John's gaze drifted over the map in front of him; his fingertips tracing the edges of Serbia, as the Romans knew it--including various important settlements and natural locations.
The fact that the map in front of him was likely inaccurate because the Magyars were just as on-the-offensive as he and his Romans were, irked the Emperor, but he put that aside for now.
A knock rocked the door of the quarters John was in--within the fortress of Stip--his guards, at the door, straightening up, as the Emperor let out a soft sigh, stood up from his hunch, and looked towards the door, "Enter," he called, and after a beat the door swung open, revealing the Allagator Michael, his second-in-command, who came to stand beside his Emperor with a self-assured, calm, gait.
"The men are ready to move whenever you wish, my Emperor," Michael offered, his mouse-brown eyes drifting over the map; he was younger than John, although the Emperor wasn't sure by how much.
He had turned 28 last December; this now his 4th year of rule.
"What are your thoughts on Uros' likelihood of attempting to intercept us as we make for Velbuzd?" the Emperor pressed, mention of that name earning a slight twinge in his mind--as that had been where his uncle-in-law, Michael III of Bulgaria, had been killed by the Serbs.
After his Roman mercenaries had betrayed him.
Michael seemed to consider his Emperor's words for a moment, then cracked a soft smile, "It's not Uros the Weak we have to worry about, it's his uncle Simeon, and he's still further north," the Allagator mused, and John chuckled softly.
That nickname for Uros both felt apt and insulting, but what did the Emperor care for some barbarian weakling?
1359 to 1360
The Emperor and his forces would depart from Stip in early January; handing off rule of the city to Manuel Kantakouzenos, whom John had recalled from Morea for just this purpose, as they departed. Waiting this long had had its effects; the army was replenished, and Manuel had had enough time to rally to himself a retinue and in turn, arrive to take over.
It wasn't an easy march however; Uros' vassals had started to splinter out from his command--sick of playing to his failed strategies, and thus throughout January the Emperor and his forces had to see off, and crush, several independent attempts to rout them by said vassals.
Even as this went on, the English had the French by their, shall we say, metaphorical balls; the King of the French, John II, forced into the Treaty of London in late January, which demanded England regain the old borders of Henry II, only this time in full sovereignty.
Of course, as the Romans set up to besiege Velbuzd, the French Parliament repudiated this treaty at the urging of the Dauphin Charles and thoroughly pissed off the Black Prince--who was forced from the comfort of his wife and lands to once more go on chevauchee in retaliation, as Edward III himself mustered men and landed in Calais to inflict further punishment on the French for the breaking of the treaty.
In desperation, after two months of a siege, and several failed attempts by other Serbs to aid them, the defenders of Velbuzd would ride out in a last stand, and be decimated; costing the Romans over 2,300 men or so by the end, but victory had been achieved, painfully.
To the east, as this went on, Nicholas Alexander of Wallachia, successor of Basarab the Founder, would conquer Moldavia and Basarabia from the laxing Golden Horde; safe in the knowledge that his realm's ties to the Bulgarians, and Rome, leave him safe from Hungary-Croatia, and that the Horde's loosening grip on the Balkans renders reprisals, of which there would be some, moot in the long run. In a bid to secure Bulgaria's acceptance, Basarab would give over the coastal lands to Tsar Konstantin II.
John spent less time in Velbuzd than he had in Stip; enough that Manuel was able to send a garrison, and a lieutenant, to take over--and from there the Romans marched in late April for Kumanovo.
That city, in contrast to the others, went rather quickly; a week in the garrison commander was flattened by the Roman artillery--a particularly lucky trebuchet shot.
It would have been funny if it wasn't so morbid.
The Romans rested there, collecting themselves, as news filtered in. As it turned out, the Hungarians had made very little actual progress; the sheer terrain of Bosnia had stalled them--that, and the Slavs living here. This had given Simeon enough room to continue the war against Uros, who was clashing with his dire enemy in the lands around Pristina.
Once their rest was over John led them south, and then east; cutting through their conquered lands for Debar; the goal being to effectively encircle Skopje--which was accomplished come the end of June.
As the Romans rallied around Skopje in July it became clear early on that everything prior to this had been quite easy by comparison; this was one of the twin capitals of Dusan's Serbia, and its fortifications and strength were a clear testament to his legacy.
Alone that would have been enough to warrant a hard siege--but Uros' mother Helene, and his younger sister Theodora had taken shelter there, and Uros' loyalists, and even his disloyal vassals, wouldn't allow it to be taken--either because of Uros' family, or because the taking of Skopje might outright doom Serbia.
One month passed, and John had to fend off a determined attack from Prizren.
Another passed, and another came; half of John's camp was set alight during the clash by a sortie from Skopje, many of which were captured, and beheaded at the order of John.
Again, and again, the back and forth went on--with the Romans forced to give out lesser damage than was possible due to John's orders to avoid damaging the main fortress; the Emperor wanted Helene, and Theodora alive--not crushed under rubble.
