`Tis Time To Part: A Timeline

Sorry...looking back my last comment was not very clear. What I was thinking was the situation at the start of world war one where, once war was declared, the dominions (and US) were viewed as sources as manpower that could be fed into British units. Once the dominion governments got alittle perturbed by this practice you started seeing dominion units under their own officers either through the Canadian Army/ANZAC units etc...

At the start of the war England would basically help pay for the raising and equiping of units of men...similar to the situation in your TL. However in addition to units raised directly by the government (usually identified by a numbered battalion) private individuals also raised units out of their own pockets and turned over completly manned, equiped units to the Army for use overseas. Although many of these units were eventually broken up and fed into the "regular" battalions on the front line one in particular, the Princess Patricia Canadian Light Infantry was kept intact and still serves today in the Canadian Armed Forces. I thought that in part due to his actions raising the last privately funded battalion in service within the British Empire Andrew Hamilton Gault was raised to the knighthood and became Sir Andrew ( Have since checked and this is incorrect...he was not given a knighthood). This was the example I was thinking of as a model for affluent buisnessmen to raise units for use in your TL and reduce the costs to the crown.

Okay, I understand now I think. To start off with: yes, there is some use of independent units or companies during the war, the most prominant example being of Rogers' Rangers, who were trained by Robert Rodgers and attached to the British Army. For the most part, however, you do not see affluent individuals spending their own money to raise forces. There could be a few reasons for this, among them more concern over running their daily affairs or not wanting to put so much money into forces, remember the economic declines that happened following previous wars in the Americas (or they could have been in regions hit hard during the current conflict). This more than likely will happen ITTL in the future, as unless butterflies completely alter the relationship between Britain and her colonies a similar relationship would be in place. I could be wrong on this, but I think this ideal is a bit ahead of its time at this point in the TL (even the Rangers were mostly trained in guerrilla tactics and were mostly supplied by the British Army).

Glad to see this TL continuing. No specific comments ATM

Though it doesn't look it, this TL is in fact still in business. I'm in the process of moving back to college and getting settled, but I hope to have this up and running again within a week or two once things calm down.
 
Glad to see this TL continuing. No specific comments ATM

Though it doesn't look it, this TL is in fact still in business. I'm in the process of moving back to college and getting settled, but I hope to have this up and running again within a week or two once things calm down.
Umm... I hope you didn't take my comment as sarcastic. I was, like, a month and a half behind in reading the site, and only got up to your July posts in late August. So, those were the first ones I'd seen since ??? and wanted to encourage you.

Given the context, it might well have looked snarky, and if it did, I apologize. I'm now caught up to late August posts, so have seen this.
 
Excerpt from “And the Forest Floor Ran Red: The French and Indian War” by Harold D. Weaver (Pittsburgh: Fort, 2007)

As July arrived, and the British military began their moves for the season, the enthusiastic enrollments resulted in a vast numerical advantage for the British. The largest of her armies, the largest military force ever assembled in North America, found itself headquartered near the remains of Fort William Henry. There, General James Abercromby prepared to wage war on the string of French forts on the way to Montreal; under his command were sixteen heavy cannon, thirteen howitzers, eleven mortars, eight thousand rounds of ammunition, and sixteen thousand men. A thousand boats had been built to transport men, guns, and baggage down the lake on the first leg of their expedition, directed at Fort Carillon. The army moved out on 5 July, forming a convoy of vessels in four parallel columns over seven miles long.

For the French, Montcalm had hastily arrived at the fort less than a week before the British advance, finding under strength French regulars along with Canadian militia and Indian warriors. Food was in short supply at the fort, and as the retreating advance guard brought back word of the vastly superior British force, only 3,256 men were at his disposal. The food brought along with the reinforcements failed to bring the supply to even a week’s worth once a siege began. The geographic layout also was against their favor: a seven hundred foot hill overlooked the fort from a mile away, providing a perfect position for British troops to rain fire down upon the fort. Another raised area, to the north of the fort, could prove advantageous. For Montcalm, only one option presented itself: leave the confines of the fort and meet the British to the north[1].

To this end, the French set out preparing defensive positions. On the morning of the 7th Montcalm and his officers led their men in felling trees, crafting abatises[2], and digging entrenchments, all in an effort to create as strong a defensive position as possible. Topped with a log breastwork with swivel cannons, the position presented an obstacle for the British. It was, however, an obstacle that Montcalm felt would only be a threat for a little while. Once the British were able to bring cannons to bear upon the abatises the trees would splinter, piercing the defenders with splinters and shrapnel[3]. Eventually, the French would be forced back to the fort to prepare for a siege, while the British would take position. Only in the unlikely event that British would attack in a frontal assault would the French stand a chance in a significant engagement.

That is exactly what Abercromby did. His second in command, Howe, had been killed near the British landing place in pursuit of French forward guards, and there is some speculation that his mood and reaction to the events may have affected his judgment leading up to July 8th[4]. When word arrived that the French had established a breastwork across the road to the fort that could be taken by storming the position, he approved a frontal attack on the position, never looking at it himself. Accordingly, by noon eight battalions – seven thousand men – formed up to attack the position, with six thousand provincials in reserve. Most significantly, the heavy artillery was left at the landing site, not to be used. To make up for this, four lighter field guns were loaded onto rafts to be floated down river, then hauled up the large hill to the west, called Mount Defiance at this point, to fire on the French line and serve as a beginning of the assault.

The field guns never fired. The towboats overshot their landing site and came within range of the cannon at Fort Carillon. Fired upon, the British lost half the guns. Meanwhile, the British advance began with the sounds of the French cannon fire, regiments slowly surging forward without a starting order from Abercromby. Heavy small arms fire consumed the battlefield for almost seven hours, when the British were finally forced to fall back, the abatises proving the deciding factor. To make matters worse for the British, a retreat was called for to fall back to the landing site. Abercromby had planned to regroup his forces and make another attempt, but his men assumed the retreat was to escape the French. The retreat became a route, and by the following morning the largest British army ever assembled found itself rowing back down Lake George. Left behind were 551 dead and almost 1400 wounded[5].

