post #30 Blut und Eisen
So this is sort of a trial balloon. I've read various TLs in which the Kaiserreich emerges from the war victorious or after a draw and there seems to be considerable disagreement over what exactly would happen.
I'll be quite upfront in admitting TTL has a bias towards reactionary regimes in Europe getting a second lease on life by employing the military (and vice verca) and/or the church and co-opting sympathetic quasi Fascist movements (rather than the other way around OTL). Part of the whole "old new land in an new-old world" theme. But I am trying to be realistic. So if the following scenario looks far fetched I'm open to retconning. Still, some factors to take into account in the following post:
1. The SPD has not yet split in 1916. So crypto revolutionaries and reformists are still sitting in the same party and are held accountable for each other's words and actions.
2. The Zentrum and the progressive liberals still supported the war in 1916 and were not yet aligned with the SPD in opposition to the government.
3. While the German military has taken more of a body blow TTL in late 1916 it has done so on the defensive and has successfully repulsed the Mega Brusilov offensive in spite of losing some ground. Nor have it's hopes been raised by crushing Russia and then dashed when the spring offensive failed in the West. No suicidal order given to the navy leading to massive mutiny.
4. OTL, Ludendorff was a broken man by November 1918. He had become Germany's effective dictator over the previous two years and had run the army to the ground by his ill planned spring offensive, fucked up the German home front by the ill planned "Hindenburg program" and backed terribly catastrophic policies (Unrestricted submarine warfare, pushing the Bolsheviks too hard at Brest Livotsk and tying up troops in the east for longer than was necessary). He became unhinged and enstranged from Hidenburg, thereby eliminating his political power base and went off on a neo pagan spin thereby eliminating himself from the political scene completely. But TTL he does not have cause to blame himself for the failure- he blames others and views himself as the most competent person to restore Germany to it's glory. Worse, so does most of the army.
5. When push came to shove, be it 1848, 1864, 1870, 1919 or 1933, German liberals, if pushed to a choice, always chose German unity and national power over universal application of their principles. Bismark understood that. So does Ludendorff.
Warsaw, September 1916
"They've stabbed you, stabbed us, in the back!", Raged Erich Ludendorff. In contrast to his flammable "subordinate" Hindenburg is the epitome of the Prussian Junket. Calm, modest in word thought and deed… and as those who know him closely must admit, prone to dozing off and mumbling incoherently in the middle of important discussions.
"A great honor Erich, a great honor…"
"Nein. It might have been a great honor two years ago. Then we could have turned the army eastwards, kept Britain out of the war and been in St.petersburg within a year. After that France would have begged us for terms. Or a year ago, after we proved how easy the Russians were to defeat given adequate resources. We could have, should have, pushed the Nish offensive to a conclusion. Instead, that fool Falkenhyven has frittered away any hope of victory. All that is left now is to make the best peace we can."
"The Kaiser must have faith in us to salvage the situation, else he would not have appointed us joint chiefs of staff. Let us have Faith in he who is most high."
"The Kaiser? Don't you understand? He did not appoint you to salvage the situation. He appointed you to take the blame for the peace which will be signed (1). He knows that you are the only general popular enough to threaten him".
"Threaten him? You are raving, Erich. And coming very close to suggesting treason."
"My dear Paul, you are too good, too noble for this fallen world. It is the nature of the pure to disregard the motivations of those who do not share their principles (2)"
"He is the Kaiser! We have sworn on oath to the Kaiser! Do you dare question it?"
"Have we sworn an oath to the office or to the man? To the office or the nation? And has the man not endangered both? Has he not made unfortunate decisions?"
Hindenburg is silent for a time. No one can doubt that Willhelm is no Bismark. When he ascended the throne France was isolated and Germany was friendly with Britain and allied with Austria, Italy, Rumania and even Russia. Today? Germany is at war with all of Europe and much of Asia and it's sole ally, for whose sake it had entered the war, is on the point of collapse and draining far more strength from the alliance than it is contributing.
He leaves those thoughts unsaid.
"It is not for us to question policy, only to carry it out."
"And if we continue blindly carrying out his policy we shall face disgrace, Germany shall be defeated in war, the socialists will take over the Reichstag, The Reichstag shall abolish the monarchy, and then private property, and the army shall be powerless to stop it"
"While you would abolish the monarchy to save it?"
"No. Merely give our ruler the chance to save it himself"
Berlin, December, 1917.
"This a putsch then?"
Kaiser Wilhelm kept a surprisingly calm voice. After all, he had always known that they all despised him. His British cousins. The Generals. Women. Court sycophants, even his own parents. And all because an accident of birth had left him a cripple. He could always see it in their eyes, even when they feigned respect.
