List of US Presidents, 1960 to 2020

Discussion in 'Alternate History Discussion: After 1900' started by Zacoftheaxes, Aug 4, 2010.

  1. emk163 Honestly why do I bother?

    Joined:
    Feb 27, 2017
    Location:
    Ohio
    1960: Richard Nixon/Neil H. McElroy
    1963: Neil H. McElroy/Margaret C. Smith
    1964: Neil H. McElroy/Margaret C. Smith
    1968: Robert Kennedy/Ronald Reagan (VP slot thrown to Congress to decide)
    1970: Ronald Reagan/William E. Miller
    1972: Ronald Reagan/William E. Miller
    1976: Ronald Reagan/Willaim E. Miller
    1980: Walter Reuther/Adlai Stevenson III
    1984: Edward Nixon/Gerald Ford
    1988: Walter Reuther/Gary Hart
    1990: Gary Hart/John Glenn
    1992: Gary Hart/John Glenn
    1996: John McCain/Colin Powell
    2000: John McCain/Colin Powell
    2004:
    2008:
    2012:
    2016:
    2020:
     
  2. Premier Taylerov Well-Known Member

    Joined:
    Mar 11, 2011
    Location:
    Mid-Devon, United Kingdom
    I like it. Maybe we could do that one after the end of the current list?

    PRIME MINISTERS OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF AMERICA
    1785: Benjamin Franklin (Crossbencher) [1]
    1788: John Dickinson (Crossbencher) [2]
    1794: George Thatcher (Crossbencher, National Faction) [3]
    1799: George Thatcher (National)
    1802: Alexander Hamilton (National) [4]
    1808: John Randolph (Liberal)^ [5]
    1813: John Randolph (Liberal)^
    1817: John Randolph (Liberal)^
    1820: John Marshall (National)** [6]
    1824: Henry Clay (National) [7]
    1826: John Randolph (Liberal)^* [8]
    1830: Daniel Pope Cook (Country Liberal/Liberal minority) [9]
    1833: Daniel Pope Cook (Country Liberal/Liberal)
    1837: Theodore Frelinghuysen (Commonwealth) [10]
    1840: Henry Clay (Unionist)
    1846: Henry Clay (Unionist)* [11]
    1852: Daniel Webster (Unionist)* [12]
    1855: Cassius Clay (Commonwealth) [13]
    1860: Cassius Clay (Commonwealth)
    1862: Cassius Clay (Commonwealth minority)
    1864: George Custis Lee (Unionist) [14]
    1867: Alexander Stephens (Unionist)** [15]
    1869: John MacDonald (Unionist) [16]
    1870: Abram Hewitt (Commonwealth) [17]
    1875: George Custis Lee (Unionist) [18]
    1880: George Ross (Liberal) [19]
    1884: Benton McMillin (Conservative minority) [20]
    1886: George Ross (Liberal) [21]
    1891: Benton McMillin (Conservative minority) [22]
    1896: Benton McMillin (Conservative)
    1900: Adlai Stevenson I (Liberal) [23]
    1905: Thomas Custer (Conservative) [24]
    1910: Hamilton Fish II (Liberal) [25]
    1913: Hamilton Fish II (Liberal minority) [26]
    1915: Fred Busse (Liberal minority, Conservative supply-and-confidence)
    [27]
    1920: Arthur LeSueur (Social Democratic-Progressive Alliance) [28]
    1925: John Stump (Social Democratic-Progressive Alliance) [29]
    1926: Gideon Robertson (Conservative) [30]

    1931: Gideon Robertson (Conservative minority, Liberal supply-and-confidence)*
    1933: Ragnvald Nestos (Conservative minority, Liberal supply-and-confidence) [31]

    1936: Norman Thomas (Social Democratic & Labour) [32]
    1941: Norman Thomas (Social Democratic & Labour-Progressive Alliance) [33]
    1945: Fiorello Guardia (Unity-Social Democratic & Labour, Progressive, Left Liberal) [34]
    1948: Theodore Roosevelt Jr. (Progressive Conservative)** [35]
    1950: Ralph Osborne Campney (Progressive Conservative) [36]
    1953: Ralph Osborne Campney (Progressive Conservative) [37]

    1958: Stanley Levison (Unity-Social Democratic & Labour, Progressive minority, Provincial supply-and-confidence) [38]
    1960: Henry Wallace (Unity-Social Democratic & Labour, Progressive minority, Provincial supply-and-confidence) [39]
    1962: Michael DiSalle (Progressive Conservative) [40]
    1967: Michael DiSalle (Progressive Conservative) [41]
    1972: Charles Fuentes-Macias (New Nation Coalition-Radical Movement, Social Democratic) [42]
    1976: Charles Fuentes-Macias (New Nation Coalition-Radical Movement, Social Democratic) [43]
    1979: Flora MacDonald (Progressive Conservative) [44]
    1982: Flora MacDonald (Progressive Conservative, Social Democratic) [45]
    1984: Joseph Lane Kirkland (New Nation Coalition-Labour, Radical, Liberal Democratic, Progressive) [46]

    1988: Joseph Lane Kirkland (New Nation Coalition-Labour, Radical, Liberal Democratic, Progressive) [47]
    1990: Anthony Mazzocchi (New Nation Coalition-Labour, Radical, Liberal Democratic) [48]

    ^ The pre-home rule Liberal Party has no association with the 1880 Liberal Party.
    * Died in office.
    ** Assassinated.