For Montcalm, the hand of God had given the French victory over the British and himself victory over Vaudreuil. Exaggerating battle reports, he sent his chief aide, Louis-Antoine de Bougainville, to make his case in the court at Versailles to fight a European style war. When word reached Vaudreuil about the battle at Fort Carillon he sent his own emissary to defend his case, arguing for the Indian alliance and the continuance of guerrilla tactics. The following April Bougainville returned with Louis XV’s decision: Montcalm’s approach. However, the rest of the year’s battle outcomes were known, and while Montcalm had the power he sought and approval for his approach, the military balance in North America had decidedly shifted against his favor.
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[1] As Montcalm's cheif engineer described the situation of the fort: "Were I to be entrusted with the siege of it, I should require only six mortars and two cannon." The fort was one that was hastily put up, and while it has stratigic advantages the drawbacks could mean the positioning could have been better.

[2] An abatis is a type of field fortification, constructed by tres branches in an effort to slow the attacking army's advance. This are sharpened and placed facing the enemy and may be tied together with rope or wire. In some ways, it's the predicessor to barbed wire and other wire entanglements.

[3] A drawback which need no more reply; another issue which will not come up in this battle is if they were lit on fire.

[4] All true; in a report to Pitt Abercromby wrote that he "felt [his death] most heavily".

[5] IOTL the bloodiest day for the British in North America until the Battle of New Orleans in 1815 during* the War of 1812

*Either during or after, still a decent number of dead

EDIT: Here is a map of the area in question
 
Umm... I hope you didn't take my comment as sarcastic. I was, like, a month and a half behind in reading the site, and only got up to your July posts in late August. So, those were the first ones I'd seen since ??? and wanted to encourage you.

Given the context, it might well have looked snarky, and if it did, I apologize. I'm now caught up to late August posts, so have seen this.

Oh, no worries, I didn't take the comment as being snarky; my reply if anything was more of that slight embarrassment from letting this go so long without a proper update. One of the many difficulties with communication on a forum, you can't tell tone. Oh well. Anyway, glad you have caught up and like this TL! Thanks for your readership :D.
 
'Tis Time to (Temporarily?) Part...

Hey all,

Sorry for the lack of updates; unfortunately, it is a forbearer for some sad news. As much as I love working on this TL (a lack of updates there might have been, but I was able to write updates up to and including an altered Plains of Abraham) events in the real world are making themselves felt. At university, I am either consumed by the work needed to be a secondary education social studies teacher or am working long hours at the Learning Center as a tutor trying to make a wage. Both of these, meanwhile, have had a negative impact on my relationship, giving it a serious hit which I hope will not prove fatal. As such, I'm sad to say that this TL is going on hiatus, as well as my frequenting the site. I hope that this is not a permanent move - ideally, all this situations will improve when I become a student teacher and move back home in January (provided I can get placed nearby). In the end, of course, only time will tell.

Scott S.
 
No worries man...

Better to keep the otherhalf/job/school up to par than write here.

But I look forward to the next update.

foresterab
 
Excerpt from “And the Forest Floor Ran Red: The French and Indian War” by Harold D. Weaver (Pittsburgh: Fort, 2007)

With the failed British expedition against Fort Louisbourg the previous year, it was certain that another attempt would be made to remove the fort from French control. Knowing this, the French commander Augustin de Boschenry de Drucour[1] put his men to work, adding defensive positions along Gabarus Bay, located to the west of the fort in an ideal location for landing troops. Here, a twenty foot deep abatis was prepared, as well as a series of trench works and well placed artillery batteries. In all, 3,500 soldiers and an equal number of marines and sailors were at Louisbourg to defend it against the British. A significant factor, however, was what the French lacked: a vast naval fleet to defend the bay. This difference was not from a change of plans: much like the year before, the French planned to send a large naval force to help defend the fortress. Unfortunately for the French, the fleet which had left from Toulon was blockaded in Cartagena by the British. A relief force was quickly dispatched, but with their defeat at the Battle of Cartagena[2] the French were unable to reinforce from the Mediterranean, meaning that the French ships already present at Louisbourg would be all that de Drucour would have to hold back the British.

The British faced the prospect of taking the vital fortress with a new set of military leaders. Jeffery Amherst would be in charge with James Wolfe as his second in command, while Admiral Edward Boscawen was in command of all naval operations. John Henry Bastide would serve as chief engineer of the operation, having been present at the first siege of the fort in 1745[3]. Prior to the actual attack, the British assembled their forces at Halifax, were extensive training took place during the month of May while the Royal Navy fleet assembled in the harbor. By the end of the month, a vast fleet, consisting of 150 transport ships and 40 men-of-war, was prepared for battle. 14,000 soldiers had been assembled, the vast majority of them British regulars divided into three divisions. On May 29th the fleet left Halifax, arriving in Gabarus Bay on June 2nd.

The weather refused to cooperate with the British, with rough waves preventing a landing. The British were left with simply bombarding the French positions, a task which would soften the defenses for a landing, if one could even be attempted. Conditions finally improved, and at daybreak on the 8th Amherst ordered an assault and landing attempt. The waves were still rough, and the heavy swells kept the troop transports off the beaches but in cannon range. Wolfe, placed in charge of the landing attempt, was on the verge of calling for a retreat, repeating the result from the year before. However, before he could signal for the retreat, three of the boats under his command broke off without orders for a rocky inlet which offered scant protection from the French and the waves. Impulsively, Wolfe ordered the boats to follow, and once ashore he led a bayonet charge against the closest entrenchment[4]. After a fierce fight the British had won control of the stretch of the trench. With the possibility of being outflank, the French fell back to the safety of the fort; meanwhile, by nightfall the majority of the British forces had been safely landed, with cannon and supplies following the next day in preparation for a siege.

