Our Fractured Crown: An Eastern Roman Timeline

[Whiteshore]

Border gore in Roman Anatolia.

And in Ireland.

 

[Wydo]

- map -

Man, that is one sad-looking Bulgaria.

 

[Nuraghe]

The Imperial Crypts were a slowly growing labyrinth space; constant work had been underway since ground had first been broken decades ago, but now that was slowing down, as the required breadth of the Crypts had reached a point where further expansion would simply be excessive.

Michael VIII Palaiologos, Michael IX, and Andronikos II all shared the same chamber, alongside their wives; respect had been given as they were Palaiologi, but they were not to be seen as important as Andronikos III, who lay beside his beloved Anna of Savoy at the very central starting chamber of the Crypts--pride of place, the first 'real' head of the dynasty.

John paused there, as he traced his hand first over the effigy of his father, and then of his mother, before sighing deeply, as he passed on to the chamber that came next--the one allotted for him, and Helena when the time came for them to join the Almighty.

There he stood, and traced his gaze around; the chamber had been altered--because his son, and heir, had died before him, and thus would join him, and his wife, here.

His Andronikos, his Eagle, was gone--and had had his final rites and burial a day ago.

His gisant, the tomb effigy, lay in 'state', clasping to his breast the same sword he had died wielding; his garb reflecting that fusion of Latin, and Roman, armour and manner that Andronikos had been so fond of.

John couldn't help but trace the edge of the gisant's face--and sigh once more, as he slowly slid to the floor against the tomb itself; clasping his hands together over his knees, as his Imperial robes graced the floor with him.

"I pushed you away..." he mused, offering a soft, sad, chuckle, "Were it I'd known then where that would lead, hm?"

And so, John kept talking; talking to his son.

---

1371

When Andronikos' body had been borne back into Constantinople via the Boukoleon Harbour, and thus directly into the Imperial Palace, come January, the Empress Helena had been beside herself with grief; railing against her husband, and departing for her chambers to be alone.

She had now lost a second child; one to Trebizond through marriage, and one to God through battle.

Manuel had been quiet--a firm, and simple presence, as he stood alongside his father, the Emperor.

John was distant as if he expected at any moment for Andronikos to simply start moving again, yet his eldest never did, and so John slowly came to himself--and stepped back.

It is said that, struck by sudden grief, the Emperor had gone for a candlestick and beaten a table to bits right then and there, as Manuel watched on--still firm, still quiet. Only once he'd exhausted himself had John calmed, and tossed aside the ruined piece of metal in his grasp; clutching at his shoulder--the same one Simeon had broken with his mace all those years ago.

Andronikos would be given all the honour possible, as both an Imperial Prince, the Prince of Hellas, and a Knight of the Order of the Golden Fleece--a funeral, and service, worthy of an Imperial Hero who'd led the reconquest of the mainland, as well as Crete, and much of the Aegean.

In the aftermath of his funeral, it is said that John and Helena's relationship bloomed anew, and she grew stronger for it.

Peace, officially, wasn't on the table yet--and in this time, in early February, even as the Hospitallers rebuilt their strength, the Sicilians and Venetians managed to enact several raids along the Adriatic and Ioanic coastlands of the Empire; content to do as such rather than risk open battle once more.

Even the Turks once more arose as an issue in the East, come March; Nikephoros Artemiou barely able to keep them from enacting too much damage, as Murad's realms now encompassed enough of Anatolia to also directly threaten Trebizond.

The Emperor had begun to pressure Basil of Lesbos to muster the Imperial Fleet and bring forth more ships from the shipyards of the Empire, to make up for the fact that the fleet of Montferrat had been forced to fully withdraw that February to the coastlands of Northern Italy in an effort to defend their lands from the Sicilians; the Venetians still firmly focused on the Empire.

Finally however, after Basil scored a victory over a Venetian fleet near Corfu, would the Sicilians come to the table and request a peace; sending a delegation to Constantinople, alongside one from the Knights of Rhodes, on the 28th of April 1371.

The wait they had to endure, as was custom, was definitely felt with unease; in truth, John was more focused on the birth of his granddaughter Sophia, and how she would be raised alongside her three cousins from Manuel, of which the youngest son, Andronikos in honour of the Eagle, had also been born that year.

In preparation for things to come, on the day before the Latins were due to be in the presence of the Emperor, on the 4th of May 1371, Manuel would be created as Prince of Hellas, and then directly present the following day when the Emperor received the delegates from Sicily and Rhodes.