    [1] The American Commonwealth was the peaceful confederation of Britain's North American possessions following a near revolution over taxation. Though King George III remains the King in London, power is exercised by the Governor General and his appointed Prime Minister. Elections would be held every six years, although the Governor-General would old the final authority in the appointment of a Prime Minister.
    [2] After Prime Minister Franklin retired due to old age, representatives from all over the Commonwealth met with the Governor-General in Philadelphia in order to nominate a new Prime Minister. Though the decision rested in the hands of the Governor-General, this informal congress would play a decisive role. After short deliberations, Governor of Pennsylvania John Dickinson was appointed to the position. A extremely popular figure in the Commonwealth, Dickinson was seen as a natural leader figure throughout it's extent. His opposition to slavery, however, did scare some southerners. Though the idea of Home rule and a Continental Parliament were not yet formally circulated, the existence of a informal congress of representatives in Philadelphia working alongside the Prime Minister became a reality under Dickinson.
    [3] By time Prime Minister Dickinson had announced his retirement, the members of the now formalized Con-federal Congress were separated into three informal coalitions: The National group favored a stronger government guiding the new nation, The Independent conglomerate favored a policy of non-partisan politics, and the Reform faction desired a less powerful central government. The designation of George Thatcher as Prime Minister came after the ninth round of voting with a small section of the Independents favoring him over the more radical George Logan. While in power Thatcher oversaw the creation of the House of Commons of America, which with the Co-federal Congress became the Parliament of America, the enactment of the Bill of Rights 1798, and the establishment of the Church of America. The establishment of the Church of America and the introduction of tariffs on several European countries - which led to the Panic of 1801 - led to the discontent of many Congress members; this resulted in the first ever vote of no confidence put forth by the Congress, which resulted in the Thatcher ministry collapsing and his resignation in 1802.
    [4] Alexander Hamilton's rapid rise in politics began with his 1785 election to the First Parliament, and under Dickinson and later Thatcher he served as the Minister of Finance; succeeding Thatcher, Hamilton pushed for westward expansion and internal development. In 1803, the Louisiana campaign of the Napoleonic Wars brought the Commonwealth into the broader war for the first time. American forces were able to take New Orleans following a daring amphibious attack. Within months, other settlements such as Saint Louis were also seized. The 1806 Treaty of Pressburg, which ended the War of the Third Coalition, saw France ceding all of New France to the Commonwealth. Hamilton, having managed to obtain the repeal of the Proclamation of 1763, oversaw the first rapid westward expansion as settlers rushed into the newly seized territories as well as the rapidly increasingly populated Ohio River Valley. The controversial Bank of America is chartered, and provincial debts are assumed by the federal government.
    [5] By 1808 the idea of non-partisanship was long gone. The reformers and independents that had stood against Thatcher and Hamilton's "National party" firmly solidified themselves into the Liberal Party. Preaching free markets, rights of the landed aristocracy, and an large autonomy of the individual states, the Liberal party soon found a charismatic representative in the form of John Randolph of Virginia, himself a pupil of Patrick Henry. Randolph was highly critical of Thatcher and especially Hamilton, calling them tyrants in disguise, and believed that the Continental Parliament and the Prime Minister were concentrating too much power. With the war in the Americas long over, and the tariffs imposed by the National government becoming a ever growing sore on the southern houses, Randolph won himself the seat of PM. Famous for his oratory skills, Randolph would successfully negotiate a number of key proposals during his tenure. he would become the first Commonwealth PM to approach the subject of Home Rule, that is, a Continental Parliament that is not subject to the British one. The approach would be careful of course, less he and his Liberals be accused of treason, and though nothing concrete came from it during his tenure, seeds were planted.
    [6] By the end of the first Liberal government; the party was collapsing. The Liberals had suffered to win across the nation, with some strongholds like New Jersey becoming significantly more National. By time the process of designation of the Prime Minister came around after the 1820 House of Commons election; the Co-federal Congress had three major groups, the Nationals, the conservative wing of the Liberals which became the Unionists, and the more reformist Radical Party. With the splitting of the liberals, the National Party's John Marshall was able to form the second National government. His government invoked tariffs on Europe once again, increased the power of the executive on numerous occasions, and removed the power of the judicial functions of the Co-federal Congress (which limited its power to strike down laws). The most important event in Marshall's tenure was the Mexican-American war; a couple of close battles (such as Monterrey) resulted in the failure of the American forces. This led to the treaty of Bogotá: which forced the succession of large parts of the territory won in the War of the Third Coalition. Once the treaty was concluded the Governor General ordered the return of Prime Minister Marshall (to force him to resign) but during the returning journey, a southern dissident named Joseph Smith assassinated Marshall.
    [7] Henry Clay ascended to the Premiership in 1824, following the assassination of John Marshall by a deranged southern republican. A long serving MP, Clay's rise to power sees a return of Hamiltonism to American politics. The Prime Minister uses tariffs to fund internal development and infrastructure projects, helping to rapidly increase westward expansion while fueling the flames of discontent with American foreign policy following the defeat in the Mexican War; it was under Clay that the cry of "Manifest Destiny" was first heard uttered, becoming a national mantra of sorts.
    [8] Clay's ambitions and skill, however, would not be enough to please the ballot box. After years of division, by 1824 the former Liberal party was finally reformed under the leadership of the aged Randolph and his disciple John Calhoun. The defeat at the Mexican war was successfully blamed on the National administration and, as Marshall successor, Clay took the blunt of the blame. Randolph returned to power, with a policy that was more and more focused on the issue of Slavery. With the British ban on the international slave trade, many in the Commonwealth feared that further attacks on the "peculiar institution" would follow. Randolph and Calhoun became ardent opponents of British restriction of the practices, and once again turned to the issue of Home Rule, seeking to make the Continental Parliament independent. Their defense of southern practices helped turn the South into a decisive Liberal stronghold, while their support for home rule was echoed by some liberals, with Clay himself taking a moderate stance. Randolph would eventually die in office, and with no compromise over the issue being resolved with mother England, tensions escalated.
    [9] The death of Randolph amplified the problems facing the government, and with the Liberal position threatened by the threat of war or domestic violence the party faced complete collapse. The party had long been a broad church and with divisions between the slavers and the Anglophiles now threatened to tear the country apart. At a tense party session after Randolph's death party moderates refused to endorse Calhoun as leader and crossed the floor as an independent faction of 'Country Liberals'. These mainly consisted of figures favoring a middle-ground in diplomatic relations with Britain, a gradual end to slavery in the north and a national plebiscite on wider emancipation. Courting National support Daniel Pope Cook secured permission from the Governor-General to form a minority government with those still willing to support a Liberal ministry, while the Nationals both encouraged and hindered the government in equal measure. The issue of slavery slowly became entwined with the issue of Home Rule, with many believing that one could not come without the other. This polarized public discourse and radicalized the South (many of whom felt betrayed by Liberal party infighting despite the majority of traditional party figures being highly committed to the slaver cause).
    [10] By 1837 the debate over slavery had died down; people still held on to their beliefs but understood the need to unite the nation (after the Summer Riots of 1835). This resulted in the appointment of the anti-slavery candidate Theodore Frelinghuysen with a pro-slavery Deputy Prime Minister. Due to this a compromise was put in place six years after the UK passed the Slavery Abolition Act 1833: the comprise entailed that the slave owners will be compensated, only children aged 5 years would be free while the other slaves would work for there slave owners in "Unpaid-Apprenticeships" for several years. While the abolition was the most notable part of Frelinghuysen tenure other strong accomplishments were noted: the abolition of the Co-federal Congress (the power to appoint the Prime Minister was given to the sole house of Parliament: the House of Commons), the disestablishment of the Church of America (the long awaited fight to separate church and state was achieved without Frelinghuysen's approval), and the establishment of police forces in many counties.
    [11] Hailed as one of the heroes of the "Compromise of 1839", and already a very influential politician(not to mention former PM), Henry Clay found himself back in the Prime Minister's Manor. The 1830's saw both the National and the Liberal parties split, with the moderates from both factions(led by the National Clay and the Country Liberal Cook) to form the Unionist Party. The Party sold itself on moderation between the Anglophiles and abolitionists from New England and Canada(Former Nationals that now called themselves the Commonwealth Party, led by Frelinghuysen and John Quincy Adams), and the near-republicans that formed the Liberal party from the South(enraged by the compromise, and led by Deputy PM John Calhoun). Clay promised to upheld the Compromise, and to continue with the plans for gradual abolition, but to not let the Commonwealth be divided by the issue of slavery any longer. By picking the new englander Daniel Webster as Deputy PM, and by criticizing the radical stance of the Commonwealth party on slavery, Clay pleased moderates on all sides. After a hung parliament in 1840 forced special elections, Clay was elected with a respectable Unionist Majority, and reluctantly confirmed by London. Above all, he made his stance on two issues: Home Rule and western expansion. Clay was weary of the British Parliament control over the Continental one, and, under his tenure, the first Home Rule bill would be proposed and passed by the Continental Parliament, something not even his former rival John Randolph had managed(the bill would receive wild support particularly from Calhoun and his Liberals). Indeed, Clay would remark that the Commonwealth of North America was "A Union more than anything else", thus forming his party's name. Much to Clay's discontentment, however, the bill was vetoed by London. His second stance found much greater success, as the Second Mexican War proved a major victory for the Commonwealth. Mexico was forced to cede vast amounts of land, almost doubling the Commonwealth's territory, and giving it access to the Pacific Ocean.
    [12] The second Clay premiership would be remembered as being considerably more successful as the first; throughout his decades long tenure as the defacto leader of the moderates in parliament, Clay had seen the National Party give way to the Unionist Party and oversaw the final purchase of the Oregon Country, firmly establishing the Commonwealth's access to the Pacific. Though there had been racial strife in the south in the wake of abolition, and a near war with Spain over Florida (which was also ultimately purchased under Clay after the Treaty of Lisbon), his deputy PM, Daniel Webster, inherited an increasingly powerful nation in it's own right. Time would tell whether a snap election would result in the continuation of the Unionist control or a return to Liberal governance.
    [13] Prime Minister Webster was able to win the 1852 snap election with a razor thin majority. However, by 1855 the man was unable to continue his premiership and passed away in June. This was during the period where an election campaign was taking place: however he did announce before the election his retirement from politics. By 1855 -after 15 years of Unionist governance- the nation was tired of the Unionist Party: this resulted in the largest landslide for a party within the Commonwealth's history. The Man who replace Webster was the unknown Cassius Clay, a MP for Madison in Kentucky. He brought in many reforms within his tenure; The Reform act 1860 (which gave all males over the age of 23 the right to vote, the introduction of the first set of government insurance programs (mainly for farmers in the south), the national limiting of Child Labour and the limiting of the Prime Minister's power with the removal of government officials now requiring the Legislature's consent. By the mid 1860's his government became very limited due to the fact that the party would always be running a minority government, with independent support.
    [14] Despite the great social progress of the Commonwealth government it was not enough to save it in the 1864 election. George Custis Lee was a young and enigmatic figure with a keen eye for detail and strong support among his party base, and secured a comfortable majority government over his bickering opposition. Lee was a militarist - the American government quickly pledged support for Britain in the Anglo-Russian War of 1867, and volunteer corps participated in pro-British regime change in Mexico. As a moderate conservative Lee led a minor backlash against the reforms of the Commonwealth government, mirroring a wider reactionary surge across Europe and the Empire, but established a firm reputation and strong respect from the New Tory ministry in London despite his relative youth.
    [15] Alexander Stephens started his political life as a Liberal. Under the tenure of Henry Clay, Webster and C. Clay, however, the Liberal party slowly drifted into obscurity, becoming a regional, and then a insignificant entity. Stephens, like so many other Liberals, joined the Unionists. Stephens would grow highly critical of the Lee administration, calling him a "brutish child" who would turn North America into a military aggressor to the world. He attacked both Lee's militarism, and his fondness for "Mother London". Leading a isolationist, Laisse-fairez and southern wing of the party, Stephens called for a party leadership contest and, to the surprise of many, won. His Premiership would be marked almost solely by the racial tensions of the 1860's. With slavery just recently truly ending, the question of integration was at hand. How would the Commonwealth deal with it's black population? Stephens responded by attempting to enact a series of laws hampering black rights. Prohibitions on voting, interracial marriage, among others were placed proposed, and the Parliament was thrown into complete disarray. The Commonwealth Party, led by men such as Hannibal Hamlin strongly opposed these, of course. But many Unionists were also opposed to Stephens wing of the party and their racial rhetoric. Among these former PM Lee, Abraham Lincoln and William Seward. In the end, Stephens succeeded in some points, while failing in the larger scale. Before he could press any further, while giving a speech in a rally, he would be shot down by a discontent northerner. His death would thrown the Unionist party into a new leadership contest, and the Commonwealth Party into aggressive attacks.