It is Hidenburg that answers. "Never, Sire. We merely respectfully suggest that the burden of your duties have grown too heavy for any one man and that you permit your son to assume the helm of state. Your sacrifice may very well mean better terms from the Entente and may be all that stands between Germany and a socialist republic"
"With you as chancellor, of course. And if I refuse to abdicate?".
Ludendorff shrugs. "Then you leave us no choice but to resign… all of us."
The isolated Kaiser looks at the grim faces of Groener , von Seeckt and his other generals and the realization of how badly he has mismanaged his inheritance hits him.
"And where do you intend to exile me? St Helena is rather far, after all. Perhaps you plan to ask the British to place me under guard in Heligoland?"
The General feet shuffling of the gives him some small comfort. If he can only shame them sufficiently then perhaps…
Ludendorff slays his hopes. "A prolonged hunting vacation in Konigsberg, perhaps followed by a leisurely cruise in the Baltic once peace is fully achieved may be a good idea. Just long enough for the public to clearly disassociate you from the crown prince. We will, of course ensure that funds and an honor guard be made available to serve your every need. We would not wish you, after all to come to harm"
Hindenburg and Groener wince. This is far more brutal than they had agreed upon. But it seems to do the trick.
"I will sign."
Berlin, Janurary 1st, 1917.
Snow is falling on the streets of Berlin as Christmas carols fill the night air. Friedrich Ebert knows that for the woman besides him the hyms celebrating the birth of the prince of peace mean little or nothing but shrugs off the sense of alieness of which he is vaguely ashamed. Many of most useful and passionate leaders of his party are Hebrews, after all, even if they have abandoned their ancient religion in favor of the dialectic. So, of course, have many Christian socialists… and yet, somehow, a gulf remains.
Which is, of course, one reason it is he who assumed the leadership of the party while the woman before him is the co-leader of the radical wing of the party, many of whom share her heritage. No respectable political group, which is what he aspires the SPD to become, could have a Jew, let alone a Jewess, as its leader, no matter how talented. Is it any wonder that those with political skills and ambitions have gravitated towards the radicals (3)?
Rosa Luxemburg arches her eyebrows upwards as they stand beneath the street lamp, fully lit now that the blockade and rationing are ended. "Herr Ebert. Had you wished to seduce me, surely you could have found someplace warmer?"
Ebert reddens and sputters as he realizes a mistletoe is affixed to the lamp. He refuses to let her put him off balance however. "I am sure you are being watched and I would not wish to be arrested in your company if we had gone somewhere… more comfortable. Do you undertand how close you and Karl came to being arrested last May (4)?"
"And if we had been? I almost wish we hadn't permitted you to convince us to cancel the preparations for the strike. The war was lost by then. We could only have saved lives."
"Or encouraged the Entente to continue the war to Germany's destruction! Not to mention splitting the party and tainting it as a traitorous organization in the eyes of the public! Now the war is over, the regime is discredited and we must turn ourselves to capitalizing on the situation"
"Yes. The war is over. The war which has devastated Europe, slain Millions, and blackened the name of Germany. The war for which you, Herr Ebert, voted war credits. The regime is discredited? We knew they were warmongers! It is we whom you have discredited! Was it worth it? even had Germany won It would have been too high a cost. But we didn't win, did we? We were defeated, no matter how much Hindenburg proclaims our returning troops "undefeated and unbowed.""
Ebert turns his face aside and allows his grief to rise to the surface. " Heinrich Is dead. Killed during the fall of Sarajevo (5). I… I just received word."
Rosa gasps, her hand moving automatically for his arm. "I'm sorry. I truly am. But you understand, don't you? You understand that it is not the Slavic Untermenshen, not perfidious Albion, and certainly not some conspiracy of Jewish plutocrats and sellswords who are responsible for you ragony. Our leaders did this. They jumped over the brink of war, and dragged us all down with them."
Ebert sighs. "However you may lambast me in party meetings you surely know that I never put any credence in the Pan-German rants. I know the faults of my country, her moods, her hysterics, even her thirst for blood and hatred. But it is among our people that we live. Had the party not supported the war it would have been forever tarred with the brush of treason and lack of patriotism. Do you have any doubt that Bismark's anti-socialist legistlation would have been renewed?"
Luxembourg stiffens "If it had we would have risen from the ashes with our principles unblemished and as a viable alternative to the capitalist-feudal regime. But we can still do a Tikkun. Now is the time to overthrow the monarchy, now is the time to take power!"