As the siege was set up, the British continued to tighten the noose. On the 12th the British captured Lighthouse Point, a neck of land which gave the British virtual control over the harbor entrance. On the 19th the siege was formally under way, with seventy cannon and numerous mortars raining destruction down upon the fort. A month later, on July 21st, mortar fire from Lighthouse Point set would led to three French ships catching on fire, with the largest, L’Entreprenant, exploding – depriving the French of their largest ship. Two days later, the French headquarters caught fire during an attack, destroying not only the largest building in North America but also the morale of the French troops.

The biggest blow came on the night of July 25th when, using the dense fog in the harbor, Admiral Boscawen ordered a boat raid against the two remaining French boats: the end result was the destruction of one of them, the Prudent, and the capture of the other, the Bienfaisant. With no other option, de Drucour asked for a truce in order to seek terms of surrender. Much of the fort had been blasted to ruin, with the town mostly burned to the ground. The defense had been gallant, and the French commander assumed that his men would be able to surrender with the honors of war. Amherst refused; no doubt the atrocities at Fort Oswego and Fort William Henry played a role in this decision[5]. From a strict military perspective, the terms should have been rejected; by Drucour had to consider the substantial civilian population which had sought safety at the fort. As such, British forces took control of the fort at eight in the morning on the 27th, the French military personnel there becoming prisoners of war, sent to England to be exchanged for captured British prisoners on the Continent. The capture of Louisbourg would prove to be decisive, as it opened up the St. Lawrence Seaway to British military ships, and would be one of three major victories[6] during the year that would turn the war in favor of the British.
_____

[1] Also known as Chevalier de Drucour, as he signed his papers this way. I was unable to find out much about him, other then he was a French military officer. I assume that events did not go well for him after this event, and if I can find more information I will include him in a "Where Are They Now?" section

[2] The battle took place on 28 February 1758, with the main fleet continued to be blockaded until July, when Admiral Henry Osborn rightfully concluded that it was too late for the French to make it to North America. He would pull back to Gibraltar while the French fleet sailed back to Toulon

[3] He was also at the Fall of Minorca; he made it back to England prior to being sent over to America due to his experience at Louisbourg during the 1740s

[4] All done while he possessed, not a sword, but a walking stick - ballsy man

[5] As was covered in an earlier section, the British will assume what happened at those forts (in terms of Indian attacks) happened at French orders, and so showing the French were fighting without honor. If this is the case, then the French deserve no honor in any of their surrenders.

[6] The other victories, as well as what happened to the civilians at Fort Louisbourg, will be covered in future updates.

Louisbourg.png
 
No worries man...

Better to keep the otherhalf/job/school up to par than write here.

But I look forward to the next update.

foresterab

Very true, and hopefully you like the update.

Hopefully there's still a few readers out there, but I figure it is a new year, so we have another attempt at the timeline. I've decided that, as much as I'd like to have a good update schedule, there is no way that I can have that until at least the fall, when I will hopefully have a teaching job somewhere. So, rather than let this die fully, I'll just update sporadically, while still trying to update as much as possible.
 
wow, i like this. glad you decided to revive it!

keep it up and hope life bodes you well! :)

I'm glad you like it so far.

With college ending and no employment in sight yet, I've had time to researching this some more and start it up again. So, on with the TL...
 
Excerpt from “And the Forest Floor Ran Red: The French and Indian War” by Harold D. Weaver (Pittsburgh: Fort, 2007)

Britain’s second success in 1758 has, over the course of time, been called ironic, fitting, and even a strange twist in the war, almost as if written by someone for a script. The taking of Fort Frontenac, a strategic location which helped put Britain on the path to victory in North America over the French, had its plans drawn up by an Acadian. Jean-Baptiste (or John) Bradstreet, a Nova Scotian with an Acadian mother and a British military father, had always been a military man starting with his childhood, growing up in his father’s regiment. It was he who had helped to persuade William Shirley in 1744 to assault and capture Louisbourg from the French during King George’s War[1], and had in fact taken part in the expedition itself. While there, his driving initiative to take part in the action and outstanding organizational capability led to Shirley seeking him out again during the French and Indian War to create and manage a transportation service from Albany to Fort Oswego. He did so with great success, managing to stay in his post when Lord Loudoun took over operations, even being promoted to lieutenant colonel in the process. He greatly improved the logistics and capabilities of the army, as well as improving his own financial situation; Bradstreet would become quiet rich in the process[2]. Despite the welcome wealth, however, what Bradstreet really desired was military glory.

To this end, Bradstreet constantly promoted a plan of his own design, first devised in 1755. Perhaps driven by a desire for more wealth or the trained eye of one who himself delt with supply, Bradstreet focused on the capture of Fort Frontenac on Lake Ontario. This single post was perhaps the most important in all of Canada for it was a strategic location for the French war effort. During times of peace the warehouses at the fort would be overflowing with furs and pelts to be shipped to peace, and even now the same would hold true. However, the flow of goods in the opposite direction was the true prize: arms, ammunition, and the trade goods that were key to maintaining the trade and alliance system that had developed between the Indian nations and the French. From this one point all aid from the French went to their native allies, either south into the backcountry of Pennsylvania and Virginia or farther west, out past the French post at Detroit in into the region around the Great Lakes. Such a strike, if carried out successfully, would wield multiple benefits for the British and colonists alike: the removal of the main French naval base on Lake Ontario, the capture of a vast quantity of trade goods which could be sold elsewhere, depriving all of the forts in the Great Lakes basin essential supplies for the upcoming winter, and the removal of trade goods which bought the native’s services in raiding the frontiers of Pennsylvania and Virginia, lessen the amount of raids while straining the French-Native relationship.