    [16] The assassination of Stephens gave rise to the leadership of John MacDonald, an MP from the province of Canada who was able to mostly unite the Unionist Party; however, divisions within his caucus forced him to call an election in 1870, a risky gamble that would result in...
    [17] ... an unexpectedly-large majority for the Commonwealth Party, returning to government after 15 years. Hewitt had been able to reconcile the strong radicals in the party with the moderate bulk, creating a force capable of appealing to the growing middle class while maintaining those who favoured further domestic reform. The Unionists struggled to shrug off the legacy of their chaotic ministries, and had lost credibility due to an inability to control growing urban poverty and unrest. Hewitt committed the country to extensive social reforms - very much in the spirit of Cassius Clay - and favoured the development of railways to connect even the most inaccessible of regions. As America entered a period of rapid industrialization it also began opening new markets, drawing the country closer to the Empire but also to the other imperial powers. The Commonwealth Party, with bipartisan support, shortened the term of government to a maximum of 5 years and debated lowering the voting age.
    [18] After 11 years George Lee returned to the Prime Ministers Manor. Never a unpopular figure, Lee's charisma and larger than life stance served him well. He campaigned and took the Premiership in the closest election in the Commonwealths history, and made government spending his top issue. He blamed the Commonwealth party for overextending the governments power over it's subjects, and proposed a series of government cuts. During his tenure, Lee oversaw an booming economy and a large degree of popularity. He commissioned the construction of the statue entitled New Britannia on Governors Island in the Hudson river, as well as a series of urban reforms around the major eastern cities, such as the capital of Philadelphia. He also supported a military expedition to Hawaii, in order to secure the Island for the Commonwealth, which was arguably a success. the Expedition to Feudal Japan, however, most definitely was not. His greatest accomplishment was certainly the passing of the "Home Rule Act", which granted the Continental Parliament independence from the British one, while still being a part of the British Empire. Thus, Lee fulfilled Henry Clay's dream, that of the Unionist and former Liberal parties. During his tenure the divisions between the parties territories became more clear. Canada and New England became solid Commonwealth areas, while the South fell within the Unionist Sphere. Provinces such as Upper California, Pennsylvania, Ohio and New York were the battlegrounds for both.
    [19] By time the 1880's began; all the major Commonwealth political parties were involved in the Great American Scandal. This scandal was mainly about the fact that around a quarter of the Members of Parliament (including George Custis Lee) had been caught taking bribes from major railroad companies in exchange of ensuring their monopolies in local areas. As such both parties collapsed and were replaced by the Liberal Party, often called Rossites, and the Conservative Party, most of the time called Farrowers - they both mirrored their British Counterparts in terms of ideology and policies. The 1880 election resulted in these parties replacing the husks of the Commonwealth and Unionist parties, a substantial majority for the Liberal party and the Social Democratic Federation win its first two seats. As Ross won, he sought to implement a new era of clean progressive politics. Consequently, his major contributions was the creation of the national education system (a three tier system of Kindergartens, Middle and Upper schools), the implementation of several new social insurance schemes (Health and Accident insurance in 1882 and Superannuation in 1883) which were based on Bismark's failed proposals in the North German Confederation and by 1884 he allowed the controversial Local Voting Rights Act to pass; allowing Women over 25 to vote in elections up to the municipal level.
    [20] Emboldened by his domestic successes Ross went to the polls in 1884, but fell victim to party complacency in the aftermath of the Great American Scandal. As devastating as the Scandal had been to the two main parties, the Unionists had quickly and successfully regrouped as the Conservatives - while the Rossites remained a loose political grouping of traditional liberals, radical liberals and moderates. In particular the Radical wing did well in industrial areas as their MPs pledged to continue the social reforms that had begun to help so many. The election resulted in a hung parliament, with McMillin eventually forming a minority government. Just 10 seats short of a majority, McMillin remained in power due to the role of a small number of independents. He was able to do this due to infighting in the liberal groupings regarding further legislation relating to trade unions and trust-busting. The Conservatives, pledging to maintain the economic status quo, also rejected further attempts at American imperialism in the wake of the failed incursions in Nippon.
    [21] McMillin's majority was not to be; internal disagreements made passing a budget in 1886 impossible, leading to another snap election. George Ross, who was quick to argue that the Tories were in the pocket of the wealthy, was returned to power on the promise of American prosperity being shared. However, while the Commonwealth Liberal Party was able to take a narrow majority, there remained threats to their government. The Tories were hellbent on retaking the government during the next election, while the rising Social Democratic Party increased their seat count to eight MPs. Ross now faces the pressure of making good on his promises while simultaneously having to work with rebel Tories or the socialists on a case by case basis.
    [22] The Tories attempted to portray the Commonwealth Liberal government as dysfunctional, given their dependency on rogue MP from the Opposition. However, Ross was able to hang on until the 1891 election, which once again resulted in a hung parliament; American politics remained largely a two-party affair, however, and the Social Democrats actually had their seats reduced by half. Ross attempted coalition negotiations to continue his ministry as a minority, but ultimately McMillin was reinstated as Prime Minister as the leader of the largest party. His second ministry was highly controversial, as the Conservatives tried to force through legislation for a national income tax (mirroring the efforts of the New Tories in Britain). When this failed McMillin turned to social welfare, strengthening the Child Labour Act, and established himself on the progressive wing of the Conservative Party.
    [23] By the turn of the century, American politics had seemingly stabilized into a fairly consistent two party system. The Conservatives had come to be the party of free enterprise and provincial rights, ironically taking up the mantle of the original Liberal Party of the early Commonwealth. Though McMillin was a progressive minded Tory and one of the first reformers of the modern era, confidence in his leadership had eroded by 1900 as southern Tories feared the party was tacking too far to the left. On the other hand, the Liberal Party had come to be the more vocally progressive entity within parliament, with many progressives (including former Tory MP Theodore Roosevelt) drifting into their fold by this point. Lastly, there remained the small but steadily growing Social Democratic Party, which in the 1900 election managed to hold their seven seats as well as elect an additional MP in the form of their leader, Eugene Debs.
    [24] The Liberal government had a strong term, and their defeat in the 1905 election was a great shock. Thomas Custer had become Tory leader as a rightist hawk, keen to get America involved in the Caribbean and to take a stronger line against the progressiveness of the Stevenson ministry. The war scare between Britain and France was enough to get the Conservatives into power with a small majority, as well as the sudden surge in Québécois terrorism. Indeed, in a speech in 1907 Custer announced that the spike in violence (principally by those seeking independence for Quebec) could be viewed as the 'American Ireland'. It was a controversial statement, but well-received by the nationalist wing of the party. Furthermore Custer, an opponent of economic interventionism, was criticized for the decline of the economy and a rise in unemployment during his ministry.
    [25] The political violence that had been growing before Custer's takeover began to decline very quickly as he passed rather extreme measures to break up and jail radical groups. Protest in general became largely illegal under Custer and his administration was not without scandal or controversy. Throughout Custer's term, the Liberal Party, which had been torn apart in by-elections, was seen as poor defenders of the American people. A harsh critic on the establishment from within their own ranks was one Hamilton Fish II. Son of Hamilton Fish I, who was heavily involved in Frelinghuysen's administration before switching from the Commonwealth Party to join the Liberals under George Ross. Unlike Fish I, Fish II had sat outside of the normal power structures in New York. He served four terms as the Mayor of Albany, running as an independent each time except the last, when he agreed to join the Liberal Party. After joining parliament with the wave that elected Adlai Stevenson I as Prime Minister, Fish II got a reputation for voting nearly as much against Stevenson's progressive policies as he did for them. In 1909, with fears that Stevenson's perceived political softness would be a liability, a leadership election took place. Stevenson initially thought he was in the clear, but two New Yorkers emerged from the woodwork to challenge him, Theodore Roosevelt and Hamilton Fish II. Roosevelt was seen as a lightning rod at the time, marrying political progressivism with a pro-military, pro-empire outlook. Fish was on the other side, attacking Stevenson and Fish for being too soft and wanting the government to be too involved in day-to-day life. In the first round of voting, Roosevelt would come up short, coming two vote short of beating Stevenson, with Fish winning a plurality of votes. It was assumed that Stevenson would win in the second round, which would be held two weeks later, as it is rare to have every single MP in the chamber at once. There was a wide segment of the Liberal Party's base that was extremely hostile to Fish, with their voters in Quebec seeing him as indistinguishable from a Tory. A Québécois militant tried to kill Fish on the floor of the parliament. Fish would give a roaring speech on the floor, accusing Stevenson of hiring this man to kill him. The mood was adamantly against Fish at the moment, but as more came out about this militant and the fact that he had been at Stevenson's office days before seemed confusing to most presses. Stevenson would deny everything, but as it became clear that he might just lose the leadership election, he would stand down and tap Roosevelt to take his place. Roosevelt suffered from being perceived as too inexperienced and a bit too radically progressive for some rank-n-file party members. Fish would narrowly win the second round vote and, with that, swing the party to the right. As several Liberal Party MPs and party members abandoned the caucus for the Social Democratic Party, the Liberal Party was able to swing enough seats to take a slim majority over Custer's Tories. Custer would stay on in the opposition and Fish would set to work, balancing many of the progressive demands of his party with the conservatism of the mood in his country.
    [26] Matters came to a head following the City Strikes of 1913. As the economic recession continued many inner-city workers had grown frustrated at the lack of action from Parliament, and took out their anger in a large series of strikes across major cities. Railroads and factories ground to a halt, while Fish turned on his rivals in his own party for obstructionism. It was the final straw for those remaining loyal to the Liberals but were hostile to Fish, and in October progressive MP Carter Harrison led his wing to resign the Liberal whip en masse. However, Harrison did not join the SDP (nor did his colleagues) but instead sat as a grouping of 'Independent Liberals' - withdrawing their support from the Fish ministry, forcing a minority government with the Conservative as the largest party in Opposition, and waiting for the inevitable general election.
    [27] In the winter of 1914, Prime Minister Hamilton Fish II came down with a severe case of pneumonia. Bedridden and incapable of continuing his work in government, Fish's chief deputy would take his place. Fred Busse was a longtime representative for the City of Dearborn and was an ideological chameleon. Having been a young progressive voice during Stevenson's Premiership, Busse shifted to the right along with his party and was enough of a kiss-up to get into Fish's inner circle. Over the course of Fish's administration, he'd make his way to the top of the heap by ruthlessly sabotage and sidelining all foes. Theodore Roosevelt was Busse's chief rival and was seen as the party's heir to Stevenson just as Busse was to Fish. When the Independent Liberals broke with Fish, and Roosevelt went with them, Busse simply replied with "good riddance". Soon after Busse took over as Prime Minister, he called a general election. It was the first election since the Independent Liberal split and Busse was hellbent on destroying them. He decided to use everything in his power to beat them where he could. He clamped down on who could and couldn't run as a Liberal by cutting off funding to those still in the party who were considered too progressive. Some of these things were controversial, but somewhat harmless, like running fusion tickets in districts with moderate Conservative Party members to beat incumbent Independent Liberals. Others were severe cases of corruption that would not be fully exposed until years later: including the likes of ballot stuffing and intimidation. For his whole career, Busse was often rumored to be hiring thugs to make sure those who would vote against him in Dearborn stayed away from the ballot box and had the same men be the ones counting the ballots. He would export these tactics nationwide and with all that effort, he still came up several seats short of a majority. The Independent Liberals and the Social Democratic Party would band together in the caucus and refuse to make any sort of coalition with the likes of the Liberal Party under Busse. The Conservative Party, being the chief opposition to the Liberal Party, refused to form an outright coalition but agreed to give supply and confidence to the Liberal Party's minority so long as what was up to vote remained within the realm of reason for the Conservatives. The Conservatives, still being lead by an aging Custer, would shift further to the right along with the general electorate. The economy was gradually improving without much help from the government, but was still shaky and much of the voting public was on edge about any major shifts in economic policy. Progressivism seemed all but dead at the beginning of this decade, but perhaps there was a light at the end of the tunnel.