Both groups would be struck by the mixture of differences, and similarities, the Roman court now boasted; the culture of the court still foreign, and yet not quite as much as it once had been. Now Knighthood, and the accompanying chivalry, were ensconced within--as was an aura of 'Latin honour'; honour which by all rights would have demanded anger on the part of the Romans.

But the Emperor offered 'mercy' in the terms that would be haggled.

Sicily would leave the Aegean for good, and renounce all claims they once held on now-Roman lands. John would also make it clear that included in this peace were his kinsmen in Montferrat, which the delegate from Sicily would only agree to after being bribed in secret as the negotiations went on.

Rhodes, under the Hospitallers, would remain, as would their other minor Aegean possessions; however, they were to pay tribute to the Romans, and cease their raids against their fellow Christians in favour of focusing on pirating the trade of the 'Saracen'.

The fact that Andronikos had been a Knightly figure of growing fame and that he'd died honourably, had won much capital with the Hospitallers... as did the fact that the Romans were themselves as a whole an appreciable threat now.

Terms would be agreed between the two parties after two weeks of discussion, on the 12th of May; departing from Constantinople on the 19th for their respective realms.

Venice had not ceased its attacks [1], mustering strength once more to threaten the Romans, as after losing territory to the Magyars recently, and now their most important possessions in the Aegean, they weren't keen to give in.

They would finally strike a blow against the Romans in June, after funding the expedition that resulted in the sudden taking of Durres right from under the nose of the Romans, just after they'd reclaimed it.

To say the Emperor was angry was an understatement, and yet he realised nothing could be done, as the city--aided by Venetian supplies, which the Romans could not cut due to lacking Adriatic power, held out against two separate attempts to take it by August.

John would settle for organising the lands of Albania into a new Governorate under the Albanian aristocrat Karl Thopia, who had himself been ousted from Durres as a result of all this. Thus, by writ, John had created the Governorate of Kruje in August, wherein Thopia would rule from the fortress of the same name; tasked with upholding Roman rule in the region.

The fact that John had chosen an Albanian, regardless of the fact that Karl himself had originally ruled Durres for Rome prior anyway, was designed to soothe the growing resentment of the Albanians over foreign rule, which had been sparked by the constant strife within the Naple-Hungary-Croatia Anjou dynasty.

It was becoming clear then, that for all the victory and conquest--even at the cost of an Imperial Prince's life--that the Romans were running out of steam; they'd expanded to the limits of what they could currently achieve, and perhaps a bit over; it's borderlands held together by the sheer will of their assigned rulers, and the general shrewd policy of John.

Serbia would itself start to pay dividends, both Kantakouzenoi Serbia and Roman Serbia; as with the Principality of Serbia under friendly vassalage the threats posed by it and its people were nullified--and in turn with Roman Serbia, the various mines of the region provided ample precious and non-precious metals.

John would depart from Constantinople in late August to tour the European lands of the Empire--but before departing he would look to his son, and heir, Manuel with a great duty.

Manuel had already met his dynastic obligations; producing three sons with his wife Anna of Bulgaria--and in this, John had decided that he could swallow his worry, and allow Manuel what he had wanted for years; to travel.

England needed aid, or in particular Aquitaine; in their letters, both from Edward of Woodstock, and his sister Maria, John had learned that despite the able governing of the Black Prince that the region itself was costly and poor; they needed monetary aid to put into effect the changes needed for the liquidity of Plantagenet Aquitaine.

Now, while the Empire was stretched thin in men, and material? Not so much in coin; in that regard it was in abundance, especially with the new lands taken from Kingdom-era Serbia.

Thus? As John departed from Constantinople for his tour, Manuel did the same; routing for Athens, and then from there out into the Mediterranean, cash in tow, intending to reach Bordeaux.

Empress Helena would take over as Regent in their absence; relying on both her daughters-in-law, including the now-widowed, but unbowed, Margaret of England, to aid in the rearing of the Palaiologi children.
---

[1] Venice would refuse to enter into a truce with the Romans for over a decade after this; intent on reclaiming their lands and power, even as they began to now put more resources into continental Italian power.