Such a plan was surely impressive, especially after Bradstreet informed Loudoun that he would personally finance the expedition himself. It was made a part of the year’s campaign, but was removed by William Pitt at the same time that Loudoun himself was removed and replaced by James Abercromby. The situation all changed following Ticonderoga; as Abercromby returned from Fort Carillon Bradstreet badgered the defeated commander to give him the men and arms to attack the fort. Humiliated with defeat, and looking for some form of success in what was becoming a disastrous campaign, Abercromby relented on July 13th. Bradstreet would have his operation.

He would work with lightning speed to put his plan into operation; within two weeks Bradstreet had assembled a force of over 5,000 provincials, almost 200 British regulars, and 70 Iroquois warriors. He had also managed to equip them all with bateaux, supplies, and field artillery. Soon after they were on their way westward. The destination was a location known as the Great Carrying Place, as Bradstreet had told his men (and the entire town of Schenectady). After traveling up the Mohawk River, this area was a portage that connected it with Wood Creek, a westward flowing creek which drained into Lake Oneida and, eventually, Lake Ontario. Once they arrived at the Great Carrying Place they would erect a fort to replace Oswego. This would allow the British to trade again with the Six Nations in the area, who had been without easy access to such trade goods for two years. Of course, such elaborately told intentions were not fully true, and it was only after the expedition arrived at the portage were the true plans told. It was true that a fort would be built; however, a majority of the men would continue on with Bradstreet and move to capture Fort Frontenac. At this point, half of the warriors left Bradstreet, while bribes kept the others along with him.

As Brigadier General John Stanwix[3] built the fort with two thousand men, the rest continued on with Bradstreet, lugging their boats and supplies across the portage and into Wood Creek to continue their journey. By August 21st they had made it as far as the ruins of Fort Oswego, camping overnight there. Four days later they beached their boats within a mile of the fort, undetected this entire time, and began to build defenses. The French, surprised at what they were seeing, began to fire cannonballs at them, but it was already too late. The next morning Bradstreet’s men landed the field guns they brought with them, and by August 27th all eight guns were firing on the fort from battery works within 150 yards of the fort. Within an hour and a half a flag of truce was raised over the fort.

For what Bradstreet had seen as such a critical and strategic location for the French in North America, he was dumbfounded by the lack of opposition from the French. The oddity was readily apparent once the truce had been raised: the majority of the men at the fort had, in fact, been called to help defend Fort Carillon. There were only 110 men stationed at the fort, while inside countless women and children, the families of the men stationed there and who had left, huddled for protection. There were plenty of guns and ammunition to defend the fort, but not enough manpower. The French commander, sixty-three year old Major Pierre-Jacques Payen de Noyan[4], understood that he could not maintain his position long enough for reinforcements, nor subject those seeking shelter to the horrors that would befall them in the fort. Bradstreet quickly accepted the surrender of the fort, noticing the amount of fresh bread which he would use to feed his own men, unsure himself of how far away a relief expedition was. The French were allowed to leave the fort provided that they released an equal number of British captives would be released in Canada as well.

With that, Bradstreet and his men began to plunder the fort. Insides was almost unfathomable wealth: hundreds of bales of cloth, seemingly thousands of coats, shirts, and other clothing, deerskins, beaver pelts, furs, ammunition, guns, powder – all seemed to stack up to the roofs of the buildings and then overflow them. There were not enough men to carry everything back with them; instead, they made off with £35,000[5] in their boats while destroying the rest of the goods, the fort, and the entire French fleet on the lake. The troops began their return leg on August 28th, the French supply system in shambles and likely broken beyond repair – all done by a man who had Acadian blood himself, and made all the sweeter by knowing that not a single man had been lost on this expedition.

Battle_of_Fort_Frontenac.jpg

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[1] Bradstreet was actually at the French raid on Canso, which is where he would get the idea for the raid on the fort later on during that war. This, as well as growing up in the area, helped to provide his opinions with weight, along with the passion behind his plan which will be seen in his plan for the French and Indian War.

[2] This, of course, is not uncommon for quarter masters at this time; after all, surely one can take a little off the top is less of a loss than what was happening before they put their skills to use?

[3] Born about 1690, Stanwix entered the army in 1706 and rose through the ranks. Besides his military career he was also appointed to the government of Carlisle in 1750, after he represented it in Parliament 1741. This provides an ironic footnote in history, as he was stationed in Carlisle, Pennsylvania during this war before being reassigned north to take part in Bradstreet's expedition.

[4] Sadly, I was not able to find more information on this individual, other than what was stated above

[5] This was quite a haul; the comperative cost to today would exceed $700,000
 
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PCSwitaj

Very interesting. Only just discovered this TL:eek: but one of my favourite periods, although more aware of events in Europe and the full details in N America are interesting.

It sounds like prior to the 58/59 regrouping the French plan seems to have been working despite the oft quoted extreme differences in the population bases available. The colonies losing a lot of their western lands and interests, with great economic disruption and deepening division between each of them and between them and Britain. No change of a full conquest by the French of course but looks like they could have held their position in control of the hinterland for the duration of the war and probably beyond.

Didn't realise how close Louisbourg was either. Sounds like it nearly got totally called off because of the weather and that would have delayed the major attack on Quebec and the rest of Canada for at least another year.

Subscribing. Hoping things slow down a bit [i.e. you do get a job;)] but having fun reading things.

Steve
 
Thanks for the update. Don't recall ever seeing this before, so it's good to see a refreshed timeline anyway.

Thank-you very much; sadly this thing has started and stopped more often than a crank start car, but it keeps going (at least it tries).

PCSwitaj

Very interesting. Only just discovered this TL:eek: but one of my favourite periods, although more aware of events in Europe and the full details in N America are interesting.

It sounds like prior to the 58/59 regrouping the French plan seems to have been working despite the oft quoted extreme differences in the population bases available. The colonies losing a lot of their western lands and interests, with great economic disruption and deepening division between each of them and between them and Britain. No change of a full conquest by the French of course but looks like they could have held their position in control of the hinterland for the duration of the war and probably beyond.