    [28] By 1920 the nation was still seeing shaky growth after the grand coalition of Liberal and Conservative continued a policy of non-interventionism. As a result this catapulted the Social Democratic and Progressive (which was once the Independent Liberals) parties into the first left wing government of the Commonwealth, indeed it was one of the first left wing governments within the world. The parties were able to win due to their alliance pushing many Liberals and Conservatives on election night out of the parliament; infamously both Fish and Busse only held on to their seats with majorities that were less than 1000. The government was was able to introduce massive economic reforms, called the "Citizen's Budget," which created many social welfare systems, introduce the National Medicalbank (NMB) which provided universal health insurance to the middle and working classes, and the government stated to nationalize the Monopolies within the coal and other industries. The 36th cabinet also introduced many sociopolitical reforms, such as introducing the Fair Votes Act (which introduced proportional representation in the form of the single transferable vote, women suffrage and reduced the voting age to 20) and also created the Basic law of the Citizen's Rights (which improved civil rights for all). As 1925 was approaching the government introduce something which was radical; the Republic Referendum: it asked the electors weather or not the government should leave the British Sphere and Become an Independent Republic with the Provincial Leaders as Head of State. The Plebiscite occurred on election day and resulted in...
    [29] ... a large defeat for the government. While the country had enthusiastically supported the welfare reforms of the Social Democratic and Progressive Alliance the Conservatives (now under Gideon Robertson) were able to galvanize nationalists and imperialists across the country in support of remaining a member of the Empire. (Indeed, the most powerful of all the Dominions under William VI). LeSueur resigned as Prime Minster following the referendum - already under strong pressure from the Opposition for his nationalization program - and was replaced by John Stump after a short Cabinet meeting. Stump resisted calls for an early election, given that one was due later in the year anyway, and was fearful of the surge in Conservative support following the victory of the Empire camp and a largely-hostile press. Plans to merge the SDP and the Progressives into a single party in time for the election also fell flat, with the Progressives in particular wary of further electoral pacts in constituencies where both parties had a strong showing. (Both sides claimed responsibility for the welfare reforms, and both sides wanted to reap the rewards). Having been in power for less than a year, Stump went to the polls.
    [30] The 1926 Federal Election was a devastating defeat for the ruling Social Democratic/Progressive coalition; in particular, the SDP government of John Stump, badly damaged by the backfired republican referendum, was annihilated, their presence in the House of Commons reduced to merely 50 or so MPs. The Progressives also lost scores of MPs to the Liberals, though not on the scale of the SDP. Indeed, the vote splitting between the three left of center parties led to the rise of the Conservatives after nearly a decade and a half out of power. Promising to crack down on the "red tide" that had "infected" the labour movement, the incoming Prime Minister pursued business friendly policies, decreasing taxes, cutting spending, and reducing - though not outright eliminating - the size of programs introduced as part of the "Citizen's Budget." After the While the Conservatives remained largely united around Gideon Robertson, the left remained as fractured as ever, motivating the efforts between some Social Democrats and Progressives to merge their parties in the wake of the defeat. With the electoral reform dividing the House between 300 constituencies and a further 185 list seats, the proponents of the merger (who also attempted to bring the trade unions into their fold) awaited the next election with great anticipation. The question as to whether the merger would be approved by both parties remained to be seen.
    [31] The remainder of the Robertson ministry proved deeply antagonistic; his attacks against organized labour led to more general strikes in 1927 and 1929, and heavy-handed government responses resulted in a slump in support for the government. Furthermore the retractions of several welfare privileges hit the working poor, and the British forced-devaluation of Sterling in 1931 restarted recession in America. Now having missed over a decade of economic growth, the country was angry - and increasingly felt the actions of strikers was legitimate. In the 1931 election Robertson lost his majority in the face of a Progressive surge, but the two traditional parties of government agreed a supply-and-confidence to keep the left out of government. Following the death of Robertson in 1933 the Liberals agitated to elevated a figure closer to the centre to Prime Minister, settling on Ragnvald Nestos. Nestos tried to backtrack on the harsh policies of his predecessor, but his proposals for an 'emergency' all-party ministry were rebuffed by the Progressive Party (who smelt blood). Nevertheless the Liberals kept up their side of the bargain, and campaigned with their electoral allies in the difficult 1936 election.
    [32] Ultimately, the attempts to consolidate the Social Democratic and Progressive parties failed, but the links forged between the SDP and the trade unions resulted in the birth of the SDLP in 1935. The newly formed Social Democratic & Labor Party was swept into office in a landslide in the 1936 election, winning a majority in the House of Commons at the expense of the Conservatives, Liberals, and Progressives, who split the voteshare of the opposition. The 1936 federal election also marked the entrance of the Social Credit Party into parliament, winning seats in the west at the expense of the Progressives (who were reduced to merely 15 seats). The new SDLP government of Thomas was more moderate than the previous SDP of the Debbs era, promising to not alter the constitution or abolish the monarchy. Instead, the new government set about tackling the growing economic recession by expanding social services and increasing the government's presence in the private sector by breaking up monopolies, empowering trade unions, and expanding the National Medicalbank among other things.
    [33] The recession would slip into a depression in 1939 and confidence in Premier Norman Thomas would become shaky. Thomas was a clear ideologue who wanted to help but had trouble navigating the wheeling and dealing nature of parliament and struggled to eek out compromises that were beneficial to the people suffering the most. His leadership would be contested by Ben W. Hooper, an industrialist and Stevenson Progressive who joined the SDLP when it became the majority party. Hooper came up short, with his background in business and short time as a party member being toxic to much of the SDLP. Thomas, on thin ice after that challenged, called a general election in 1941. His party lost seats across the nation. They maintained a plurality, but were seven seats short of a majority. The shrinking Progressive Party caucus still held a dozen seats and formed a "perpetual alliance" with the SDLP to form the government. The Social Democratic & Labor - Progressive Party Alliance set to work with some more daring economic initiatives in the beginning of their second term, including guaranteed employment by the government and attempting to make the National Medicalbank into a form of universal healthcare. The National Medicalbank vote would turn into an embarrassing debacle and fail to pass thanks to union opposition, which supplied healthcare for its workers in many parts of the country as incentive for continued membership.
    [34] After several defeats in local elections the left knew it needed to combine to prevent the new Conservative Alliance (consisting of the Conservative Party and the right wing of the Liberals). As such this new left leaning group nominated the most popular politician within the confederation: Fiorello Guardia. Without the public knowing of his cancer, which he was able to recover from, he campaigned on the promise of universal healthcare, better universal education, and universal union membership, at the request of the SDLP. They were able to win a comfortable majority. As such the group achieved in reforming the National Medicalbank into universal system (the government provided healthcare for groups such as the poor, disabled, non-workers, with the union's providing care for workers), saw an increase in union membership to 67% of workers, and was able to introduce Employee Councils (mirroring the Work Councils in France). The nation was able to recover from the recession and saw the emergence of the coalition system (which would form into the current Pan-Blue coalition and Pan-Pink coalition of today).
    [35] The 1945 election brought about yet another realignment; the birth of the Social Democratic & Labor Party and their subsequent alliance with the Progressives (along with the second demise of the reborn Liberals) would result in many of the right leaning Liberals joining the Conservatives, who elected Theodore Roosevelt Jr. as their leader in 1946. A centrist in an increasingly moderating party, he managed to rebrand the party as the Progressive Conservatives in order to better take on the Unity coalition. Roosevelt, who had served as Premier of New York before his election as party leader, was a fierce patriot who promised to preserve Thomas and LaGuardia's more moderate domestic policies while curtailing government excess on the whole. But tensions with the Japanese Empire in the Pacific threaten the Commonwealth's fragile post depression recovery.
    [36] The war scare with the Japanese continued, and Roosevelt passionately campaigned for British and Commonwealth action following their brutal invasion of China. (The Provisional Regency government of 'Emperor' Pujie quickly collapsed). When Roosevelt was shockingly assassinated in 1950, however, the Progressive Conservative party rallied around Ralph Campney. While a Canadian and one of the most liberal members of his party, Campney was a former soldier and supporter of calls for a Pacific War. When Britain chose to act in 1951, Campney authorized the deployment of a large bomber force to Hawaii; following the highly-controversial Ukiyo Raid on Edo the Commonwealth joined in the coalition against Japan. Despite a general consensus on the war many in the left opposed it, and Campney faced significant domestic opposition for his role in conscription and armament funding - particularly in the Employee Councils.
    [37] The Great Pacific War would last for two years, resulting in the victory of the Imperial Alliance (consisting of troops from the Commonwealth of America, Australasia, South Africa, and the British Raj) after the Japanese Empire was pushed back all the way to the Home Islands at great human cost. The war concluded following the atomic bombing of Kyoto, which ushered in the atomic age. Having won a snap election in 1950 following the assassination of Theodore Roosevelt Jr., Campney cruised to a landslide reelection in 1954 on the back of the victory in the Pacific. However, domestic concerns would continue to trouble him. The Afro-American Civil Rights Movement began to take hold in the south, while across the country the power of the Employee Councils began to come under attack from right-leaning provincial governments. With the war over, and millions of American GI's returning home to jobs that have been taken by women in the interim, a minor recession began. It would be up to Campney to restore prosperity before his mandate expires in 1958. Meanwhile, the opposition SDLP and the rumps of the original Progressives and Liberals would be joined by five additional Social Credit MPs and over forty "Provincial Rights" MPs representing the southern provinces following the '54 election.
    [38] The 1958 election was one of the most frantic in recent times; the Progressive Conservatives fought a strong campaign based on their war record, but the economic slump and desire for social and political reform pushed the Pan-Pink/Unity coalition to emerge as the largest grouping, but 22 short of a majority. The last Liberals had been absorbed into the Progressive Party (still resisting a name-change despite the similarity with the ProgCons), with the latter remaining the sizeable junior partner of the leftist coalition. However, Levison - himself only recently established as leader - was forced to look for parliamentary allies. Reluctantly he turned to the Provincial Party, and tried to manage a delicate balance of power. This would prove difficult. The traditional labour movements wanted to strengthen the welfare state by cutting military expenditure - hoping to fund a sweeping Modernization Programme over Medicalbank, infrastructure (particularly roads), housing, urban regeneration and industry. Levison was only partly able to oblige, as the Provincials opposed the weakening of local government and, in particular, equality in the workplace. As the Civil Rights Movement continued Levison came under increasing pressure for his relationship with the Provincials, who continued to grow in strength through by-elections - and not just in their traditional Southern heartland. While the party had always been socially conservative, an influx of urban seats began to push it further to the growing unemployed, who saw the CRM as a destabilizing influence hoping to steal their job prospects. This led to a major ideological battle at the heart of the Unity coalition, as well as within the Provincial Party itself.
    [39] In the end, Premier Levison was unable to keep his party together. Levison eventually lost his ministry in a vote of no-confidence from the party, leading to Henry Wallace, son of the aging radical backbencher to ascend to the Premiership.
    [40] With the Unity coalition failing, Wallace nevertheless tried to push an agenda on Civil Rights through. It nearly succeeded and had a great deal of bipartisan support, but resulting strikes in white-majority industries regarding equal employment opportunities resulted in the Provincials withdrawing their support from both the coalition and the government. With no way to continue and the Progressive Conservatives now stalling for time, Wallace was forced to call an election. He had considerable sympathy, and looked like he might improve his position among the middle class - but in a great upset Michael DiSalle took the Progressive Conservatives back into government with a comfortable majority. Of Italian stock, DiSalle was in many ways cut of the same cloth as Guardia and certainly came from the progressive wing of the PCs. It would be he who finally secured a parliamentary majority on Civil Rights, earning his party the support of the newly-enfranchised across the nation. His ministry also presided over the rapid decline of Britain as the Mother Country; the United Kingdom had been outclassed in American industry and, since the end of the war, almost everything else. DiSalle sought to elevate the American position, and while the Commonwealth continued to retain her historical links to London as her economy continued to improve she increasingly became a free-spirit. Nevertheless, DiSalle hosted the visit of newly-coronated William VIII to Philadelphia in 1964 - leading to further political approval among the centre conservatives in his party.