Ebert shakes his head firmly. "As your comrades attempted to do in Russia after the war with Japan? How well did they fare? "
"This is not Russia. There are no Cossacks here, no Feudal levies and savage tribesmen from the casaucas to be used by a blood thirsty monarch to shoot down his people. This is Germanyand the soldiers, if not the officers, are with the people!"
Ebert is silent for a time, and as the streetlamp glitters a shadow passes over his face.
"What is it? What are you not telling me?"
"I've heard rumors... and my sons have written to me from their units. There have been soldiers pulled out of their regular postings. Invariably they are the better troops, those more experienced, more disciplined, more deadly, and more eager for blood. The rumors are that they will be formed into special units which will emulate and improve on Brusilov's Huttier tactics"
"So?"
"It it is also another type of soldier which is being pulled out. The type which has strong political ideas. Followers of the Thule society, the anti-Semitic league and the other rif-raf on the far right. The name floating around for them is "Strom troopers". There, I fear, are your cossacks"
Rosa grimaces. "I don’t doubt that Ludendorff and military funding are also behind the formation of the Vaterland Front and the German Worker's party. There, I suppose are our Black Hundreds. They are trying to confound the workers, split their vote and blind them to their class interests by raising the flames of anti-Semitism. But this is not Russia (5). If the party newspaper exposes the connection then the DNVP will also be tainted by association and the workers will understand their true interests"
"Exactly- which is why we need to concentrate our efforts on electoral reform, ensuring that a new election is held as soon as possible, and only then seeking to limit the authority of the Kaiser. "
"You would be satisfied with a constitutionalist monarchy? Not even a bourgeois republic?! Is this what generations have struggled towards?
Berlin, February, 1917.
"They will never agree to this!"
Ludendorff Sighs. "No, of course they won't. But that's not the point."
Hindenburg blinks. "Then what is the point? Why propose a change to the electoral law that you know the Reichstag will reject?"
"To force the Socialist's hand. So far they have refrained from showing their true colors, they even voted for war credits! But some among them are impatient. If we give them a target, something which they cannot endure, they will strike, either with terror or with sabotage. And if the target they strike at is one that is dear to the hearts of many ordinary Germans, and in particular to those who have shed their life's blood in the war… well, then we have them where we want them."
Hindenburg shakes his head "it isn't just the socialists! What about the centrum and the progressives?"
Ludendorff gives a death head grin. "That is the beauty of it. How can the liberals reject the application of the timocratic principle to Germany when it is the liberal party in Britain which has been the first to embrace it? As for the Centrum, have no concern. Their time will also come".
"I still don't see why we should be the ones to suggest a change. What's wrong with keeping things just as they are?"
"If we want things to stay as they are, things will have to change. If they do not they will foist a republic on us"
The Lights that failed, Zara Steiner 1998.
"The lamps are going out all over Europe, we shall not see them lit again in our life-time". So said Sir Edward gray as the summer of 1914 gave way to autumn, as the tread of armies thundered across Europe.
In the Christmas of 1917 many hoped he would be proved wrong. That after two years and four months of bloodshed Europe would return to normality and that the march of progress and liberalism would continue apace.
There was reason for this hope. Prior to the great war, education, life expectancy, and prosperity were steadily rising all over Europe with a concurrently greater degree of informed opinion and participation by the masses in public affairs. Universal manhood suffurage, while still largely confined to France and Switzerland, was gradually being seen as an achievable target in most of Europe West of the Vistula. Even Russia had been forced to put on a show of parlimantary participation. In Germany, parties commited to democracy were gaining by leaps and bounds in every election, in spite of the German version of rotten buroughs. Those relics of the ancient regime, as well as the abortion of the Prussian three class electoral system seemed well on their way to the dustbin of history.
It seemed, for a time, that the Great war would hasten the process. Instead, they lead to a head on confortation between the more radical socialist revolutionaries and a still functioning military organism. By so doing, the great war gave the reaction a sufficient jolt to adapt and channel societal changes according to it's own perceived interest. Worse, the centralization of economic life and communication by the war, and the technological progress which preceded it, gave governments an unprecedented capability and experience in shaping society.
Britain escaped the darkening political horizaon of continental Europe. Yet we must not forget that It is Britian which introduced the idea by which the conservative forces in Germany were able to stifle the possibility of reform. The timocratic principle might be harmless in Britian, where rising living standards have made 90% of it's men, and 75% of it's women eligible for the vote while timocracy provided a means for upward mobilization for the working classes.
