the new Prince of Wallachia by the rebel Boyars.

    Soon after expelling the Transylvanians from Upper Wallachia, Ioannes Palaiologos came to realize that he could only legitimately claim to be Prince of Wallachia if he also fought to expel the Moldavians from Lower Wallachia. Thus, in 1660, the Prince of Rumelia would declare war on Moldavia and begin a campaign directed at liberating Tergoviste. While the liberation of Upper Wallachia had been quick and easy, Ioannes Palaiologos would face a bigger struggle in Lower Wallachia. The people of Lower Wallachia hadn't faced the same repression under the Moldavians as Upper Wallachia had under the Transylvanians, and Moldavia wasn't engaged in a war with one of Europe's Great Powers as Transylvania was with the Austrian Empire. Thus, while the newly-crowned Prince of Wallachia would be able to capture Bucuresti and the Northern bank of the Danube, he would be unable to make headway against the Moldavians who still held Tergoviste. Tergoviste was particularly important, as it had served as capital prior to the division of Wallachia in the 1630s, and Ioannes' legitimacy as Prince of all of Wallachia would require capture of the city.

    Before we continue on with the liberation of Lower Wallachia, it will be important to discuss the internal politics of the Principality of Rumelia. The Principality of Rumelia had arisen as a rebellion of the Christian Rum Army against the Ottoman Empire, and thus had little political or administrative tradition to draw upon. While the Millet system of the Ottoman Empire had given a Christian legal tradition for Rumelia to draw upon, Christians had never been part of the political or administrative hierarchy of the Ottoman Empire. Thus, the Principality of Rumelia was led by those generals who had risen through the ranks of the Rum Army, with each general ruling as warlord over a district of the Principality of Rumelia. The result was a state which was only held together by the reputation of Ioannes Palaiologos as the leader who had liberated the Christians from Muslim rule.

    The decade and a half between the end of the Ottoman Civil War and Ioannes' crowning as Prince of Wallachia had been a time of stagnation and instability in the Principality of Rumelia. The warlords had had difficulty adjusting to peacetime, and many had felt the need to win further victories in order to stay in power. Thus, the warlords of Serbia and Albania would make raids against Venice and the Janissaries of Greater Bosnia, and those in Macedonia would attempt a reconquest of Ottoman Greece. Prince Ioannes, who had become a vassal of the Ottoman Empire, would be forced to come to the Ottomans' aid against his own subordinates in Macedonia, although, in exchange, the Ottomans provided Ioannes with aid against rebellions by other discontented warlords. While Ioannes was able to maintain his own position at the top of the hierarchy of warlords, his position was never secure. There was no time in the 1640s or 1650s when there was not an ongoing revolt or minor war between the various warlords.

    To a large extent, Ioannes' war in Wallachia had been an attempt to unify the warlords behind him by giving them a common enemy and the prospects for new conquests. However, by 1661, many warlords had become disillusioned with this new war, as Lower Wallachia was proving difficult to conquer. The warlords had begun demanding a piece of newly-conquered land, and Ioannes was unwilling to confiscate the lands of the Upper Wallachian Boyars who had invited him in. However, before a fresh revolt could break out, the aging Ioannes would suffer a heart attack in the middle of a battle. The founder of the Principality of Rumelia and liberator of Upper Wallachia would be dead within days.

    The Rumelian Civil War

    As news of the death of Ioannes Palaiologos spread throughout Rumelia, various contenders would enter the competition to become the next Prince of Rumelia. Ioannes' chosen heir, his son Petar Palaiologos (who is known by the Serbian rather than Greek form of his name), was still a teenager, and was ruling in Sofia in Ioannes' stead rather than accompanying his father on campaign. While Sofia remained loyal to young Petar, the garrison in Sofia was no match for the warlord armies which would soon besiege the Rumelian capital, and young Petar would wind up as a puppet of the other players in the Rumelian Civil War.

    The various warlords, eager to seize the Rumelian throne for themselves, would soon divide themselves into factions along ethnic lines. The Bulgarian faction, led by a warlord by the name of Georgi Marinov was the most powerful, as it controlled not only Bulgaria proper, but also Silistria stretching along the Black Sea coast. The Serbian faction was the second-most powerful, and was led by the warlord Mihailo Rajic who made his captial in the city of Nis. The other ethnic factions were the Albanian faction led by the Catholic warlord Pjetër Buzuku and the Macedonian faction led by the ethnically Greek Alexios Drakos. [4]

    Caught in between the various factions was Ioannes Palaiologos' army in Wallachia, which had been made deliberately ethnically diverse. Ioannes had also been careful not to keep ambitious men close to him, and thus none of the generals left in charge of his army made a claim for the Rumelian throne. At first, these generals organized themselves into a 'Regency Council' and claimed to command the army in the name of young Petar Palaiologos. However, as Sofia came under siege first by the Bulgarian and then by the Serbian faction, it became clear that Petar was in no position to take command of the army which remained loyal to his name.