Didn't realise how close Louisbourg was either. Sounds like it nearly got totally called off because of the weather and that would have delayed the major attack on Quebec and the rest of Canada for at least another year.

Subscribing. Hoping things slow down a bit [i.e. you do get a job;)] but having fun reading things.

Steve

While the major military events have not changed much (yet) in the war, you are quite right: the French understood that to fight this war they would have to do so with native tactics, instead of the European style of fighting that the British continued to use. The French actually were using the style of war that had been seen the previous three conflicts, which had worked to great effect: country raids and guerrilla warfare in North America, leaving the outcome of the war to be decided in Europe. However, Montcalm was a proponent of the European, professional, standard style of conflict, and tried to impliment it. This action would alienate his native allies and, along with the loss of Fort Frontenac and the supplies needed to maintain the relationship and alliance between the two, would alter the war in America against France.

You're also right with Louisbourg - it really was one of those remarkable moments in history where Mother Nature almost certainly had a hand in determining the outcome.

Thanks for subscribing, by the way - hope you are enjoying it!
 
Excerpt from “They Come With Hatchets: Indian Raids during the French and Indian War” by Paul A. W. Wallace (Philadelphia: National, 1986)

Indian raids into the back country, first seen in vast numbers in 1755 following Braddock’s defeat, continued heavily over the next several years, directed primarily from Pennsylvania south to Virginia. Such attacks, like those mentioned earlier in the book[1], were a means to further destabilize the backwoods communities which were already unstable. The initial wave of refugees saw mass migration into the cities, such as Carlisle, Lancaster, and Philadelphia in Pennsylvania; as the frontiers continued to empty out the raiders from the various Ohio River Valley tribes continued to move farther eastward in search of more captives, scalps, and plunder. When it came to captives, there were generally two categories: those who would be killed or taken hostage for ransom (grown men) and those who would be adopted back into the Indian societies, to replace members killed during the fighting (women and children). This entire process, from the physical challenges to the psychological impact on both Native and colonist families, is a complicated one that cannot be adequately explained in a few sentences in this book[2]. However, even without going into detail one can imagine the impact the raids had on several areas by looking at two significant facts: from 1755 to 1758, the backcountry counties of Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia lost somewhere between a third and a half of their entire settler populations due to evacuations, while in the same time period about four percent of the prewar settlers were either killed or captured during raids[3].

As a result of the massive influx of settlers retreating towards the seaboard, the colonial governments faced a massive crisis that neither of them knew how to handle. All three colonies handled the matter differently – with all three responses proving ineffective or simply failing. In Virginia, the colonial legislature, the House of Burgesses, recreated their provincial regiment for the specific purpose of defending the frontier. Placing George Washington in command of the force, it then proceeded by providing a scant amount of funding to recruit men or purchase supplies, resulting in a severely undermanned and underprepared force. Washington eventually established his headquarters at Winchester, the largest settlement in the Shenandoah Valley, and attempted to carry out his duty of protecting the region and preparing recruits to help. The regiment’s presence, however, gave no comfort to the settlers in the area, who fled the region in such numbers that it was difficult to move from east to west through the mountain passes due to their overwhelming numbers. Those who remained behind were in such a state of paranoia, confusion, and desperation that it was impossible to for Washington to execute any type of executive authority. In some instances Washington himself faced death threats for his efforts to defend the frontier. For almost three years the situation remained the same, with raids carried out while Washington remained virtually ineffective to do anything about it. It would not be until 1758, when Parliament in London under Pitt promised to reimburse the colonies that the House of Burgesses finally authorized the proper funds for Washington, as well as an additional regiment, that Virginia’s defense of the frontier could be considered capable of the job at hand.

Sadly, Virginia’s experience was the most effective of those of the colonial governments at hand. In fact, Washington and the Virginia Provincial Regiments would become the de facto defenders of the Maryland frontier as well. When news of Braddock’s defeat reached the government of Maryland in Annapolis both the legislature and the governor, Horatio Sharpe, panicked. The government’s plan was to simply abandon the western portions of the colony. As a result, money was set aside for the quick construction of a fort forty five miles to the west of Baltimore, called Fort Frederick. This was to be the limit of Maryland’s defensive network; anything to the west, including Fort Cumberland, was left to Washington and the Virginians to defend. Much like in Virginia the frontier of Maryland emptied out as well, as settlers arrived at Fort Frederick or cities farther eastward for protection[4]. This odd solution, particularly the abandonment and unofficial transfer of land from Maryland to Virginia, would prove to cause problems between the two entities in the future[5].

Pennsylvania’s handling of the ongoing crisis was even worse. At the very least, the colonial governments of Virginia and Maryland were in some agreement about their choice of actions, regardless of how ineffective they turned out to be. Simply put, there was some form of political leadership in those two colonies to try and manage the situation. In Pennsylvania, the ruling Quaker Party refused to abandon their peace testimony[6] and engage in war. Non-Quakers in the legislature were themselves divided into two camps, one who wished to tax the lands and holdings of the Penn family to raise money for defense (known as Antiproprietary Party) and those who thought that the family’s sovereign immunity to taxation should hold firm, even if the money would be used for defense (Proprietary Party). It was only after months of disagreement that an agreement was finally reached, brokered by Antiproprietary Party leader Benjamin Franklin: the Penn family would present a “gift” to match money appropriated by the colony for “the King’s use,” whatever that may be[7]. All members involved might have been able to fool themselves into thinking that they had held on to their principles, but by then it was too late: even towards the end of their negotiations, a massive raid on Gnadenhütten wiped out the settlers there, a group of pacifist Moravians. This raid in particular highlighted the dire straits that the colony was facing: while raids had wiped out entire communities elsewhere as well, this particular raid took place less than two day’s travel to the north of Philadelphia[8]. Not only were raids taking place west of the Susquehanna River, but Delaware Indians from the Wyoming Valley were coming from the north. The vast majority of the colony faced the threat of raids, and with a dysfunctional government and no militia in place (also due to the peace testimony of the Quakers) the fate of the colony was dire[9].
___

[1] As covered in a previous update, focusing on Pennsylvania originally to give a sense of what was happening. This update tries to take the responses of all those involved while also showing the passage of time.

