Avro Arrow TL (NOT CANADA-WANK)

Interregnum III: Quebec
The History of Quebec in TTL stays analogous to ours until 1960 when instead of dying suddenly Paul Sauve lives and continues to govern effectively, making quite a name for himself as a dynamic successor to Maurice Duplessis. His slogan “Desormais” (from now on) resonated with many voters and would eventually win him re-election in 1960 over the Liberal party of Jean Lesage. (TTL’s Union Nationale party is not only lead by a competent and popular leader, but also does not suffer the disarray of losing Paul Sauve).

Without Lesage, the Quiet Revolution is significantly altered. Indeed in TTL it is less of a revolution and more of a gradual process. Sauve would win re-election in 1964 and 1968 and become one of the most well known and well regarded Premiers in the history of the province. Under Sauve, the Union Nationale and the Province of Quebec by extension begins to liberalize considerably. Sauve begins to push for a greater place for Quebec within Canada rather than separation and sovereignty.

Despite being proponents of a more radical version of TTL’s Quiet Revolution, the Liberal party of Quebec still refuses to discuss a sovereign Quebec leading to the resignation of Rene Levesque and the popularization of Quebecois nationalism. Under Levesque the Parti Quebecois is eventually formed out of all the differing sovereigntist parties. Following the decline of the FLQ and other revolutionary means of gaining independence the PQ begins to rise in popularity winning 7 seats in the 1972 election.
These seats would be expanded upon in 1975 when the Union Nationale/Social Credit minority government fell apart causing an election that saw the Quebec Liberal party finally come to power. However the Liberals were forced to make a deal with the PQ to form a government.

Things seemed to be looking up for the PQ and Quebec nationalists in general. However things take a turn for the worst in 1977 when PQ leader Rene Levesque is killed when he swerves to miss a homeless man and hits a lamp post totalling his car and killing both him and his secretary, a passenger in the vehicle. Following Levesque’s death a vicious struggle ensues for the leadership of the PQ party. This struggle primarily between radical and moderate nationalists, and the left and right wings of the party leads to the PQ party splintering beyond recognition. Once the dust settles 2 new parties have emerged, or rather 2 older parties have re-emerged. Both the left wing Rassemblement pour l’independance nationale (RIN) and the Ralliement Nationale RN have reformed representing left wing extremists and right wing moderates respectively. The PQ does however continue to exist, plotting a middle road for the separatist movement. However without Levesque the PQ and its affiliated parties have no chance of succeeding in their goals of a Free Quebec.

The downfall of the PQ does however have it’s downsides. Unable to win elections, Quebec nationalists once again resort to revolutionary activity. The FLQ quickly regains popularity in the late 1970’s and early 1980’s and engages in a low intensity guerrilla campaign. Strikes and rallies abound but Quebecers lack a national leader to get behind. Crackdown on said revolutionary activities comes hard and fast however and the violence is quite mild and fails to gain any real momentum.

The FLQ
The Font de liberation du Quebec or FLQ is the militant wing of the Quebec nationalist movement in TTL. It would form in the early 1960’s and comprise mostly of students wishing for then Premier Paul Sauve to hasten his current program of reform. The FLQ would engage in a number of minor terrorist activities throughout the 1960’s consisting of robberies, violence, and minor bombings. These acts of terror would culminate in the bombing of the Montreal Stock exchange in 1969, an act that killed 3 people and injured 30 more. This would result in a flurry of arrests and a heightened sense of national awareness.

Things would not get better for the FLQ when in September of 1970 they kidnapped the Minister of Labour (insert some random UN politician’s name here) as well as an Israeli diplomat. This act caused a massive crackdown from both Federal and provincial forces and saw the FLQ all but dismantled. (The War Measures Act is not enacted by the Federal government however, a more moderate approach is taken) It would also see the insertion of an Israeli counter-terrorist team that had been training in the US to rescue the captive Israeli diplomat. From that point on Canadian anti-terrorist forces would make it a point to foster good relations with their Israeli counterparts leading to numerous exchanges.

Following the September Crisis of 1970, Quebecois nationalist feeling would be channelled through the PQ and following the death of Rene Levesque its affiliated parties the RN and the RIN. However by the 1980’s it had become apparent that the democratic route to sovereignty was going nowhere. The FLQ soon began to regain much of it’s lost popularity and organize violent protests, robberies, and other minor acts of terrorism. However by the 1980’s nationalist feeling had subsided a great deal thanks to the actions of politicians such as Paul Sauve, Robert Bourassa, and Pierre Trudeau the charismatic leader of the NDP who would become PM following the defeat of the Conservatives in the 1979 election.