    Instead, the 'Regency Council' decided to take matters into their own hands a build a power base for themselves in occupied Wallachia. Constantin Grabovan, a Vlach general originally from Macedonia, was soon elected as the new Prince of Wallachia by the Upper Wallachian Boyars. Grabovan was not only a prominent member of the Regency Council, but had also been chosen by Ioannes Palaiologos to be the liason between the Rumelian army and the Wallachian Boyars, and thus had a good rapport with the Upper Wallachians.

    While the Bulgarian and Serbian factions were busy fighting over who would complete the siege of Sofia, Constantin Grabovan would be recruiting a new army from amongst the people of Upper Wallachia and would lead them in an invasion of Silistria [5]. Prince Constantin I (as he would later be known) aimed to take control of territories that Wallachia hadn't held for centuries, and in doing so, bring himself the legitimacy necessary to win over the loyalty of the boyars of Lower Wallachia. Constantin's plan was not to intervene in the fighting between the Bulgarian and Serbian factions until the two sides had worn each other out and Constantin could use Wallachia as a power base from which to retake Rumelia.

    The City of Sofia would fall in 1664 to the armies of the Serbian faction, but would be taken again by the Bulgarian faction in 1665. While the Bulgarian armies would remain in control of Sofia for the rest of the Rumelian Civil War, they would find that Petar Palaiologos had already been taken back to Nis, where he was being held by Mihailo Rajic. By 1667, it was clear to most observers that the Bulgarian faction would end up on top, and Georgi Marinov was finally recognized by the Ottoman Empire as the rightful Prince of Rumelia. Before this point, it had actually been the Macedonian faction which had had the support of the Sublime Porte, as the Macedonian messenger had been the first to reach the Ottoman shiklet network [6] at Salonika, and thus his message had been the first to reach the Sultan.

    The recognition of Georgi Marinov as the new Prince of Rumelia would lead the remaining factions to unite against him. However, Marinov himself was not without allies, and had promised the port of Durrës to Venice if they would fund a Bosnian invasion of Serbia and Albania. The last holdouts of the Macedonian faction would fall in 1668, and the Albanian faction would soon follow in 1670. However, by this time, a new player would enter the scene: the Austrian Empire.

    The Austrian Intervention

    Hapsburg Hungary had already been involved in the Carpathian wars since their 1650s battle against Transylvania. By the time Ioannes Palaiologos had declared war on Moldavia, Transylvania had already submitted to Hungary, and Catholicism had been reimposed throughout the Principality. Even then, an understanding had been reached between Prince Ioannes and the government of Hungary that they shared a common enemy in the Prince of Transylvania. However, as Ioannes, as Prince of Rumelia, was still a vassal of the Ottoman Empire, a full-fledged alliance couldn't be made.

    With Ioannes' death, and with the rise of Prince Constantin I Grabovan to power in Wallachia, however, a new alliance could be negotiated. Constantin promised Hapsburg suzerainty over any captured lands in Rumelia, and in exchange, the Hapsburgs would provide funding for Constantin's campaigns. Thus, it was with Hapsburg support that Constantin captured Constanta (giving Wallachia access to the Black Sea) in 1664 and finally drove the Moldavians from Lower Wallachia in 1666. To conquest of the mouth of the Danube, together with the loyalty of the garrisons on both sides of the Danube to the Regency Council of which Constantin Grabovan was part meant that the Hapsburgs were now suzerains over almost all of the length of the Danube from its source to its mouth. The only part of the Danube beyond Hapsburg influence was the 'Belgrade stretch' through Serbia, which was still under the control of Mihailo Rajic and his Serbian faction.

    During the mid-1660s, the stance of the Wallachians and Hapsburgs toward the Serbian faction was one of friendly neutrality. The Bulgarian faction was seen as a common enemy, although, unlike Constantin Grabovan, Rajic was unwilling submit to Austrian overlordship for fear that it would hurt his claim to be Prince of all of Rumelia. Thus, Rajic got no Austrian subsidies nor military support. It has often been theorized that, if Rajic had been able to reach a better understanding with the Austrians sooner, he might have been able to remain in power. As it was, without direct Austrian support, his days were numbered.