    [41] With the Progressives popular and now presumed to be the natural party of government after their comfortable 1967 election win, the American intervention in the disastrous collapse of the United States of Central America (USCA) later that year came as a great shock. DiSalle had overestimated American capabilities, and soon found himself bogged down in a chaotic and agonizing struggle against guerrilla forces in the harsh swamps of southern Panama. It was an abrupt end to the political hegemony of the ProgCons, and as the death count continued to spiral public outcry fuelled the creations of new political forces. The left had had a tough decade, as the fallout from the Levison and Wallace governments had doomed the Social Democratic & Labour Party to infighting and civil war. The emerging of the Radical Movement changed everything, capturing the feeling of the discontented and the grieving to form a powerful opposition to the flailing DiSalle government. In 1970 the Social Democrats endorsed the new movement, resulting in Labour breaking away, and come the 1972 election it was clear that change was coming.
    [42] Fuentes-Macias had been born in Panama, but his family had naturalized in the western territories of the Commonwealth in the early-1900s. Spouting a new kind of optimistic egalitarianism, the sweeping victory of the New Nation Coalition was nothing short of revolutionary. The Progressive Conservatives put up a strong fight, but were doomed to return to Opposition as the Radical Party committed themselves to re-nationalizing industry, rebuilding the Medicalbank into a National Health Service (finishing what Norman Thomas had started), cuts to military spending, withdrawal from Central America and - most controversially - hinted at a new republic referendum. The Progressives and Provincials were almost completely wiped out by the NNC landslide, which did particularly well in the traditional ProgCon heartlands in Canada, French-speaking Quebec and the ethnically-diverse southern regions, and became politically irrelevant. Fuentes-Macias claimed his new ministry was for all the peoples of the Commonwealth regardless of language, creed or ethnicity, and the start of his government marked a noticeable shift towards bipolar politics once again; the New Nation coalition served the left, while the ProgCons - wounded, admittedly - retained their dominant role right-of-centre.
    [43] Fuentes-Macias was returned in a landslide in 1976, with his expansion of the welfare state proving immensely popular. His distinctly American neutrality was controversial abroad and rapidly resulted in tensions with the British, but the supremacy of American industry ensured an economic boom to fund the growing National Health Service, National Education Board and National Housing Committee. The Fuentes-Macias governments were notable for their strong commitment to foreign aid, largely funded from the reduction in the Navy, but the commitment to fund reconstruction efforts in Panama (previously decimated by American intervention) proved a strong rallying point for the conservatives.
    [44] The 1979 election was called as the Commonwealth descended into economic depression. It was Nova Scotia MP and Progressive Conservative leader Flora MacDonald who would benefit from this, riding a wave of popular discontent against the Fuentes-Macias government's economic record in order to be propelled into office as the country's first female PM. The new administration would immediately set about to reverse her predecessors accomplishments, ending foreign aid to Central America and halting plans to return the Panama Canal. Though she did not tackle the National Health Service, her government began privatizing aspects of the federal housing programs by allowing inhabitants to purchase the deed to their Section One housing. MacDonald, a moderate Tory who bragged that she put the "progressive" in Progressive Conservative, only offered a watered down plan to limit the powers of worker councils, and while ceasing further nationalizations, did not set out to privatize other sectors of the economy. As a result, the party began to fracture. A few years into MacDonald's premiership, the fiery red-haired Prime Minister was seemingly spending more of her political capital holding her party together rather than shepherding legislation through the Commons. None the less, her rivals were equally shattered, with the Radicals led by Jerry Brown, Walter Mondale's SDP, and Lane Kirkland's Labor Party competing for the vote-share of MacDonald's detractors. Whether a threat from MacDonald's right would arise remained unknown.
    [45] The Progressive Conservatives splintered in 1981 with the conservative wing walking out and forming a new party called the Nationals. With a lack of votes, MacDonald was forced to call a general election. The Radicals, SDP, Labour, Nationals, and a host of new, minor parties increased their share of the votes cast. In the end, Flora MacDonald was the only one that was able to create a coalition with the SDP. MacDonald's second ministry looked to be even more fractious than the first.
    [46] The second MacDonald ministry was disastrous for both the Progressive Conservatives and the Social Democratic Party - the two parties which had formed the mainstay of Commonwealth politics since the mid-1930s. The Opposition were incensed by the SDP 'betrayal' and they were thrown out of any further role in the New Nation Coalition, while the new (second) National Party continued to weaken the ProgCons. The two parties were never destined to work effectively in government, and their disastrous partnership helped the Opposition to regroup. Labour movements organized a series of strikes in 1983 (ostensibly over the proposed sale of government shares in Anglo-American Petroleum) and worsened increasing inflation, and the following year MacDonald called a general election in a desperate bid to shore up her position. It was a difficult campaign, but the result was historic. Kirkland and the Labour Party became the largest party for the first time, sweeping both working-class and middle-class positions sufficiently to reform the New Nation Coalition in government. The Radicals, usurped as the leader of the bloc, nevertheless supported the government with good faith, and Kirkland formed a ministry incorporating all of the constituent parties. There was a return for the Progressive Party - although many as a regional protest vote - and the arrival of the new Liberal Democrats (formed from two-dozen ex-SDP MPs). Political reform followed, with sweeping changes to the election system introducing formal 'lists' based on the national coalitions, and economic reform reflecting the 'Decade of Leftism' that swept across the West in the 1980s.
    [47] The first Kirkland ministry was able to avoid major scandals and keep its party coalition united, with the Prime Minister being praised for his successful economic reforms and handling of the Anglo-American Petroleum shenanigans; however, while domestically Kirkland was considered a great Prime Minister, his foreign policy would be more controversial as the Imperial Alliance, "composed of giants" (as British Prime Minister David Owen put it) that were dominated by their own trade interests, grew more distant and, in the case of India, antagonistic. There was also the issue of trade wars between Britain and European regional powers, including Germany. Despite this, Kirkland was reportedly unafraid of losing the election, even as the Nationals, led by young and brash Albertan MP Debbie Grey (who notoriously called the incumbent PM "Lame Kirkland"), mocked Kirkland over his seeming losses to the Germans while the Progressive Conservatives, led by New Yorker Alphonse D'Amato, called Kirkland a "traitor to the Commonwealth". Regardless, Lane Kirkland easily won a second term, gaining seats as the Nationals massively under-performed.
    [48] There were high hopes for the Kirkland government, with many expecting a third term (unprecedented since the era of Cassius Clay). However, 1990 would prove a difficult year for the government. Despite his strong personal popularity Kirkland found the trade war with the Europeans hard to manage, as international protectionism undercut his personal pursuit of democratic socialist economics. Productivity declined and strains on the welfare state rose; when it was revealed in the autumn that prescription charges and other 'pay-per-use' charges would be introduced to the NHS, the government suddenly came close to collapse. With the New Nation Coalition now divided, the Progressives withdrew their support to place pressure on the Prime Minister. Forced into a corner and with much of his political optimism ground away in backroom arguments, Kirkland reluctantly resigned. His successor was Anthony Mazzocchi - a figure well respected within the NNC, and a largely neutral figurehead until the Labour Party concluded the tense leadership campaign to replace Kirkland. Expressing no interest in remaining Prime Minister and understanding his interim role, Mazzocchi called a general election for 1991. With the New Nation divided over the future of the welfare system and the opposition ProgCons and Nationals gathering strength, the 1991 contest was notable for an angry tone largely enhanced by the first leadership debates held on television.
     