Following Trudeau’s victory, the attitude of Quebec had shifted dramatically, the focus shifted not towards forming their own nation but to expanding their role within the nation they were already a part of.
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So whaddya think? Realistic? Plausible? Unrealistic?
Apologies for the lack of accents, It was really late when I wrote this...
I'd love to hear thoughts/get input on this section...
 
Both the left wing Rassemblement pour l’independance nationale (RIN) and the Ralliement Nationale RN have reformed representing left wing extremists and right wing moderates respectively. The PQ does however continue to exist, plotting a middle road for the separatist movement. However without Levesque the PQ and its affiliated parties have no chance of succeeding in their goals of a Free Quebec.

Umm, other than the RIN, the only other party was Lévesque's MSA (Mouvement souverainté-association). Just letting you know.

Fearless Leader said:
The Font de liberation du Quebec or FLQ is the militant wing of the Quebec nationalist movement in TTL.

Where is the "R" in "Front"?

EDIT: O, and how will the UN fare in the 1980s and 1990s? IIRC around 1989 the UN got de-registered. If the UN does not get de-registered, then this would butterfly away any ADQ-ish party, unless such ADQ-ish party is in between the PLQ and the UN.
 
Good catch with regards to Duplessis' successor, FL. I never thought of it that way. FLQ revival in the 1980s, huh? Wonder what that causes.

And I never thought of having Levesque killed in a car accident. I would have had him have lung cancer or something related to his heavy smoking.

Looks very good so far. Indeed in this case the Canucks have got far more than the military they have now.
 
If Trudeau's going to be Prime Minister in 1979 (which I believe our Fearless Leader already stated) does that mean we'll see a variant of the National Energy Program in TTL? If so, I wonder if it well stir up Western alienation the idea of separatism in Alberta.
 
Cool timeline. Consider warming up the Cold War. That would increase the Arrow's standing/marketability.

An uncanceled Arrow might also result in a Anglo-Canadian/Commonwealth space program.

Um... wha'? How does that follow? I'm not seeing it, please explain how an uncancelled Arrow leads to a joint space programme...
 
If Trudeau's going to be Prime Minister in 1979 (which I believe our Fearless Leader already stated) does that mean we'll see a variant of the National Energy Program in TTL? If so, I wonder if it well stir up Western alienation the idea of separatism in Alberta.

I've been wondering about that one too. That caused a monstrous storm in 1980 in OTL, enough that Alberta was going to stop selling oil to the rest of Canada if they went through with the idea.

As for Quebec drivers, I have only seen one Quebec-plate car in Seattle recently (it is a LONG ways from Montreal to Seattle, ya know ;) ) and that one was being driven like a maniac. So, I dunno what that says about Quebec drivers......:eek: :D
 
The 27th Canadian Parliament

Makeup
Total Seats: 265
Seats needed to form government: 133
*Progressive Conservative party: 149 seats
Liberal Party: 51
CCF: 48
Social Credit: 17

With the election of a third successive PC government in 1972 things could have hardly looked brighter for the Canadian Right wing. With the split of the left wing vote it was quickly becoming apparent that not only was the Canadian political center being shifted to the right, but the Progressive Conservatives were becoming Canada’s natural governing party.

Fulton’s 3rd term as Prime Minister would see several momentous events occur. The first and most notable being the joint CSA/NASA Venus flyby mission in 1973. This mission and the heavy Canadian involvement would see the profile of the Canadian Space Agency raised even higher than during the Apollo program and more funding allocated to it. Furthermore the success of the Venus flyby would lay the groundwork for more and broader joint space projects eventually culminating in the 1989 Ares mission to Mars.

Following the success of the Venus Flyby mission, the emphasis of both the CSA and NASA would shift to developing a “Space Shuttle”. Though originating as a joint Canadian/American project, the “Space Shuttle” program quickly became an international affair as The UK and West Germany added their resources to the pool. What resulted was a Single Stage to Orbit “Space Plane” that would revolutionize the aerospace realm. The Hermes class shuttle would be capable of taking off and landing from a runway just like a regular plane utilizing revolutionary aerospike engines and equally revolutionary “zip fuels”. The Hermes class shuttle would begin entering service with NASA and its affiliates in the early 1980’s and would serve to revolutionize space travel.