    It was in 1669, when the Janissaries of Greater Bosnia would capture Belgrade, that Austria would finally commit itself to intervention in Serbia. The Austrian army would take Belgrade in 1671, the same year that the Mihailo Rajic would finally be expelled from Nis. The remnants of Rajic's army would soon reach Austrian positions, where they would be offered the chance to serve under the Austrian banner against the Janissaries and Georgi Marinov. While much of the Serbian faction would obtain positions as officers in the Austrian occupying forces, Rajic himself would be imprisoned and the Austrian army would proclaim young Petar Palaiologos (who had been kept alive and imprisoned by Rajic) as the new Prince of Serbia.

    The imprisonment of Rajic and the crowing of Petar Palaiologos was an act which often seems puzzling to students of history. Rajic had been a proven and capable leader of the Serbian faction and was friendly towards Austrian interests. Petar Palaiologos was a young and unproven ruler with a claim to the throne of Rumelia, but with little loyalty amongst the people of Serbia. However, in further analysis, it seems that Petar Palaiologos was placed on the throne of Serbia largely because his rule was expected to be unstable enough that he would require Austrian support in order to keep his throne. The Austrian Hapsburgs intended to turn Serbia into a puppet state, and Petar Palaiologos would serve as a much better puppet than the ambitious warlord Rajic.

    The crowning of Prince Petar I of Serbia made for a complicated political situation in Constantin Grabovan's Wallachia. Prince Constantin I had originally risen to power as part of the 'Regency Council' for the imprisoned Petar Palaiologos, and the land he had conquered in Silistria and Transdunaria, he had conquered in Petar's name. However, at the same time, Constantin had himself amassed a great deal of power as Prince of Wallachia; the warlords under Constantin who had taken control of Silistria and Trandunaria [7] had no desire to serve a Prince of Serbia who was himself held as a puppet of the Austrians. While some Palaiologos loyalists would defect to join the Serbian army, Constantin I would be able to use Austrian pressure to force Petar I to formally renounce his claim to Silistria and Transdunaria, allowing Constantin to integrate these conquered territories as parts of Wallachia.

    The crowning of Prince Petar I of Serbia is often times seen as marking a turning point in the Balkan Conflagration. Before this point, the Conflagration was a multi-polar struggle where many of the belligerents were often at war with all of their neighbours at once. However, the Late Conflagration would end up as a largely bipolar struggle between two networks of alliances. On one side stood the Austrian Hapsburgs, their vassals in Wallachian and Serbia, and the Polish-Lithuanian Union, represented by the Grand Duchy of Ruthenia and their vassal in Moldavia. On the other side stood the Ottoman Empire, their vassal in Rumelia (now under the control of the Bulgarian Faction), the Horde of Vozia, the Republic of Venice, and the Janissaries of Greater Bosnia. These two alliances were not without their internal disputes: Wallachia and Moldavia had only made peace in 1669 once intensifying raids from the Horde of Vozia had forced Moldavia to give up any attempt to recapture Lower Wallachia, and the Janissaries of Greater Bosnia were still suspicious of the post-civil-war Ottoman Empire.

    This two-sided conflict would largely play out along three fronts. The first would be fought by mostly Austro-Hungarian troops against Janissaries in Bosnia and Serbia. Along this front, the Austrians would succeed at pushing the Janissaries back to the Sava River, freeing up the land between the Sava and Drava to be annexed to Hapsburg Croatia.

    The second front would stretch along the Balkan Mountains from Serbia to the Black Sea. In the late 1660s, Wallachia had succeeded at occupying much of Northern Bulgaria, all the way up to the peaks of the Balkan Range. Through the Late Conflagration the Ottoman Empire would support the Principality of Rumelia in taking back much of this land, hoping to push Wallachia back to the Danube. At the same time, Rumelia would attempt to capitalize on their capture of Nis and push deeper into Serbia, although Austrian support for Serbia would prove this campaign fruitless.

    The third front of the Late Conflagration would be the fight by Ruthenia, Moldavia, and Wallachia against the Horde of Vozia. The Horde of Vozia had been responsible for much destruction throughout all three states since it had first formed in 1666. Moldavia had been particularly hard-hit, and had spearheaded a coalition effort by all three Orthodox Christian states to destroy the Horde of Vozia and drive the Tatars out. This effort would prove to be quite difficult, as destroying the Horde of Vozia would require the construction of networks of forts to guard river crossings and thus impede the Horde's movement so that it could be contained and eliminated. While the fortress of Vozia itself would fall to a Ruthenian siege in 1676, remnants of the Horde of Vozia would continue their raids into the 1680s, and stories of highway robberies committed by bands of mounted Tatars would occur as late as the 1710s.