  3. Hulkster'01 alternatehistory.com's number 1 Hulkamaniac

    Joined:
    Nov 18, 2017
    Presidents Of The United States of North America
    1809-1817: Alexander Hamilton/ Jared Ingersoll (Federalist) [1]
    1817-1822:
    Jared Ingersoll*/ Rufus King (Federalist) [2]


    [1] Following his near death at the hands of Vice President Aaron Burr, Alexander Hamilton would announce he would run for President in the 1808 election. He would use his near death experience to bring more voters and in the end he would win the election in a landslide. Hamilton's presidency is highly remembered for the War of 1812 and the capturing and annexation of Canada.
    [2] Following the tradition of his predecessors President Hamilton would not run for a third term, instead his Vice President Jared Inhersoll would run and win a first and second term as President. However he would die during his second term and Vice President Rufus King would take over as President.
     
    EbolaMan131 likes this.
  4. Hulkster'01 alternatehistory.com's number 1 Hulkamaniac

    Joined:
    Nov 18, 2017
    1960: Richard Nixon/Neil H. McElroy
    1963: Neil H. McElroy/Margaret C. Smith
    1964: Neil H. McElroy/Margaret C. Smith
    1968: Robert Kennedy/Ronald Reagan (VP slot thrown to Congress to decide)
    1970: Ronald Reagan/William E. Miller
    1972: Ronald Reagan/William E. Miller
    1976: Ronald Reagan/Willaim E. Miller
    1980: Walter Reuther/Adlai Stevenson III
    1984: Edward Nixon/Gerald Ford
    1988: Walter Reuther/Gary Hart
    1990: Gary Hart/John Glenn
    1992: Gary Hart/John Glenn
    1996: John McCain/Colin Powell
    2000: John McCain/Colin Powell
    2004: Colin Powell/Jeb Bush
    2008:
    2012:
    2016:
    2020:
     
  5. Premier Taylerov Well-Known Member

    Joined:
    Mar 11, 2011
    Location:
    Mid-Devon, United Kingdom
    PRIME MINISTERS OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF AMERICA
    The American Parliamentary System

    1785: Benjamin Franklin (Crossbencher) [1]
    1788: John Dickinson (Crossbencher) [2]
    1794: George Thatcher (Crossbencher, National Faction) [3]
    1799: George Thatcher (National)
    1802: Alexander Hamilton (National) [4]
    1808: John Randolph (Liberal)^ [5]
    1813: John Randolph (Liberal)^
    1817: John Randolph (Liberal)^
    1820: John Marshall (National)** [6]
    1824: Henry Clay (National) [7]
    1826: John Randolph (Liberal)^* [8]
    1830: Daniel Pope Cook (Country Liberal/Liberal minority) [9]
    1833: Daniel Pope Cook (Country Liberal/Liberal)
    1837: Theodore Frelinghuysen (Commonwealth) [10]
    1840: Henry Clay (Unionist)
    1846: Henry Clay (Unionist)* [11]
    1852: Daniel Webster (Unionist)* [12]
    1855: Cassius Clay (Commonwealth) [13]
    1860: Cassius Clay (Commonwealth)
    1862: Cassius Clay (Commonwealth minority)
    1864: George Custis Lee (Unionist) [14]
    1867: Alexander Stephens (Unionist)** [15]
    1869: John MacDonald (Unionist) [16]
    1870: Abram Hewitt (Commonwealth) [17]
    1875: George Custis Lee (Unionist) [18]
    1880: George Ross (Liberal) [19]
    1884: Benton McMillin (Conservative minority) [20]
    1886: George Ross (Liberal) [21]
    1891: Benton McMillin (Conservative minority) [22]
    1896: Benton McMillin (Conservative)
    1900: Adlai Stevenson I (Liberal) [23]
    1905: Thomas Custer (Conservative) [24]
    1910: Hamilton Fish II (Liberal) [25]

    1913: Hamilton Fish II (Liberal minority) [26]
    1915: Fred Busse (Liberal minority, Conservative supply-and-confidence) [27]
    1920: Arthur LeSueur (Social Democratic-Progressive Alliance) [28]

    1925: John Stump (Social Democratic-Progressive Alliance) [29]
    1926: Gideon Robertson (Conservative) [30]

    1931: Gideon Robertson (Conservative minority, Liberal supply-and-confidence)*
    1933: Ragnvald Nestos (Conservative minority, Liberal supply-and-confidence) [31]
    1936: Norman Thomas (Social Democratic & Labour) [32]
    1941: Norman Thomas (Social Democratic & Labour-Progressive Alliance) [33]
    1945: Fiorello Guardia (Unity-Social Democratic & Labour, Progressive, Left Liberal) [34]
    1948: Theodore Roosevelt Jr. (Progressive Conservative)** [35]

    1950: Ralph Osborne Campney (Progressive Conservative) [36]
    1953: Ralph Osborne Campney (Progressive Conservative) [37]

    1958: Stanley Levison (Unity-Social Democratic & Labour, Progressive minority, Provincial supply-and-confidence) [38]
    1960: Henry Wallace (Unity-Social Democratic & Labour, Progressive minority, Provincial supply-and-confidence) [39]

    1962: Michael DiSalle (Progressive Conservative) [40]
    1967: Michael DiSalle (Progressive Conservative) [41]

    1972: Charles Fuentes-Macias (New Nation Coalition-Radical Movement, Social Democratic) [42]
    1976: Charles Fuentes-Macias (New Nation Coalition-Radical Movement, Social Democratic) [43]
    1979: Flora MacDonald (Progressive Conservative) [44]
    1982: Flora MacDonald (Progressive Conservative, Social Democratic) [45]

    1984: Joseph Lane Kirkland (New Nation Coalition-Labour, Radical, Liberal Democratic, Progressive) [46]

    1988: Joseph Lane Kirkland (New Nation Coalition-Labour, Radical, Liberal Democratic, Progressive) [47]
    1990: Anthony Mazzocchi (New Nation Coalition-Labour, Radical, Liberal Democratic) [48]

    ^ The pre-home rule Liberal Party has no association with the 1880 Liberal Party.
    * Died in office.
    ** Assassinated.