In Germany, however, Industrial and urban workers were deliberately excluded from the military prior to the great war. Even during the great war many had been granted deferments as their work had been viewed as essential for the war effort. Furthermore, the cap placed on future German military spending by the peace of London meant that conscription in the future would be even more selective or even abolished altogether, especially given the expanding German population.
Therefore, the Hindenburg programme of abolishing electoral districts altogether and replacing them with "regimental districts" was met with outraged opposition by the SPD, even as it split some of it's potential allies in the centrum and progressive liberal parties.
Nontheless, the program lacked sufficient support to be passed in the Reichstag, leading to an impasse as the government refused to authorize new elections until it's programme was passed and the Reichstag preventing almost any new government iniated legistlation from being passed. In the meantime, army funds were covertly diverted to support the growth of a "patriotic alternative" to social democracy while "politically reliable" soldiers were concentrated and retrained in storm trooper units specialized in urban crowd suppression (6). The Vaterland Front, though initially small, was far better funded than the social democrats and would come to contest many of the Social democrat strogholds
Ultimately, Ebert was overruled by the radicals in his party and a general strike was called to support demands for unconditional universal manhood suffarage, release of all political prisoners, and placing the chancellery, ministers and the army under control of the Reichstag.
This strike may well have led to the fall of the Ludendorff regime as Kaiser Wilhelm III, much like his father, did not wish to open his reign with a bloody campaign against his subjects. "But it would be terrible if I had to stain the first years of my reign with the blood of my subjects. Everyone who means well by me will do his outmost to avert such a catastrophe. I intend to be le roi des gueux! (the King of the Mob!) My subjects shall know that their King is concerned for their welfare."
However, before negotiations could commence a new development ensued. Russia, though a titular victor in the great war was facing many of the same problems as Germany was. Unlike Germny, with it's tradition of parlimantary legistlation and compromise, however imperfect, the Russian monarchy was a true autocracy and it's disenfranchised subjects far more susceptible to revolutionary movements. By June 1917 the Russian troubles were in full swing with many of the Northern Industrial cities dominated by "Worker and soldiers Soviets" and with the countryside aflame as army backed landlords fought demobilized peasant soldiers intent on redistruting the great estates amongst themselves.
The more radical elements of the SPD sought to emulate these revolutionaries and neither Ebert nor Rosa Luxembourg were able to entirely prevent them from engaging in "direct action" against government figures and buildings.
Of greater significance, however, were developments in Poland. When Germany had withdrawn it's forces from Congress Poland Nicholas II vowed to rule Poland "in personal union" and to "respect it's ancient traditions". However insincere he may have been, Nicholas III(7), faced with insurgency in Russia and central Asia, decided to honor that pledge and permitted Roman Dmwoski's forces to assume responsibility for expeling Josef Pilsudki's socialists from Poland and administering the grand duchy. Unlike northern Russia, Pilsudki's bloody defeat was followed by more or less genuine national reconciliation and consolidation as Poles of either ideological spectrum viewed self rule as more important than ideology (8).
Unfortunately, the consolidation of the Grand duchy of Poland concurrently with the paralysis of the German Reich led the Poles of Posen and upper Silesia, bolstered by demobilized soldiers and guns smuggled across the border, to act….
(1) Which is what Ludendorff did OTL by insisting on the SPD civilian government being made to sign the armistice. Human nature is to ascribe to others your own motivations, base or otherwise. Not that Ludendorff is necessarily wrong in this case.
(2) And vice verca.
(3) Fun fact- number of Jews in the Bolshevik party in 1917? 350 out of 25,000. 1.3%. Which is about a third of their proportion in the population of the Russian empire even if one includes politically inactive Central Asian Turks. But if you look at the number of those in leadership positions…
(4) OTL both were arrested after an attempt in June to organize a strike. TTL, the earlier "Mega Brusilov" offensive, the generally stronger Position of Russia and the Eastern orientation of combat leads more in the SPD to oppose a strike which would aid "Tsarist AUtocracy". By the time the radicals muster sufficient numbers to organize a credibal strike the war is over.
(5) OTL, he died in Macedonia in Feburary. But the fighting on the Serbian front is far heavier and involves more German troops TTL.
(6) Well ,no. Of course "it can't happen here"
(7) the uncle of nicholas II, now Tsar of all rusians by grace of god and the Brusilov dominated White Junta
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Grand_Duke_Nicholas_Nikolaevich_of_Russia_(1856–1929)
(8) Heck, Pilsudki and Dmwoski fought each other in the streets in 1905 OTL but still worked together (sort of) after independence. TTL, of course, The Tsar views Pilsudki as persona non grata but many of his followers recieve amnesty.