I must say that this chapter was also really well written, above all it was very nice to read that Rome's new conquests were not easy and that even now managing and integrating them is an extremely complicated job, now as regards Monferrato - Liguria, in Otl Charles IV wanted to make another trip to the peninsula at the turn of the 1370s, but perhaps because of the War of the Eight Saints and the continuous military campaigns of the Viscontis ( in addition to the numerous city revolts that were spreading throughout Tuscany and at the outbreak of the war of succession of Luneburg ) made him give up, but it may be that if in TL he actually decides to go down to the peninsula, it would be the ideal opportunity to formalize the electoral candidate for Italy ( since I imagine, that the long discussions on the matter have been widely addressed in previous years ) and Monferrato would be the perfect candidate for this ( given that the Viscontis are not well seen either by Charles or by the other imperial princes, due to their high ambitions ) especially given that the Paleologos are in open conflict with Milan for the control of Casale, Asti, Alessandria, Tortona and with the Savoy for central Piedmont

 

[Averious]

Amazing work as always

🙏

Border gore in Roman Anatolia.

And in Ireland.

Man, that is one sad-looking Bulgaria.

Only the finest bordergore and sadge Bulgaria for my favourite readers.

I must say that this chapter was also really well written, above all it was very nice to read that Rome's new conquests were not easy and that even now managing and integrating them is an extremely complicated job, now as regards Monferrato - Liguria, in Otl Charles IV wanted to make another trip to the peninsula at the turn of the 1370s, but perhaps because of the War of the Eight Saints and the continuous military campaigns of the Viscontis ( in addition to the numerous city revolts that were spreading throughout Tuscany and at the outbreak of the war of succession of Luneburg ) made him give up, but it may be that if in TL he actually decides to go down to the peninsula, it would be the ideal opportunity to formalize the electoral candidate for Italy ( since I imagine, that the long discussions on the matter have been widely addressed in previous years ) and Monferrato would be the perfect candidate for this ( given that the Viscontis are not well seen either by Charles or by the other imperial princes, due to their high ambitions ) especially given that the Paleologos are in open conflict with Milan for the control of Casale, Asti, Alessandria, Tortona and with the Savoy for central Piedmont

I just can't see how to write out changes to Italy's position in the HRE without it coming off as railroaded, and meta--because from what I've studied after his election Charles IV basically washed his hands of Italy once he crossed the Alps; several of the writings of the time, including from Petrarch, scorned him for this--for 'abandoning Italy', and for the rest of his life he basically showed zero care for Italy, and focused purely on the HRE transalpine lands.

Italy has effectively been abandoned by the HRE in all but name, so creating an Elector for it and tampering with his carefully laid out 1356 Golden Bull just doesn't make sense to me.

 

[A Random Man]

Great map, does the Montferrat-Palaiologos control all that land in Corsica and Sardinia? Nice on them if they do, the money they'd be possibly making with all that trade should be a large amount. With all the territory Wallachia has, I wouldn't be surprised if future wars with Hungary happen soon, we might get an earlier Romania (different name TTL). Like what I see in the HRE, the Habsburgs will continue to rise 😎😎. Keep up the amazing work 👍👍👍

 

[Nuraghe]

🙏



Only the finest bordergore and sadge Bulgaria for my favourite readers.

I just can't see how to write out changes to Italy's position in the HRE without it coming off as railroaded, and meta--because from what I've studied after his election Charles IV basically washed his hands of Italy once he crossed the Alps; several of the writings of the time, including from Petrarch, scorned him for this--for 'abandoning Italy', and for the rest of his life he basically showed zero care for Italy, and focused purely on the HRE transalpine lands.

Italy has effectively been abandoned by the HRE in all but name, so creating an Elector for it and tampering with his carefully laid out 1356 Golden Bull just doesn't make sense to me.

In reality, from recent Italian studies on the subject we know that the relationship between Karl IV and Italy was more complex than what was thought years ago, in practice Charles was in his formative years with his father ( where he had carried out military campaigns in the peninsula for 3 years, with the aim of creating a possession in Parmesan, with Papal approval ) who, observing Ludovico's difficulties in making himself respected in the region, had decided to give up seeking recognition of the Italic entities through the use of force, but rather with diplomacy and soft power ( as he actually demonstrated in his 2 Romzung in Otl, the first in 1354/55 and the one in 1369, where he garnered immense acclaim in Tuscany, Lucca and Siena above all, without forgetting Montecarlo, the city he founded and which hosted him on his trips to Italy ) so I can easily see him modifying the Golden Bull ( since we know that Sigismund himself had asked his jurists if the document could be changed, and they replied, that Charles had deliberately created it this way, because he intended to expand and modify it later ) if in this way he manages to gain renewed imperial influence in Italy in a totally peaceful manner ( therefore at low risk )