    [1] The American Commonwealth was the peaceful confederation of Britain's North American possessions following a near revolution over taxation. Though King George III remains the King in London, power is exercised by the Governor General and his appointed Prime Minister. Elections would be held every six years, although the Governor-General would old the final authority in the appointment of a Prime Minister.
    [2] After Prime Minister Franklin retired due to old age, representatives from all over the Commonwealth met with the Governor-General in Philadelphia in order to nominate a new Prime Minister. Though the decision rested in the hands of the Governor-General, this informal congress would play a decisive role. After short deliberations, Governor of Pennsylvania John Dickinson was appointed to the position. A extremely popular figure in the Commonwealth, Dickinson was seen as a natural leader figure throughout it's extent. His opposition to slavery, however, did scare some southerners. Though the idea of Home rule and a Continental Parliament were not yet formally circulated, the existence of a informal congress of representatives in Philadelphia working alongside the Prime Minister became a reality under Dickinson.
    [3] By time Prime Minister Dickinson had announced his retirement, the members of the now formalized Con-federal Congress were separated into three informal coalitions: The National group favored a stronger government guiding the new nation, The Independent conglomerate favored a policy of non-partisan politics, and the Reform faction desired a less powerful central government. The designation of George Thatcher as Prime Minister came after the ninth round of voting with a small section of the Independents favoring him over the more radical George Logan. While in power Thatcher oversaw the creation of the House of Commons of America, which with the Co-federal Congress became the Parliament of America, the enactment of the Bill of Rights 1798, and the establishment of the Church of America. The establishment of the Church of America and the introduction of tariffs on several European countries - which led to the Panic of 1801 - led to the discontent of many Congress members; this resulted in the first ever vote of no confidence put forth by the Congress, which resulted in the Thatcher ministry collapsing and his resignation in 1802.
    [4] Alexander Hamilton's rapid rise in politics began with his 1785 election to the First Parliament, and under Dickinson and later Thatcher he served as the Minister of Finance; succeeding Thatcher, Hamilton pushed for westward expansion and internal development. In 1803, the Louisiana campaign of the Napoleonic Wars brought the Commonwealth into the broader war for the first time. American forces were able to take New Orleans following a daring amphibious attack. Within months, other settlements such as Saint Louis were also seized. The 1806 Treaty of Pressburg, which ended the War of the Third Coalition, saw France ceding all of New France to the Commonwealth. Hamilton, having managed to obtain the repeal of the Proclamation of 1763, oversaw the first rapid westward expansion as settlers rushed into the newly seized territories as well as the rapidly increasingly populated Ohio River Valley. The controversial Bank of America is chartered, and provincial debts are assumed by the federal government.
    [5] By 1808 the idea of non-partisanship was long gone. The reformers and independents that had stood against Thatcher and Hamilton's "National party" firmly solidified themselves into the Liberal Party. Preaching free markets, rights of the landed aristocracy, and an large autonomy of the individual states, the Liberal party soon found a charismatic representative in the form of John Randolph of Virginia, himself a pupil of Patrick Henry. Randolph was highly critical of Thatcher and especially Hamilton, calling them tyrants in disguise, and believed that the Continental Parliament and the Prime Minister were concentrating too much power. With the war in the Americas long over, and the tariffs imposed by the National government becoming a ever growing sore on the southern houses, Randolph won himself the seat of PM. Famous for his oratory skills, Randolph would successfully negotiate a number of key proposals during his tenure. he would become the first Commonwealth PM to approach the subject of Home Rule, that is, a Continental Parliament that is not subject to the British one. The approach would be careful of course, less he and his Liberals be accused of treason, and though nothing concrete came from it during his tenure, seeds were planted.
    [6] By the end of the first Liberal government; the party was collapsing. The Liberals had suffered to win across the nation, with some strongholds like New Jersey becoming significantly more National. By time the process of designation of the Prime Minister came around after the 1820 House of Commons election; the Co-federal Congress had three major groups, the Nationals, the conservative wing of the Liberals which became the Unionists, and the more reformist Radical Party. With the splitting of the liberals, the National Party's John Marshall was able to form the second National government. His government invoked tariffs on Europe once again, increased the power of the executive on numerous occasions, and removed the power of the judicial functions of the Co-federal Congress (which limited its power to strike down laws). The most important event in Marshall's tenure was the Mexican-American war; a couple of close battles (such as Monterrey) resulted in the failure of the American forces. This led to the treaty of Bogotá: which forced the succession of large parts of the territory won in the War of the Third Coalition. Once the treaty was concluded the Governor General ordered the return of Prime Minister Marshall (to force him to resign) but during the returning journey, a southern dissident named Joseph Smith assassinated Marshall.
    [7] Henry Clay ascended to the Premiership in 1824, following the assassination of John Marshall by a deranged southern republican. A long serving MP, Clay's rise to power sees a return of Hamiltonism to American politics. The Prime Minister uses tariffs to fund internal development and infrastructure projects, helping to rapidly increase westward expansion while fueling the flames of discontent with American foreign policy following the defeat in the Mexican War; it was under Clay that the cry of "Manifest Destiny" was first heard uttered, becoming a national mantra of sorts.
    [8] Clay's ambitions and skill, however, would not be enough to please the ballot box. After years of division, by 1824 the former Liberal party was finally reformed under the leadership of the aged Randolph and his disciple John Calhoun. The defeat at the Mexican war was successfully blamed on the National administration and, as Marshall successor, Clay took the blunt of the blame. Randolph returned to power, with a policy that was more and more focused on the issue of Slavery. With the British ban on the international slave trade, many in the Commonwealth feared that further attacks on the "peculiar institution" would follow. Randolph and Calhoun became ardent opponents of British restriction of the practices, and once again turned to the issue of Home Rule, seeking to make the Continental Parliament independent. Their defense of southern practices helped turn the South into a decisive Liberal stronghold, while their support for home rule was echoed by some liberals, with Clay himself taking a moderate stance. Randolph would eventually die in office, and with no compromise over the issue being resolved with mother England, tensions escalated.
    [9] The death of Randolph amplified the problems facing the government, and with the Liberal position threatened by the threat of war or domestic violence the party faced complete collapse. The party had long been a broad church and with divisions between the slavers and the Anglophiles now threatened to tear the country apart. At a tense party session after Randolph's death party moderates refused to endorse Calhoun as leader and crossed the floor as an independent faction of 'Country Liberals'. These mainly consisted of figures favoring a middle-ground in diplomatic relations with Britain, a gradual end to slavery in the north and a national plebiscite on wider emancipation. Courting National support Daniel Pope Cook secured permission from the Governor-General to form a minority government with those still willing to support a Liberal ministry, while the Nationals both encouraged and hindered the government in equal measure. The issue of slavery slowly became entwined with the issue of Home Rule, with many believing that one could not come without the other. This polarized public discourse and radicalized the South (many of whom felt betrayed by Liberal party infighting despite the majority of traditional party figures being highly committed to the slaver cause).
    [10] By 1837 the debate over slavery had died down; people still held on to their beliefs but understood the need to unite the nation (after the Summer Riots of 1835). This resulted in the appointment of the anti-slavery candidate Theodore Frelinghuysen with a pro-slavery Deputy Prime Minister. Due to this a compromise was put in place six years after the UK passed the Slavery Abolition Act 1833: the comprise entailed that the slave owners will be compensated, only children aged 5 years would be free while the other slaves would work for there slave owners in "Unpaid-Apprenticeships" for several years. While the abolition was the most notable part of Frelinghuysen tenure other strong accomplishments were noted: the abolition of the Co-federal Congress (the power to appoint the Prime Minister was given to the sole house of Parliament: the House of Commons), the disestablishment of the Church of America (the long awaited fight to separate church and state was achieved without Frelinghuysen's approval), and the establishment of police forces in many counties.
    [11] Hailed as one of the heroes of the "Compromise of 1839", and already a very influential politician(not to mention former PM), Henry Clay found himself back in the Prime Minister's Manor. The 1830's saw both the National and the Liberal parties split, with the moderates from both factions(led by the National Clay and the Country Liberal Cook) to form the Unionist Party. The Party sold itself on moderation between the Anglophiles and abolitionists from New England and Canada(Former Nationals that now called themselves the Commonwealth Party, led by Frelinghuysen and John Quincy Adams), and the near-republicans that formed the Liberal party from the South(enraged by the compromise, and led by Deputy PM John Calhoun). Clay promised to upheld the Compromise, and to continue with the plans for gradual abolition, but to not let the Commonwealth be divided by the issue of slavery any longer. By picking the new englander Daniel Webster as Deputy PM, and by criticizing the radical stance of the Commonwealth party on slavery, Clay pleased moderates on all sides. After a hung parliament in 1840 forced special elections, Clay was elected with a respectable Unionist Majority, and reluctantly confirmed by London. Above all, he made his stance on two issues: Home Rule and western expansion. Clay was weary of the British Parliament control over the Continental one, and, under his tenure, the first Home Rule bill would be proposed and passed by the Continental Parliament, something not even his former rival John Randolph had managed(the bill would receive wild support particularly from Calhoun and his Liberals). Indeed, Clay would remark that the Commonwealth of North America was "A Union more than anything else", thus forming his party's name. Much to Clay's discontentment, however, the bill was vetoed by London. His second stance found much greater success, as the Second Mexican War proved a major victory for the Commonwealth. Mexico was forced to cede vast amounts of land, almost doubling the Commonwealth's territory, and giving it access to the Pacific Ocean.
    [12] The second Clay premiership would be remembered as being considerably more successful as the first; throughout his decades long tenure as the defacto leader of the moderates in parliament, Clay had seen the National Party give way to the Unionist Party and oversaw the final purchase of the Oregon Country, firmly establishing the Commonwealth's access to the Pacific. Though there had been racial strife in the south in the wake of abolition, and a near war with Spain over Florida (which was also ultimately purchased under Clay after the Treaty of Lisbon), his deputy PM, Daniel Webster, inherited an increasingly powerful nation in it's own right. Time would tell whether a snap election would result in the continuation of the Unionist control or a return to Liberal governance.
    [13] Prime Minister Webster was able to win the 1852 snap election with a razor thin majority. However, by 1855 the man was unable to continue his premiership and passed away in June. This was during the period where an election campaign was taking place: however he did announce before the election his retirement from politics. By 1855 -after 15 years of Unionist governance- the nation was tired of the Unionist Party: this resulted in the largest landslide for a party within the Commonwealth's history. The Man who replace Webster was the unknown Cassius Clay, a MP for Madison in Kentucky. He brought in many reforms within his tenure; The Reform act 1860 (which gave all males over the age of 23 the right to vote, the introduction of the first set of government insurance programs (mainly for farmers in the south), the national limiting of Child Labour and the limiting of the Prime Minister's power with the removal of government officials now requiring the Legislature's consent. By the mid 1860's his government became very limited due to the fact that the party would always be running a minority government, with independent support.
    [14] Despite the great social progress of the Commonwealth government it was not enough to save it in the 1864 election. George Custis Lee was a young and enigmatic figure with a keen eye for detail and strong support among his party base, and secured a comfortable majority government over his bickering opposition. Lee was a militarist - the American government quickly pledged support for Britain in the Anglo-Russian War of 1867, and volunteer corps participated in pro-British regime change in Mexico. As a moderate conservative Lee led a minor backlash against the reforms of the Commonwealth government, mirroring a wider reactionary surge across Europe and the Empire, but established a firm reputation and strong respect from the New Tory ministry in London despite his relative youth.
    [15] Alexander Stephens started his political life as a Liberal. Under the tenure of Henry Clay, Webster and C. Clay, however, the Liberal party slowly drifted into obscurity, becoming a regional, and then a insignificant entity. Stephens, like so many other Liberals, joined the Unionists. Stephens would grow highly critical of the Lee administration, calling him a "brutish child" who would turn North America into a military aggressor to the world. He attacked both Lee's militarism, and his fondness for "Mother London". Leading a isolationist, Laisse-fairez and southern wing of the party, Stephens called for a party leadership contest and, to the surprise of many, won. His Premiership would be marked almost solely by the racial tensions of the 1860's. With slavery just recently truly ending, the question of integration was at hand. How would the Commonwealth deal with it's black population? Stephens responded by attempting to enact a series of laws hampering black rights. Prohibitions on voting, interracial marriage, among others were placed proposed, and the Parliament was thrown into complete disarray. The Commonwealth Party, led by men such as Hannibal Hamlin strongly opposed these, of course. But many Unionists were also opposed to Stephens wing of the party and their racial rhetoric. Among these former PM Lee, Abraham Lincoln and William Seward. In the end, Stephens succeeded in some points, while failing in the larger scale. Before he could press any further, while giving a speech in a rally, he would be shot down by a discontent northerner. His death would thrown the Unionist party into a new leadership contest, and the Commonwealth Party into aggressive attacks.
    [16] The assassination of Stephens gave rise to the leadership of John MacDonald, an MP from the province of Canada who was able to mostly unite the Unionist Party; however, divisions within his caucus forced him to call an election in 1870, a risky gamble that would result in...
    [17] ... an unexpectedly-large majority for the Commonwealth Party, returning to government after 15 years. Hewitt had been able to reconcile the strong radicals in the party with the moderate bulk, creating a force capable of appealing to the growing middle class while maintaining those who favoured further domestic reform. The Unionists struggled to shrug off the legacy of their chaotic ministries, and had lost credibility due to an inability to control growing urban poverty and unrest. Hewitt committed the country to extensive social reforms - very much in the spirit of Cassius Clay - and favoured the development of railways to connect even the most inaccessible of regions. As America entered a period of rapid industrialization it also began opening new markets, drawing the country closer to the Empire but also to the other imperial powers. The Commonwealth Party, with bipartisan support, shortened the term of government to a maximum of 5 years and debated lowering the voting age.
    [18] After 11 years George Lee returned to the Prime Ministers Manor. Never a unpopular figure, Lee's charisma and larger than life stance served him well. He campaigned and took the Premiership in the closest election in the Commonwealths history, and made government spending his top issue. He blamed the Commonwealth party for overextending the governments power over it's subjects, and proposed a series of government cuts. During his tenure, Lee oversaw an booming economy and a large degree of popularity. He commissioned the construction of the statue entitled New Britannia on Governors Island in the Hudson river, as well as a series of urban reforms around the major eastern cities, such as the capital of Philadelphia. He also supported a military expedition to Hawaii, in order to secure the Island for the Commonwealth, which was arguably a success. the Expedition to Feudal Japan, however, most definitely was not. His greatest accomplishment was certainly the passing of the "Home Rule Act", which granted the Continental Parliament independence from the British one, while still being a part of the British Empire. Thus, Lee fulfilled Henry Clay's dream, that of the Unionist and former Liberal parties. During his tenure the divisions between the parties territories became more clear. Canada and New England became solid Commonwealth areas, while the South fell within the Unionist Sphere. Provinces such as Upper California, Pennsylvania, Ohio and New York were the battlegrounds for both.