Michael would be badly wounded, and lose an arm in a late November raid; the onset of winter giving the Romans a reprieve from the raids, as supplies came funnelling in from the conquered lands, and Bitola, to allow them to continue the siege throughout winter.
John turned 29 outside the walls of Skopje.
Come January the Romans had been outside Skopje for 6 months--it was staggering, a waste of damned time, and yet come months end it seemed God smiled on them, as news broke that Uros had been killed by Simeon in a winter battle outside Novo Brdo.
Skopje's gates flung open for the Romans; their hatred of the unpopular Simeon more than their hatred for the Romans. It was clear that, unlike Simeon, they viewed John as the type they could negotiate with.
As the Romans flowed into the half-ruined city, at the same time across in France, the English would be destroyed outside the walls of Paris; their important siege there falling to dysentery, and more.
Thus, while John sat down with Helene and Theodora, Edward III was forced in turn to sit down with the Dauphin Charles to hash out revised terms.
Attempts to give in to John V's earlier offer of aid in exchange for some of Serbia's land were rebuffed; Helene had thrown that away alongside his messenger hand--something Theodora was quick to denounce her mother for then and there, as it was clear she had build-up anger after years of this mess.
It wasn't long before Helene was excluded from the discussions altogether, and John instead found himself met by a willing and deferential negotiator in Theodora, who he hashed out with what would become the Treaty of Skopje--a treaty which forever changed the trajectory of Serbia [1].
Serbia would, by this treaty, become a perpetual client state of the Romans, as writ in law. Rome's enemies, and allies, would be Serbia's too; with the Romans given the rights to garrison the lands and the responsibility to aid in the economies, defence and existence of Serbia in return. The lands of Albania, and 'North Macedon', up to the South Morava river, thus including Skopje, would be ceded to the Romans, and all claims to them by the Serbs forsaken.
Manuel Kantakouzenos, who John put forward (and had in truth planned to from the very start), would be married to Theodora, and be named by law as 'Prince of Serbia'--this given weight through Roman acknowledgement.
Theodora herself found the idea an apt one; angling for her own survival as much as that of Serbia. Upon meeting Manuel the following month, and the marriage hastily commenced, the two would form a close bond [2], all things considered.
The Romans were exhausted from the siege however, and the handover of the lands was a slow one; John relying on Manuel of Bitola's forces and administration to slowly integrate them from Manuel Kantakouzenos, who in his capacity as Prince began to quickly muster his retinue, and the inflowing new Serbian troops of his Principality, to ride for Vranje.
The city, which would form the northern border marker of the Serbs and Romans, had offered itself to him, and then from there the Prince of the Serbs would take to Prizren, which too had done the same. It would be at Prizren, the important capital it was, that Manuel would lay his court, and receive Theodora alongside those who would form his government.
Many of these who rushed to Manuel had come from Morea--built up in his time ruling there, as Reynard took over fully as Regent of Morea in his stead.
Simeon, of course, was less than thrilled at this development, and began rallying all the forces he could muster at Pristina; fully intending to drive the Romans and this upstart 'Prince', only legitimised by marriage to his whore niece, out of his rightful lands.
As this went on, the English and French would formulate the Treaty of Bretigny in Calais; reducing Edward III's demands to a good deal less than he had wished for--although more than the French had earlier offered, as a consequence of the Black Prince's martial victories prior to the meeting.
The treaty saw to the formal acknowledgement of the English rule of Guyenne and Gascony foremost, and then to what amounted to the enlarged lands of what was once Aquitaine (which was reduced in title from Dukedom to Lordship). Aside from this Calais, and its environs, would also be confirmed as English--alongside those 'islands that the King of England now holds'. All of this would be de-jure revoked as French fiefdoms, and thus bring an end to the demands of homage.
While Edward was unable to gather for himself Brittany, the King had been able to twist the arm of the French until they acknowledged John IV of Montfort, Duke of Brittany, as independent from France [3].
In April the Treaty of Bretigny would be made writ with the exchange of hostages and ransoms; with King John II of France still owing two-thirds of his ransom to Edward III, which he made moves to honourably acquire.
In the Balkans, Simeon's muster would complete in May, just as Manuel Kantakouzenos took Nerodimlje, and from Pristina would flow roughly 20,000 Serbs; having scrapped together every man he could find.
The 'false King' of the Serbs would march for Prizren; intent on ending all threats to his rule.
---
[1] The Treaty of Skopje would set into motion the rest of Serbia's destiny, wherein she could become a Roman vassal as the 'Principality of Serbia'; ruled by the Kantakouzenos dynasty. In this, she would prove the pioneer of the future of Roman clients--who would be placed under similar beneficial yet controlling treaties. The Treaty itself still exists, although modernised, up until the modern era--with Serbia still a close 'partner' of the Romans.
[2] Over time the Kantakouzenoi would Serbianise, with the name Manojlo, Serbia's variant of Manuel, becoming a common name in the dynasty.
[3] The Treaty of Bretigny, while later revoked, would lay the groundwork for the Breton state's independence from France and thus close ties to England. This state of affairs would see Brittany evolve into an independent Kingdom in its own right, which it remains in the modern era.