Vietnam would also be a key issue facing the 27th Canadian parliament as Canadian resources, volunteers, and aid had been flowing into the country since President Nixon began his policy of “Vietnamization”. Even following the signing of the Paris Peace accords Canada continued to aid the beleaguered South Vietnamese Republic. Many grew concerned when in December 1974 North Vietnam violated the terms of the Paris Peace Agreement and attacked the Phuoc Long province. This elicited yet another US bombing campaign against North Vietnam and numerous protests to follow it.

A state of undeclared war would continue to exist in Vietnam until March 3rd 1977 when the South Vietnamese capital of Saigon finally fell and Operation Frequent Wind was carried out evacuating the last remaining Americans still present in the country. (In TTL South Vietnam is able to hold out significantly longer due to more Canadian and American intervention along with better strategic decisions due to the butterfly effect.)Many fears were alleviated when it became apparent that neither Fulton, nor President Ronald Reagan (elected in 1976) were willing to renew the war in Vietnam.

Following the Oil Crisis of 1973, the once robust Canadian economy began to take a turn for the worse. As the price of Oil rose, the industrial provinces in the East began to find themselves faced with a number of serious problems. Meanwhile in the West, notably in Alberta, oil exploration led to a massive boost in economic growth leading to that region far outstripping the rest of Canada. Many called upon Prime Minister Fulton to intervene to aid the vote rich Eastern provinces, however Fulton, a westerner to the core refused to take such action and allowed the situation to develop.

By 1977 Canadians were once again ready to go to the polls. Many felt that Fulton’s tenure in office should come to a close, especially in the Eastern Provinces. It seemed to many that the PC’s string of three consecutive majority governments had been one too many. The opposition parties, thirsty for blood, moved in, the stage was set for one of the most heated elections in Canadian History.

The Election of 1977

The Election of 1977 would prove to be one of the most heated elections in Canadian History. Despite a strong campaign by the former premier of Quebec Robert Bourassa, the Liberal Party of Canada would prove to be unable of regaining it’s majority status in the House of Commons. Moreover this campaign would be matched by an aggressive NDP campaign under Pierre Trudeau. The debates between these two men would capture national attention and be referred to as “The Battle of Quebec” by many.

Fulton meanwhile attempted to campaign primarily on his record so far, and laid out a relatively uninspiring but safe platform for his version of the future stressing a need for stability at this time. Fulton also looked to maintain a safe majority in English Canada, and especially Ontario due to the fact that he was the only native English speaker amongst the candidates. However Fulton’s age and stress would prove to be detrimental especially in comparison to the charisma of Pierre Trudeau the NDP leader.

In the end Canadians went to the polls and came back with somewhat mixed results. Opposition parties rejoiced in the fact that the Progressive Conservatives were not elected to another majority government. Unfortunately for the opposition parties, Vote splitting especially in Quebec led to the Social Credit party doubling its number of seats as well as the Conservatives maintaining a good number of seats especially in English Canada. In the end the Progressive Conservatives would strike a bargain with the Social Credit Party and form a coalition government. Many dubbed this “The Geriatric Alliance” due to the advanced age of Real Caouette and E. Davie Fulton. Trudeau, always high in the polls was denied the office of Prime Minister and was forced to settle for leader of the official opposition.

Election Results
Total Seats:282
Needed to Form Government: 143
Progressive Conservative Party: 111
New Democratic Party: 72
Liberal Party: 60
Social Credit Party: 32
*Note in TTL Real Caouette's health is slightly better so he doesn't die in 1976
 
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So no minority government? That's interesting. This Fulton seems to be turning into a Canadian version of Menzies.
 
Gotta say love the TL and the time you've put into it! No Trudaumania? no National Energy Disaster--i mean no
Pierre
Eliot
Tredeau
Ripping
Off
Canada
?

Beauty, and thanks again

Edit: Oh, so Trudeau does Eventually become PM.........but wait a tic...of the NDP?!!
*deep breath, hyperventilating*
Sweet Merciful Crap say it ain't so...well then again its your TL; but i find it unlikely that the NDP would ever form a Gov't.....then again maybe not
 
For those that know what he's talking about, that's too funny. :D

I doubt a PC-SC coalition government is gonna last long against a NDP-Lib opposition.

Same with me. Socred is pretty much right-wing with some theories that, had they not been attached to a right-wing ideology, would make sense. The PCs, well, look at the name of the party - Progressive Conservative. Or as I'd put it, "conserve what needs conserving, and reforming what needs reforming". That a centre-right party would ally with a right-wing party sounds almost like Harper's Conservative Party in OTL. The problem is that with Harper's policies, Blue Tory views seem to overwhelm Red Tory views. The critical test is how Canada reacts to "Reaganomics", no matter if it's a Tory, Grit, or NDP government. IIRC a lot of the Maritime PC parties are still straight-up Red Tory (especially Newfoundland's PC party), and as such would oppose "Reaganomics".