 

[Averious]

Great map, does the Montferrat-Palaiologos control all that land in Corsica and Sardinia? Nice on them if they do, the money they'd be possibly making with all that trade should be a large amount. With all the territory Wallachia has, I wouldn't be surprised if future wars with Hungary happen soon, we might get an earlier Romania (different name TTL). Like what I see in the HRE, the Habsburgs will continue to rise 😎😎. Keep up the amazing work 👍👍👍

Corsica they effectively fully annexed alongside Genoa--but that was sneaky and quick. Their lands in Sardinia are in limbo; they're fighting over them, on and off, with the Aragonese/Sicilians, which was one of the reasons they had to draw back their fleet come the end of the Great Latin War (1363-1371)

As for Wallachia? They'll probably stay 'Wallachia' even when they've gained what we might consider 'Romania'-level lands. The earliest this'd probably happen is around the 30 Years War.

Spoiler

When they, alongside the Romans, get dragged into it based on the fact that several Orthodox live within a then-very-Catholic nation. By the end, as I see it, Hungary will basically cut loose Transylvania after a decades long stalemate, which Wallachia will annex, in order to rid themselves of the Orthodox.

Glad you enjoyed the map!

In reality, from recent Italian studies on the subject we know that the relationship between Karl IV and Italy was more complex than what was thought years ago, in practice Charles was in his formative years with his father ( where he had carried out military campaigns in the peninsula for 3 years, with the aim of creating a possession in Parmesan, with Papal approval ) who, observing Ludovico's difficulties in making himself respected in the region, had decided to give up seeking recognition of the Italic entities through the use of force, but rather with diplomacy and soft power ( as he actually demonstrated in his 2 Romzung in Otl, the first in 1354/55 and the one in 1369 ) so I can easily see him modifying the Golden Bull ( since we know that Sigismund himself had asked his jurists if the document could be changed, and they replied, that Charles had deliberately created it this way, because he intended to expand and modify it later )
if in this way he manages to gain renewed imperial influence in Italy in a totally peaceful manner ( therefore at low risk )

I honestly can't find anything that says this sort of thing in the various sources I have, and as it stands I've already written the timeline with Wilkins & Hugh as my primary sources for Charles IV.

We're only 7 years prior to his death, and from my sources Charles basically resigned in all but name; ensuring his son was elected Emperor, and that one event was handled diplomatically, but nothing else as he effectively retired and died ridden with gout in 1378.

Italy's OTL trajectory isn't going to be altered without reason, because even if in new sources we've learned that Charles was more attentive in Italy, it doesn't change that Italy had/has been on the trajectory of independence from as early as the Peace of Constance in 1183.

 

[Nuraghe]

Corsica they effectively fully annexed alongside Genoa--but that was sneaky and quick. Their lands in Sardinia are in limbo; they're fighting over them, on and off, with the Aragonese/Sicilians, which was one of the reasons they had to draw back their fleet come the end of the Great Latin War (1363-1371)

As for Wallachia? They'll probably stay 'Wallachia' even when they've gained what we might consider 'Romania'-level lands. The earliest this'd probably happen is around the 30 Years War.

Spoiler

When they, alongside the Romans, get dragged into it based on the fact that several Orthodox live within a then-very-Catholic nation. By the end, as I see it, Hungary will basically cut loose Transylvania after a decades long stalemate, which Wallachia will annex, in order to rid themselves of the Orthodox.

Glad you enjoyed the map!

I honestly can't find anything that says this sort of thing in the various sources I have, and as it stands I've already written the timeline with Wilkins & Hugh as my primary sources for Charles IV.

We're only 7 years prior to his death, and from my sources Charles basically resigned in all but name; ensuring his son was elected Emperor, and that one event was handled diplomatically, but nothing else as he effectively retired and died ridden with gout in 1378.

Italy's OTL trajectory isn't going to be altered without reason, because even if in new sources we've learned that Charles was more attentive in Italy, it doesn't change that Italy had/has been on the trajectory of independence from as early as the Peace of Constance in 1183.