[2] This plays into such areas as adoption, whites taking on the identity of their adopting culture, returning to European settlements and not adapting (especially children), the idea that a house can be rebuilt and the dead can be burried but the fate of a loved one still alive being harder to bare, etc. All of these instances add together to create the hatred of Indians by whites that was/is seen IOTL and will be seen ITTL.

[3] Both of these come from modern estimates IOTL about the French and Indian War IOTL; the war has not changed enough yet to affect these facts, and so I present them here as well.

[4] As strange and odd as this may sound, that is exactly what happened IOTL - this is one of those events that just sounded too odd to pass up. Of course, events have not changed enough for this not to be a viable option ITTL either.

[5] A bit of foreshadowing for the future of this TL...

[6] The peace testimony is a term used to describe the Quaker position of peace and avoiding participation in war, truely "peace at any price." It is not so much a belief as an actual description of action taken by Quakers.

[7] Even back then, wording was important when creating legislation: nowhere does it say that the Penn family is being "taxed" to help pay for the defense nor does it say that the money will go for defense or even offensive actions during the war, but that is certainly what it is.

[8] Most people with some knowledge of the French and Indian War assume all the raids happned in the western sections of the modern states. In fact, the raids made it farther east than most people realise, especially once you factor in some of the "hold-out" tribes such as those in the Wyoming Valley. While there are several reasons for this, I personally feel that the fact that the French and Indian War is generally glossed over in public school, as well as the fact that most schools put little focus on local events when teaching the larger narrative, leads to this unknown side of the war.

[9] The situation will be covered in the next update, taking a look at what Pennsylvania finally does to take care of the raid issue.

I have added a map showing some of the locations covered in this update. I apologize that some of the text is hard to read, it did not look as bad when I had it opened in PAINT.Net. The doubled lined text to the north of Philadelphia is the Wyoming Valley, home of the last major group of Delaware Indians in the east. If anyone has any other questions please feel free to ask.

IndianRaidMap.png
 
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Old thread, new interest

This timeline has quite an original idea to it, and the detail is simply, amazing. This is probably the best timeline not made by a vet of this board on the pre-colonial era.:)

Now onto the timeline, it seems that Pennsylvania is going through quite the thick. With all he havoc the natives are causing, one gets the feeling that when the colonists come back, there will be quite a nasty ending for the indians.:(

With the war on both sides of the Atlantic, is the course going to alter dramatically on either side or will the results follow closely with OTL? Seeing. ol' Pitt at the helm of the British suggests that at least NA is going to result in a similar outcome as OTL.

On a side note, is there any idea on how far you intend on continuing this tl into? The previous posts suggest up to almost OTL, but that can change.

Again, this a fantastic tl for its PoD. Keep up the goodwork!:):)
 
PCSwitaj

Amazing how destructive the raids were. Makes me think that all the talk you often get about the inevitability of English/American dominance of the continent due to sheer weight of numbers may have been over-stated if the British hadn't got their act together.

Also surprised that in such a crisis the Virginian Burgesses still refused to fund the defence of the colony properly until they got London to do it.:confused:

It sounds like Montcalm's intervention may have been far more decisive, and destructive for the French cause, then I ever considered.

Steve
 
This timeline has quite an original idea to it, and the detail is simply, amazing. This is probably the best timeline not made by a vet of this board on the pre-colonial era.:)

Now onto the timeline, it seems that Pennsylvania is going through quite the thick. With all he havoc the natives are causing, one gets the feeling that when the colonists come back, there will be quite a nasty ending for the indians.:(

With the war on both sides of the Atlantic, is the course going to alter dramatically on either side or will the results follow closely with OTL? Seeing. ol' Pitt at the helm of the British suggests that at least NA is going to result in a similar outcome as OTL.

On a side note, is there any idea on how far you intend on continuing this tl into? The previous posts suggest up to almost OTL, but that can change.

Again, this a fantastic tl for its PoD. Keep up the goodwork!:):)

A lot in this comment haha. You are right about the reaction of white settlers once the war settles down; similar reactions happened IOTL, a prime example being the Paxton Boys near what is now Harrisburg, Pennsylvania. In real life, tensions would result in Pontiac's Rebellion, several tribes siding with the British during the American Revolution and War of 1812, as well as numerous Indian wars. Similar events will take place ITTL as well.

In the meantime, the war has generally gone as it did IOTL with the few changes made, the (even worse) failure of the Albany Conference and the decission not to ship Acadians over to France, which will be covered in an upcoming entry (I think three away). There is one other major change yet to come, but the idea was to gradually introduce the butterflies in this world. Based on the comments from the few sneak peaks I gave out the idea seemed okay, but it's up to the reader to decide. As for the timeline itself, the original idea is to at least get to 1800 in this world, although I would like to make it to the present day (whenever that is).

I'm glad you like the timeline, and while I don't feel as strongly re. the best non vet timeline comment, I am glad you are enjoying it!

PCSwitaj

Amazing how destructive the raids were. Makes me think that all the talk you often get about the inevitability of English/American dominance of the continent due to sheer weight of numbers may have been over-stated if the British hadn't got their act together.

Also surprised that in such a crisis the Virginian Burgesses still refused to fund the defence of the colony properly until they got London to do it.:confused:

It sounds like Montcalm's intervention may have been far more decisive, and destructive for the French cause, then I ever considered.