However, I think that even with "Trudeaumania" existing in TTL, I have a fear that it might turn out like Ontario's NDP government, complete with "Rae Days". The weird thing though is that it seems that in the West the CCF/NDP has moderated over time. So, it could go either way. If somehow Mulroney could be avoided, then that would be a bonus. If a switch between extremes in government can be avoided, such as how in OTL Ontario it swung from hard-left under Rae to hard-right under Harris, then that would be even better. Thus, I think that even an NDP-Grit coalition government would survive as long as Joe Clark's government, because of all the infighting.
 
The 28th Canadian Parliament

Total Seats:282
Needed to Form Government: 143
Progressive Conservative Party: 111
New Democratic Party: 72
Liberal Party: 60
Social Credit Party: 32

The 28th Canadian Parliament would be a tenuous minority government situation governed by an alliance of the once almighty Progressive Conservatives and the Social Credit party (due primarily to surprise resurgence due to vote splitting in Quebec. In actuality the Social Credit’s share of the popular vote failed to rise in accordance to the number of seats it held in Parliament. This would lead to the 28th Canadian parliament becoming somewhat of an enigma.)

Unfortunately for the PC-Social Credit Coalition tragedy would strike mere months into the Parliament’s first session when the charismatic leader of the Social Credit Party, Real Caouette passed away from heart complications. The now leaderless Social Credit party attempted to find a suitable replacement for Caouette but in the end came up short nominating the rather uninspiring Fabien Roy as their leader in the House of Commons.

As poll numbers plummeted for the Social Credit party, so did their support for the PC government rise. Many, including Roy himself, hoped to buoy the PC government long enough for the Social Credit party to recoup its former standings in the polls allowing the Social Credit party to remain a viable party. Support from the Social Credit party would go a long way in preserving the fragile coalition under incumbent Prime Minister Fulton.

Fulton and his government proceeded to govern for just over 2 years despite scathing critiques from the opposition NDP and to a lesser extent, the Liberal Party. Many criticised Fulton’s lack of government intervention during the mounting oil crisis and is inability to ensure that Alberta’s rampant economic growth would benefit all of Canada and not just American investors. Fulton was also criticised for neglecting Canadian social institutions and allowing them to decay beyond reasonable levels. However as long as support for the Social Credit party failed to rise, Fulton’s government was able to avoid a vote of non-confidence thereby forcing an election.

That all changed in 1979 when the Social Credit party began to agitate for government intervention in the Energy Crisis to alleviate problems within Quebec. Fulton was quick to try and engineer a compromise forming a joint PC-Liberal-Social Credit committee to examine various strategies. This committee however failed to accomplish its stated goal. The failure of Fulton to engineer some kind of compromise would lead to a vote of non-confidence in the house and the 1979 Canadian Election.

The Election of 1979
By 1979 many would consider the Progressive Conservative Party of Canada to be a spent force. During his tenure in office Fulton had built up a considerable amount of party machinery to ensure that despite the fact that he didn’t come from either Ontario or Quebec his position as Prime Minister was secure. This coupled with his success in the 1960’s and 70’s would lead to him achieving somewhat of a god-like status amongst members of the Progressive Conservative Party. Though many would later cite this as a mistake, it was decided that Fulton would run yet again in the Election of 1979.

In many ways, the Election of 1979 would be a simple re-run of the Election of 1977. Both the Liberal party and NDP had maintained their leaders from the last election giving the “Battle of Quebec” another round. The only leader from 1977 not to return was the recently departed Real Caouette who was replaced by the less than inspiring Fabien Roy.

1979 was marked by an incredibly strong NDP campaign in which Pierre Trudeau flew all over the country campaigning “A Fresh Start” for Canada. This coupled with the toning down of some of the NDP’s more socialistic tendencies would allow said party to increase it’s share of votes dramatically. None of the other parties were capable of matching Trudeau’s flare and aggressive campaign nature. This was incredibly evident during the televised debates in which over 65% of Canadians felt that Trudeau had won said debates.