In reality, from recent Italian studies on the subject we know that the relationship between Karl IV and Italy was more complex than what was thought years ago, in practice Charles was in his formative years with his father ( where he had carried out military campaigns in the peninsula for 3 years, with the aim of creating a possession in Parmesan, with Papal approval ) who, observing Ludovico's difficulties in making himself respected in the region, had decided to give up seeking recognition of the Italic entities through the use of force, but rather with diplomacy and soft power ( as he actually demonstrated in his 2 Romzung in Otl, the first in 1354/55 and the one in 1369, where he garnered immense acclaim in Tuscany, Lucca and Siena above all, without forgetting Montecarlo, the city he founded and which hosted him on his trips to Italy ) so I can easily see him modifying the Golden Bull ( since we know that Sigismund himself had asked his jurists if the document could be changed, and they replied, that Charles had deliberately created it this way, because he intended to expand and modify it later ) if in this way he manages to gain renewed imperial influence in Italy in a totally peaceful manner ( therefore at low risk )

What both Petrarch and Cola di Rienzo blamed on Charles was his failure to imitate his two predecessors, who spent enormous amounts of time in Italy ( particularly in Rome ) in an attempt to militarily deal with the political chaos resulting from the clash between Guelphs and Ghibellines and also maintain their permanent court on the Palatine Hill ( together with the senate ) in open contrast with the Papacy and the Angevins, something that Charles wisely avoided doing, because he had seen how it had only brought problems to previous Emperors, but considering that in this TL the Papacy is weaker, I can see Charles deciding to extend his stay in Italy and the eternal city by a few days furthermore ( certainly we will not see military campaigns, but the convening of a diet to announce the elevation of Monserrato would certainly be part of his character, given his preference for diplomacy and propaganda )

 

[Averious]

What both Petrarch and Cola di Rienzo blamed on Charles was his failure to imitate his two predecessors, who spent enormous amounts of time in Italy ( particularly in Rome ) in an attempt to militarily deal with the political chaos resulting from the clash between Guelphs and Ghibellines and also maintain their permanent court on the Palatine Hill ( together with the senate ) in open contrast with the Papacy and the Angevins, something that Charles wisely avoided doing, because he had seen how it had only brought problems to previous Emperors, but considering that in this TL the Papacy is weaker, I can see Charles deciding to extend his stay in Italy and the eternal city by a few days furthermore ( certainly we will not see military campaigns, but the convening of a diet to announce the elevation of Monserrato would certainly be part of his character, given his preference for diplomacy and propaganda )

I understand your perspective but I honestly can't just railroad that into the TL now--especially if, again, from what sources I have he wasn't directly involved in Italy in this regard.

The Papacy also isn't any weaker than OTL at this point; all the events that have befallen them TTL happened OTL as well, it's only with 'historical hindsight' in-universe for the TL that we know that the Papacy never returns to Roma.

 

[Nuraghe]

What both Petrarch and Cola di Rienzo blamed on Charles was his failure to imitate his two predecessors, who spent enormous amounts of time in Italy ( particularly in Rome ) in an attempt to militarily deal with the political chaos resulting from the clash between Guelphs and Ghibellines and also maintain their permanent court on the Palatine Hill ( together with the senate ) in open contrast with the Papacy and the Angevins, something that Charles wisely avoided doing, because he had seen how it had only brought problems to previous Emperors, but considering that in this TL the Papacy is weaker, I can see Charles deciding to extend his stay in Italy and the eternal city by a few days furthermore ( certainly we will not see military campaigns, but the convening of a diet to announce the elevation of Monserrato would certainly be part of his character, given his preference for diplomacy and propaganda )

Rather than independence from the HRE, the Italians aimed to obtain greater autonomy or be included in the imperial administration, to explain this I can suggest you read this essay, which I found very enlightening ( fortunately it is in English ) https://books.openedition.org/efr/39550

 

[A Random Man]

Corsica they effectively fully annexed alongside Genoa--but that was sneaky and quick. Their lands in Sardinia are in limbo; they're fighting over them, on and off, with the Aragonese/Sicilians, which was one of the reasons they had to draw back their fleet come the end of the Great Latin War (1363-1371)

When House Palaiologos-Montferrat takes full control of Sardinia, maybe they will (with support and approval from the main Imperial branch) declare the Kingdom of Montferrat? I know for certain the Aragonese and Sicilians will seethe all about it 🤣🤣🤣. To make me very happy, Palaiologos-Montferrat needs to take the Balearic Islands and Sicily as well, create the Grand Kingdom of the Isles 😎😎😎.