Steve

It truely is amazing just how destructive the raids were. As was hinted at, this wasn't a simple numbers game; entire families were killed, anger between "whites" and "savages" grew and helped to set the stage for multiple Indian wars IOTL, and the initial idea that they could become like the European settlers took a major blow, one that would end that effort really until Richard Henry Pratt developed the idea for the Carlisle Indian School. While it is left to speculate what might have happened if Montcalm had not changed strategy and ruined the Indian alliance, I personally feel that the damage to the British and her colonies would have been far greater, although I cannot bring myself to see Britain removed from North America like what happened to the French IOTL.

As for the House of Burgesses, the fear of going into debt (or maybe just not having as large profits as they were used to) was enough to stop them from spending the money. For them, most of the fighting was taking place outside of Virginia, so they only saw the raids as a minor nuisance until the British could take care of the French and Indians. Why spend money if you don't have to (even though your frontier settlers are fleeing their homes)?
 
Excerpt from “And the Forest Floor Ran Red: The French and Indian War” by Harold D. Weaver (Pittsburgh: Fort, 2007)

While the vast majority of the raids terrorizing Pennsylvania were carried out by Indians from the Ohio Country, it would be an eastern Delaware chief who would begin the process for peace in the battered colony. Teedyuscung[1], also known as Gideon by the Moravians who had settled the area and baptized him, was the chief of the eastern Delawares, located in the Wyoming Valley[2] of Pennsylvania. It was under his leadership that raids were carried out in the direction of Philadelphia since the beginning of the war, when news of Braddock’s defeat at the Forks of the Ohio reached them. However, this only tells part of the story: while in fact he led his people on the warpath, it was not done by personal choice. Instead, Teedyuscung had initially favored an alliance with the English, but with the lack of gifts from the Pennsylvania government he was forced to follow the will of his people instead of forfeiting his position as chief.

The chief and his people would soon find themselves in a precarious situation. Unlike their brethren out west, who would continue to have access to French supplies and arms, once the eastern Delaware had driven out the local traders from their lands there would be no way for them to acquire weapons and manufactured goods. For a time this was taken care of by carrying off whatever supplies they could while raiding the surrounding areas, but even this was a short term solution to a long term problem. Problems only intensified when the harvest failed along the Susquehanna River in 1755. His people starving, and fearing reprisals from scalp-hunters, Teedyuscung made his way to the border with New York in an effort to gain the aid of the Six Nations. Once in Iroquoia, however, the eastern Delaware chief would find himself pressed to move toward peace and give up the hatchet.

While pressed by the Iroquois (and to some extent Sir William Johnson[3]) to pursue peace, Teedyuscung himself began to see advantages to playing the role of peacekeeper in Pennsylvania. After all, the extent and severity of the raids had rattled Pennsylvania badly enough that anyone able to secure peace from the Indians would be able to get generous terms from the colonial government. If he could pass himself off as representing all Delawares, and not just the eastern branch, perhaps it would be possible to get a permanent reserve in the Wyoming Valley, free from white settlement. At the very least, there was a real possibility of getting some guarantees of security and protection for his people once the war ended. Taking all of this into account, as well as the knowledge that he would be more likely to receive the supplies so desperately needed by his people while negotiating with the British as a condition for the peace process to continue, Teedyuscung set off to commence talks.

Colonial politics in Philadelphia would greatly help his efforts. Since the passage of the non-committal declaration of war, the makeup of the colonial legislature had been altered forever. Half of the Quakers involved in government had left politics rather than risk being disowned by their fellow Quakers for discarding the Peace Testimony. Those Quakers who stayed found themselves disowned; meanwhile, two non-Quakers, Benjamin Franklin and Joseph Galloway[4], had taken over the leadership in the legislature. Unhindered by the Peace Testimony[5], the legislature eventually created bounties for Indian scalps[6]. This drove Israel Pemberton[7] and the Quakers to act. Creating the Friendly Association for the Regaining and Preserving Peace with the Indians by Pacific Measures, their sole goal was to bring about an end to the raids throughout the province; with this goal in mind, they turned to Teedyuscung through their contact, Conrad Weiser[8].

Meetings were held on and off between the two sides throughout 1757. The Friendly Association gave both financial aid and advice to Teedyuscung during this time, as well as a stenographer to keep a record of all that was said. With such support, Teedyuscung played his hand: in exchange for peace, he wanted an investigation into the Walking Purchase[9], as well as compensation for their losses. The Governor of Pennsylvania, William Denny[10], had no knowledge about the events of the purchase. He feared embarrassing the Penn family if any wrong doing had actually occurred; while at the same time was determined to bring peace back to Pennsylvania. Using the Friendly Association’s vast funds to ensure that adequate gifts were given to Teedyuscung, Denny agreed to convene a peace conference the following year to end the fighting, agreed to an examination of the Walking Purchase, offered subsidies to the eastern Delawares, and agreed to create a reservation for the Delaware nation in the Wyoming Valley. Teedyuscung, in turn, would try to return as many captives as possible while opening communication with the Delaware tribes in the Ohio Country. Teedyuscung also brought his people to peace with Pennsylvania and offered his people’s support to the British against the French.

A few months later, in May 1758, representatives from the Friendly Association dispatched an agent, Christian Frederick Post[11], to the Wyoming Valley to further push Teedyuscung into making contact with the Delawares in the east. What he discovered, however, was shocking: contact had been made, and an important western Delaware chief, Pisquetomen[12], had come to Teedyuscung's village to talk of peace. Post returned to Philadelphia with the news, and eventually both he and Pisquetomen were heading back into the Ohio Country with the offer of peace. After over three months, both men returned to Pennsylvania, with Pisquetomen heading directly to Easton while Post took care of other business before returning there himself.