The country went to the polls in 1979 ready for a change. Trudeau and his ambitious New Democratic party had challenged them in a way they hadn’t thought possible. In the end Trudeau would finally achieve his ambition and secure the office of Prime Minister becoming the first person not a member of the Liberal or Conservative party to do so. However the socialistic nature of many of his programs raised problems in the eyes of many Canadians which led to the NDP being voted in with a minority government. In the end the opposing sides of the Battle of Quebec were forced to make a compromise in order to govern the nation.

Electoral Results:
Total: 282
Needed to form Government: 143
NDP: 122
Progressive Conservative:99
Liberal: 53
Social Credit: 8
------------------------------------------------------------
Note In TTL, especially by 1979 the NDP is considerably more moderate than it was in OTL. Pierre Trudeau has them all "under his thumb" so to speak and is able to keep the more radical voices quiet during the crucial election period. This will eventually lead to problems for good ol' Trudeau once he's in power and beyond as the party is under considerable strain.
 
The 29th Canadian Parliament

Total: 282
Needed to form Government: 143
NDP: 122
Progressive Conservative:99
Liberal: 53
Social Credit: 8

It was with much cheer and aplomb that Pierre Trudeau was inaugurated to the position of Prime Minister by the Governor General of Canada. For the first time in Canadian History a party other than the Liberal or Conservative party (or any of the latter’s variants) had won an election and saw it’s leader become Prime Minister. Yet the minority government that he governed was rife with problems.

One of the largest and most serious problems was an internal problem, as the NDP, a deeply socialist party at the time Trudeau came to power in 1971 had been moderated to a great deal by his personal influence. Trudeau was to face his most serious challengers during his tenure in office from within the ranks of his own party. He was forced to exert control over his caucus with an iron hand to maintain order within the House of Commons.

Yet another problem facing Trudeau was none other than the Canadian Senate. After nearly 3 decades of Progressive Conservative rule in Canada, the Senate’s composition had shifted dramatically giving the PC party a majority in Canada’s upper house. Senate Majority leader Donald Fleming would see it as his job to curb the “rampant socialism” of the NDP/Liberal government of Trudeau. More problematic for Trudeau was the fact that most of the Senate Minority Liberals were unfriendly to his proposals. Even Trudeau’s effort to “stack” the Senate would fail to gain him enough support to ram through controversial legislation.

Only by compromising with the Liberal party and watering down the agenda of the NDP was Trudeau able to maintain a government. Indeed for the 2 years he was in power he was called “The Miracle Worker” by many as he managed to govern the country without a great deal of support from not only the country and other parties, but from his own party.

Indeed were it not for the plethora of leadership conventions that occurred during Trudeau’s administration it is quite conceivable that the fragile NDP government would have fallen quite earlier. Following his defeat in the 1979 election, renowned leader E. Davie Fulton resigned from his position as party leader and retired to his home in Kamloops British Columbia. The leadership campaign that followed was one of the most heated in the party’s history with former Quebec cabinet minister Pierre Marc Johnson winning the coveted leadership of Canada’s natural governing party.

The Liberal leadership campaign took quite the opposite route. At the onset of the campaign many felt that Robert Bourassa was a shoe in for yet another go at becoming Prime Minister of Canada. However the Liberal party, fresh from the “dark days” of the 1970’s was far from “The Big Red Machine” it was earlier. Indeed 1979 had seen the Liberals fail to regain their status as the official opposition, a fact that was blamed mostly on the poor campaigning of Robert Bourassa. Bourassa’s poor performance would lead to a surprising candidate emerge from the right wing of the party; John “Jack” Horner. Horner’s charisma, straight shooting, and right wing politics resonated with many members of the Liberal party and gave them the chance to win coveted western votes. Horner would win a narrow victory in 1981 and set a new course for the Federal Liberal party.

The Third and final leadership campaign to take place during the Trudeau years would be that of the Social Credit party. Having been reduced to a mere 8 seats leader Fabien Roy recognized that a new leader was needed to stave off the extinction of the party. Resigning as leader the Social Credit party held its second Leadership convention. This time there were far more candidates from all over Quebec. In the end the convention would be won by none other than Lucien Bouchard, a former Member of Quebec’s National Assembly for the right wing sovereigntist party Ralliement Nationale.

1981 would be the final year of Trudeau’s brief tenure in office. Having failed to pass any meaningful legislation through parliament, Trudeau immediately came under attack from all 3 opposition parties. Furthermore the nomination of the right wing Jack Horner to the leadership of the Liberal party would cause the NDP/Liberal alliance to fall apart. A vote of non-confidence would be passed in September of 1981 forcing Canadians to the polls yet again.
 
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