    By 1677, both sides were exhausted from years of war. At the same time, both of the most powerful belligerents had achieved their war aims. The Austrians, through Wallachia and Serbia, had succeeded at securing suzerainty over the entirety of the Lower Danube. The Ottomans had succeeded at restoring order to Rumelia and had captured enough land back from Wallachia to ensure the security of Sofia. Thus, it was in 1677 that both sides would finally sit down to negotiate peace. The Principality of Rumelia was nearly halved in size with Silistria and Transdunaria going to Wallachia, Durres going to Venice, and the new Principality of Serbia being formed with a capital in Belgrade. The Janissaries of Greater Bosnia would give up land in the North and South, but would finally gain international recognition as an independent state under Venetian suzerainty. The Ottomans would give up their claim to Vozia and their protection of any Tartars living outside the Crimean Peninsula, although the fight against the Horde of Vozia would continue.

    While the Balkan Conflagration would cause widespread destruction throughout the Balkan region (15% of the general population of the region and up to 40% of the military-age male population was killed as a result of the war), the result of the war would be an era of greater stability and prosperity. The post-Conflagration Principality of Rumelia would see an end to warlordism and the establishment of a stable administrative apparatus with Ottoman support. The destruction of the Horde of Vozia and the confinement of the Tatars to the Crimean Peninsula would mean that trade could now flow more easily from Russia and Ruthenia to the Black Sea. Much of this trade would be captured by the Austrian-controlled Danube, where it would bring prosperity not just to Austria and Hungary, but also to Serbia and Wallachia. [8]

    Footnotes:

    [1] Note that, in OTL, the ‘Austrian Empire’ only came into existence after the destruction of the Holy Roman Empire. In TTL, the term ‘Austrian Empire’ is an informal historiographic term used to refer to the lands over which the Austrian Hapsburgs hold ultimate sovereignty. This includes the rump Holy Roman Empire (which by now has been reorganized into the three Kingdoms of Bohemia, Bavaria, and Swabia) and the Crown of Hungary (including Croatia and Transylvania). Officially there is no ‘Austrian Emperor’ but simply a single man who is simultaneously Holy Roman Emperor, King of Bohemia, Bavaria, and Swabia, and King of Hungary and Croatia.

    [2] At this point in time both Russia and Ruthenia practice the institution of serfdom. However, in particular, the Cossacks of the Dnieper Valley (‘Zaporozhian Cossacks’ in OTL) were descended from peasants who fled serfdom in Polish-Lithuanian controlled Ruthenia. Thus, Ruthenia is seen amongst the Cossacks as embodying serfdom in a way that Russia isn’t. Also, the Godunov dynasty in Russia was allied with the Cossacks during the Russian Civil War, and thus are seen positively by the Cossacks.

    [3] Remember, the ‘Wallachian War’ was a desperate attempt by the Constantinople Sultanate to secure tribute via an invasion of Wallachia. Transylvanian and Moldavia had pushed the Ottoman armies out of Wallachia, but had simply replaced them with their own occupying forces.

    [4] Note that many of these warlords were kidnapped and taken into the Janissaries as children, and only reconverted to Christianity to enter the Rum Army as adults. While the majority of the soldiers of the Rum Army were simply recruited directly to the Rum Army, the officers were often ex-Janissaries. This means that the ‘ethnic’ identities of the various factions are stronger amongst the common soldiers than they are amongst the warlords, but historians exaggerate these ethnic divisions to make the factions more easily identifiable.

    [5] ‘Silistria’ is a more common term in TTL than in OTL. It refers to the region between the City of Silistra and the Black Sea Coast south of the mouth of the Danube.

    [6] Remember, ‘shiklet’ is TTL’s name for an optical telegraphy/semaphore network. Such a network has first been put into use by the Ottoman Empire, and currently stretches from Alexandria to Baghdad to Constantinople. There will be a post on the development of ‘shiklet’ technology in the 1675-1700 cycle of updates.

    [7] ‘Transdunaria’ (literally ‘across the Danube’ in anglicized Romanian) is the region of TTL Wallachia on the South bank of the Danube. In OTL this would be Northern Bulgaria.

    [8] The Don River – Black Sea – Danube will be a much more important trade route from Russia to Western Europe than it was OTL. This is partly because Russia has no direct access to the Baltic, partly because Danish sound tolls are higher TTL than they were OTL and partly because a single power being in control of the full length of the Danube makes improvements on the riverine trade route easier (for example, the Roman canal allowing navigation through the Iron Gates will be reconstructed by 1700).
     
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