Finally, treaty negotiations were under way. Begun in October, near the center of the land lost during the Walking Purchase, multiple parties were in attendance: Teedyuscung and the eastern Delawares, Pisquetomen and the Ohioan Delawares, the Iroquois and several clients, the governors of Pennsylvania and New Jersey, a representative of William Johnson, and the Friendly Association. They had all come with different intentions[13], and negotiations were slow in coming, but after Post's return on the 20th a historic agreement was reached on October 26th, beneficial to all parties. Pisquetomen had brought the Ohio Indians to peace with the British, while Denny agreed to begin treating with the Delaware personally instead of through the Iroquois[14], while also making sure a fort was built at the Forks of the Ohio to continuing the trading of goods, provided no white settlement was established across the mountains. With the Treaty of Easton the raids would slowly, but surely, begin to lessen across Pennsylvania. While the treaty did not end the complex relationships and issues amongst the British, the colonists, and the various Indian tribes, or even end the war itself, it was a positive step in the right direction, the most significant diplomatic effort in North America since the Treaty of Lancaster in 1744[15].
___

[1] Known as the King of the Delawares due to the role he is about to play in this update, Teedyuscung was born about 1700. During his lifetime he has seen the Delaware, also known as the Lenape lose their lands in modern Pennsylvania and New Jersey and is hoping to prevent their complete loss and the eviction of his people. He truly was a complex man, placed in a position of leadership trying to deal with a complex issue.

[2] As a reminder from earlier updates (as well as a map of colonial claims), this would be the OTL northeastern portion of Pennsylvania, around modern-day Wilkes-Barre.

[3] This is a result of the strong ties established between the Six Nations and Johnson, so much so to the point of overlapping expectations and motives. After all, the Iroquois could use peace as well, provided that they are able to get favorable concessions out of the process.

[4] While early in his political career at this point (he will play a bigger role OTL leading up to the American Revolution) Galloway is still a non Quaker leading a major political party. He, along with Franklin, will help open up Pennsylvania to act more readily in defense of the colony.

[5] This is not to mean that the entire legislative assembly was under the guidance of the Peace Testimony; rather, the leadership and several members had been, taking more militaristic options off the table.

[6] The costs were determined by age and gender; as an example, the scalp of a Delaware man over age 10 was 130 Spanish dollars, while that of a woman would only be 50 dollars. Of course, the ability to tell age and gender from a scalp could prove difficult and lead to argument over price, but still a dead Indian was a dead Indian...

[7] One of the leading Quaker members of the legislature; I am unsure if he left after the "declaration" of war or if he stayed as a member of the assembly.

[8] As I think he has been mentioned before but long ago at this point, Weiser was Pennsylvania's Indian affairs diplomat, to put it simply, often going to council with the tribes to either keep the peace, seek alliances against the French, or end fighting.

[9] While you can read more about it HERE, a quick account is that the Walking Purchase was set up between the Penn family and the Delaware Indians, the Penns allowed to buy the land that a man could cross in a day and a half. Land was sold to white settlers even before the purchase was made, and legend has it that the three fastest men in the colony were hired to complete the "walk". The Delaware were forced to move off of all the land claimed, which was more than what they expected to lose. This lead to tensions IOTL that were not fully settled until 2006 when the Third Circuit Court upheld a lower court decision on the matter, with the Supreme Court of the United States refusing to hear the case [as a note, the original case was Delaware Nation v. Pennsylvania]

[10] I was not able to find much on Denny, other than the fact that he was an army officer before being called on by the Penn family to serve as governor. Generally speaking, his term spans the first half of the war, when the British were losing and then slowly turning things around. His name is also shown as being spelled Denney in some sources.

[11] A Moravian missionary, Post was well connected with the natives in the area, having been married twice to native converts even though he had only arrived in Pennsylvania in 1742. These connections make him an important piece in the peace process.

[12] From what information I have been able to gather, Pisquetomen had come into his leadership role in 1747, following the death of his brother. Up until the ongoing treaty process, however, Pennsylvania refused to recognize him in the position, leading to some of the tension existing between the two sides.

[13] Among them (and nowhere near all of them) include other Ohio tribes in attendance to try and gain independence from the Iroquois, the Iroquois and William Johnson trying to prevent this, as well as regain Teedyuscung and the eastern Delawares back under their control after seemingly losing them earlier on in the negotiation process. This really was a complex meeting, with 500 natives representing 13 nations, two colonies, the Indian affairs office, and the Friendly Association.

[14] This leads into the independence movement for the Ohio tribes, talked about briefly in a previous update and given a full update of its own once the French and Indian War finally ends.

[15] This will get fleshed out a little more in future updates, bit by bit, but the peace treaty is accomplished at this point.
 
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PCSwitaj

Well things are getting a bit better for the colonists and hopefully also for the Indians, provided the land isn't grabbed after the French are defeated [or after the British are if there's a ARW].

I noticed a couple of typos but fairly obvious what you mean.

Steve

Excerpt from “And the Forest Floor Ran Red: The French and Indian War” by Harold D. Weaver (Pittsburgh: Fort, 2007)



This drove Israel Pemberton[7] and the Quakers to act. Creating the Friendly Association for the Regaining and Preserving Peace with the Indians by Pacific Measures, their sole goal was to bring about [an end to?] the raids throughout the province; with this goal in mind, they turned to Teedyuscung through their contact, Conrad Weiser[8].


___



[5] This is not to mean that the entire legislative assembly was under the guidence of the Peace Testimony; rather, the leadership was [instead of was do you mean or?] several members were, taking more militaristic options off the table.



[9] While you can read more about it HERE, a quick account is that the Walking Purcahse was set up between the Penn family and the Delaware Indians, the Penns allowed to buy the land that a man could cross in a day and a half. Land was sold to white settlers even before the purchase was made, and legend has it that the three fastest men in the colony were fired [hired] to complete the "walk". The Delaware were forced to move off of all the land claimed, which was more than what they expected to lose. This lead to tensions IOTL that were not fully settled until 2006 when the Third Circuit Court upheld a lower court decission on the matter, with the Supreme Court of the United States refusing to hear the case [as a note, the original case was Delaware Nation v. Pennsylvania]
 
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