    [19] By time the 1880's began; all the major Commonwealth political parties were involved in the Great American Scandal. This scandal was mainly about the fact that around a quarter of the Members of Parliament (including George Custis Lee) had been caught taking bribes from major railroad companies in exchange of ensuring their monopolies in local areas. As such both parties collapsed and were replaced by the Liberal Party, often called Rossites, and the Conservative Party, most of the time called Farrowers - they both mirrored their British Counterparts in terms of ideology and policies. The 1880 election resulted in these parties replacing the husks of the Commonwealth and Unionist parties, a substantial majority for the Liberal party and the Social Democratic Federation win its first two seats. As Ross won, he sought to implement a new era of clean progressive politics. Consequently, his major contributions was the creation of the national education system (a three tier system of Kindergartens, Middle and Upper schools), the implementation of several new social insurance schemes (Health and Accident insurance in 1882 and Superannuation in 1883) which were based on Bismark's failed proposals in the North German Confederation and by 1884 he allowed the controversial Local Voting Rights Act to pass; allowing Women over 25 to vote in elections up to the municipal level.
    [20] Emboldened by his domestic successes Ross went to the polls in 1884, but fell victim to party complacency in the aftermath of the Great American Scandal. As devastating as the Scandal had been to the two main parties, the Unionists had quickly and successfully regrouped as the Conservatives - while the Rossites remained a loose political grouping of traditional liberals, radical liberals and moderates. In particular the Radical wing did well in industrial areas as their MPs pledged to continue the social reforms that had begun to help so many. The election resulted in a hung parliament, with McMillin eventually forming a minority government. Just 10 seats short of a majority, McMillin remained in power due to the role of a small number of independents. He was able to do this due to infighting in the liberal groupings regarding further legislation relating to trade unions and trust-busting. The Conservatives, pledging to maintain the economic status quo, also rejected further attempts at American imperialism in the wake of the failed incursions in Nippon.
    [21] McMillin's majority was not to be; internal disagreements made passing a budget in 1886 impossible, leading to another snap election. George Ross, who was quick to argue that the Tories were in the pocket of the wealthy, was returned to power on the promise of American prosperity being shared. However, while the Commonwealth Liberal Party was able to take a narrow majority, there remained threats to their government. The Tories were hellbent on retaking the government during the next election, while the rising Social Democratic Party increased their seat count to eight MPs. Ross now faces the pressure of making good on his promises while simultaneously having to work with rebel Tories or the socialists on a case by case basis.
    [22] The Tories attempted to portray the Commonwealth Liberal government as dysfunctional, given their dependency on rogue MP from the Opposition. However, Ross was able to hang on until the 1891 election, which once again resulted in a hung parliament; American politics remained largely a two-party affair, however, and the Social Democrats actually had their seats reduced by half. Ross attempted coalition negotiations to continue his ministry as a minority, but ultimately McMillin was reinstated as Prime Minister as the leader of the largest party. His second ministry was highly controversial, as the Conservatives tried to force through legislation for a national income tax (mirroring the efforts of the New Tories in Britain). When this failed McMillin turned to social welfare, strengthening the Child Labour Act, and established himself on the progressive wing of the Conservative Party.
    [23] By the turn of the century, American politics had seemingly stabilized into a fairly consistent two party system. The Conservatives had come to be the party of free enterprise and provincial rights, ironically taking up the mantle of the original Liberal Party of the early Commonwealth. Though McMillin was a progressive minded Tory and one of the first reformers of the modern era, confidence in his leadership had eroded by 1900 as southern Tories feared the party was tacking too far to the left. On the other hand, the Liberal Party had come to be the more vocally progressive entity within parliament, with many progressives (including former Tory MP Theodore Roosevelt) drifting into their fold by this point. Lastly, there remained the small but steadily growing Social Democratic Party, which in the 1900 election managed to hold their seven seats as well as elect an additional MP in the form of their leader, Eugene Debs.
    [24] The Liberal government had a strong term, and their defeat in the 1905 election was a great shock. Thomas Custer had become Tory leader as a rightist hawk, keen to get America involved in the Caribbean and to take a stronger line against the progressiveness of the Stevenson ministry. The war scare between Britain and France was enough to get the Conservatives into power with a small majority, as well as the sudden surge in Québécois terrorism. Indeed, in a speech in 1907 Custer announced that the spike in violence (principally by those seeking independence for Quebec) could be viewed as the 'American Ireland'. It was a controversial statement, but well-received by the nationalist wing of the party. Furthermore Custer, an opponent of economic interventionism, was criticized for the decline of the economy and a rise in unemployment during his ministry.
    [25] The political violence that had been growing before Custer's takeover began to decline very quickly as he passed rather extreme measures to break up and jail radical groups. Protest in general became largely illegal under Custer and his administration was not without scandal or controversy. Throughout Custer's term, the Liberal Party, which had been torn apart in by-elections, was seen as poor defenders of the American people. A harsh critic on the establishment from within their own ranks was one Hamilton Fish II. Son of Hamilton Fish I, who was heavily involved in Frelinghuysen's administration before switching from the Commonwealth Party to join the Liberals under George Ross. Unlike Fish I, Fish II had sat outside of the normal power structures in New York. He served four terms as the Mayor of Albany, running as an independent each time except the last, when he agreed to join the Liberal Party. After joining parliament with the wave that elected Adlai Stevenson I as Prime Minister, Fish II got a reputation for voting nearly as much against Stevenson's progressive policies as he did for them. In 1909, with fears that Stevenson's perceived political softness would be a liability, a leadership election took place. Stevenson initially thought he was in the clear, but two New Yorkers emerged from the woodwork to challenge him, Theodore Roosevelt and Hamilton Fish II. Roosevelt was seen as a lightning rod at the time, marrying political progressivism with a pro-military, pro-empire outlook. Fish was on the other side, attacking Stevenson and Fish for being too soft and wanting the government to be too involved in day-to-day life. In the first round of voting, Roosevelt would come up short, coming two vote short of beating Stevenson, with Fish winning a plurality of votes. It was assumed that Stevenson would win in the second round, which would be held two weeks later, as it is rare to have every single MP in the chamber at once. There was a wide segment of the Liberal Party's base that was extremely hostile to Fish, with their voters in Quebec seeing him as indistinguishable from a Tory. A Québécois militant tried to kill Fish on the floor of the parliament. Fish would give a roaring speech on the floor, accusing Stevenson of hiring this man to kill him. The mood was adamantly against Fish at the moment, but as more came out about this militant and the fact that he had been at Stevenson's office days before seemed confusing to most presses. Stevenson would deny everything, but as it became clear that he might just lose the leadership election, he would stand down and tap Roosevelt to take his place. Roosevelt suffered from being perceived as too inexperienced and a bit too radically progressive for some rank-n-file party members. Fish would narrowly win the second round vote and, with that, swing the party to the right. As several Liberal Party MPs and party members abandoned the caucus for the Social Democratic Party, the Liberal Party was able to swing enough seats to take a slim majority over Custer's Tories. Custer would stay on in the opposition and Fish would set to work, balancing many of the progressive demands of his party with the conservatism of the mood in his country.
    [26] Matters came to a head following the City Strikes of 1913. As the economic recession continued many inner-city workers had grown frustrated at the lack of action from Parliament, and took out their anger in a large series of strikes across major cities. Railroads and factories ground to a halt, while Fish turned on his rivals in his own party for obstructionism. It was the final straw for those remaining loyal to the Liberals but were hostile to Fish, and in October progressive MP Carter Harrison led his wing to resign the Liberal whip en masse. However, Harrison did not join the SDP (nor did his colleagues) but instead sat as a grouping of 'Independent Liberals' - withdrawing their support from the Fish ministry, forcing a minority government with the Conservative as the largest party in Opposition, and waiting for the inevitable general election.
    [27] In the winter of 1914, Prime Minister Hamilton Fish II came down with a severe case of pneumonia. Bedridden and incapable of continuing his work in government, Fish's chief deputy would take his place. Fred Busse was a longtime representative for the City of Dearborn and was an ideological chameleon. Having been a young progressive voice during Stevenson's Premiership, Busse shifted to the right along with his party and was enough of a kiss-up to get into Fish's inner circle. Over the course of Fish's administration, he'd make his way to the top of the heap by ruthlessly sabotage and sidelining all foes. Theodore Roosevelt was Busse's chief rival and was seen as the party's heir to Stevenson just as Busse was to Fish. When the Independent Liberals broke with Fish, and Roosevelt went with them, Busse simply replied with "good riddance". Soon after Busse took over as Prime Minister, he called a general election. It was the first election since the Independent Liberal split and Busse was hellbent on destroying them. He decided to use everything in his power to beat them where he could. He clamped down on who could and couldn't run as a Liberal by cutting off funding to those still in the party who were considered too progressive. Some of these things were controversial, but somewhat harmless, like running fusion tickets in districts with moderate Conservative Party members to beat incumbent Independent Liberals. Others were severe cases of corruption that would not be fully exposed until years later: including the likes of ballot stuffing and intimidation. For his whole career, Busse was often rumored to be hiring thugs to make sure those who would vote against him in Dearborn stayed away from the ballot box and had the same men be the ones counting the ballots. He would export these tactics nationwide and with all that effort, he still came up several seats short of a majority. The Independent Liberals and the Social Democratic Party would band together in the caucus and refuse to make any sort of coalition with the likes of the Liberal Party under Busse. The Conservative Party, being the chief opposition to the Liberal Party, refused to form an outright coalition but agreed to give supply and confidence to the Liberal Party's minority so long as what was up to vote remained within the realm of reason for the Conservatives. The Conservatives, still being lead by an aging Custer, would shift further to the right along with the general electorate. The economy was gradually improving without much help from the government, but was still shaky and much of the voting public was on edge about any major shifts in economic policy. Progressivism seemed all but dead at the beginning of this decade, but perhaps there was a light at the end of the tunnel.
    [28] By 1920 the nation was still seeing shaky growth after the grand coalition of Liberal and Conservative continued a policy of non-interventionism. As a result this catapulted the Social Democratic and Progressive (which was once the Independent Liberals) parties into the first left wing government of the Commonwealth, indeed it was one of the first left wing governments within the world. The parties were able to win due to their alliance pushing many Liberals and Conservatives on election night out of the parliament; infamously both Fish and Busse only held on to their seats with majorities that were less than 1000. The government was was able to introduce massive economic reforms, called the "Citizen's Budget," which created many social welfare systems, introduce the National Medicalbank (NMB) which provided universal health insurance to the middle and working classes, and the government stated to nationalize the Monopolies within the coal and other industries. The 36th cabinet also introduced many sociopolitical reforms, such as introducing the Fair Votes Act (which introduced proportional representation in the form of the single transferable vote, women suffrage and reduced the voting age to 20) and also created the Basic law of the Citizen's Rights (which improved civil rights for all). As 1925 was approaching the government introduce something which was radical; the Republic Referendum: it asked the electors weather or not the government should leave the British Sphere and Become an Independent Republic with the Provincial Leaders as Head of State. The Plebiscite occurred on election day and resulted in...
    [29] ... a large defeat for the government. While the country had enthusiastically supported the welfare reforms of the Social Democratic and Progressive Alliance the Conservatives (now under Gideon Robertson) were able to galvanize nationalists and imperialists across the country in support of remaining a member of the Empire. (Indeed, the most powerful of all the Dominions under William VI). LeSueur resigned as Prime Minster following the referendum - already under strong pressure from the Opposition for his nationalization program - and was replaced by John Stump after a short Cabinet meeting. Stump resisted calls for an early election, given that one was due later in the year anyway, and was fearful of the surge in Conservative support following the victory of the Empire camp and a largely-hostile press. Plans to merge the SDP and the Progressives into a single party in time for the election also fell flat, with the Progressives in particular wary of further electoral pacts in constituencies where both parties had a strong showing. (Both sides claimed responsibility for the welfare reforms, and both sides wanted to reap the rewards). Having been in power for less than a year, Stump went to the polls.
    [30] The 1926 Federal Election was a devastating defeat for the ruling Social Democratic/Progressive coalition; in particular, the SDP government of John Stump, badly damaged by the backfired republican referendum, was annihilated, their presence in the House of Commons reduced to merely 50 or so MPs. The Progressives also lost scores of MPs to the Liberals, though not on the scale of the SDP. Indeed, the vote splitting between the three left of center parties led to the rise of the Conservatives after nearly a decade and a half out of power. Promising to crack down on the "red tide" that had "infected" the labour movement, the incoming Prime Minister pursued business friendly policies, decreasing taxes, cutting spending, and reducing - though not outright eliminating - the size of programs introduced as part of the "Citizen's Budget." After the While the Conservatives remained largely united around Gideon Robertson, the left remained as fractured as ever, motivating the efforts between some Social Democrats and Progressives to merge their parties in the wake of the defeat. With the electoral reform dividing the House between 300 constituencies and a further 185 list seats, the proponents of the merger (who also attempted to bring the trade unions into their fold) awaited the next election with great anticipation. The question as to whether the merger would be approved by both parties remained to be seen.
    [31] The remainder of the Robertson ministry proved deeply antagonistic; his attacks against organized labour led to more general strikes in 1927 and 1929, and heavy-handed government responses resulted in a slump in support for the government. Furthermore the retractions of several welfare privileges hit the working poor, and the British forced-devaluation of Sterling in 1931 restarted recession in America. Now having missed over a decade of economic growth, the country was angry - and increasingly felt the actions of strikers was legitimate. In the 1931 election Robertson lost his majority in the face of a Progressive surge, but the two traditional parties of government agreed a supply-and-confidence to keep the left out of government. Following the death of Robertson in 1933 the Liberals agitated to elevated a figure closer to the centre to Prime Minister, settling on Ragnvald Nestos. Nestos tried to backtrack on the harsh policies of his predecessor, but his proposals for an 'emergency' all-party ministry were rebuffed by the Progressive Party (who smelt blood). Nevertheless the Liberals kept up their side of the bargain, and campaigned with their electoral allies in the difficult 1936 election.
    [32] Ultimately, the attempts to consolidate the Social Democratic and Progressive parties failed, but the links forged between the SDP and the trade unions resulted in the birth of the SDLP in 1935. The newly formed Social Democratic & Labor Party was swept into office in a landslide in the 1936 election, winning a majority in the House of Commons at the expense of the Conservatives, Liberals, and Progressives, who split the voteshare of the opposition. The 1936 federal election also marked the entrance of the Social Credit Party into parliament, winning seats in the west at the expense of the Progressives (who were reduced to merely 15 seats). The new SDLP government of Thomas was more moderate than the previous SDP of the Debbs era, promising to not alter the constitution or abolish the monarchy. Instead, the new government set about tackling the growing economic recession by expanding social services and increasing the government's presence in the private sector by breaking up monopolies, empowering trade unions, and expanding the National Medicalbank among other things.
    [33] The recession would slip into a depression in 1939 and confidence in Premier Norman Thomas would become shaky. Thomas was a clear ideologue who wanted to help but had trouble navigating the wheeling and dealing nature of parliament and struggled to eek out compromises that were beneficial to the people suffering the most. His leadership would be contested by Ben W. Hooper, an industrialist and Stevenson Progressive who joined the SDLP when it became the majority party. Hooper came up short, with his background in business and short time as a party member being toxic to much of the SDLP. Thomas, on thin ice after that challenged, called a general election in 1941. His party lost seats across the nation. They maintained a plurality, but were seven seats short of a majority. The shrinking Progressive Party caucus still held a dozen seats and formed a "perpetual alliance" with the SDLP to form the government. The Social Democratic & Labor - Progressive Party Alliance set to work with some more daring economic initiatives in the beginning of their second term, including guaranteed employment by the government and attempting to make the National Medicalbank into a form of universal healthcare. The National Medicalbank vote would turn into an embarrassing debacle and fail to pass thanks to union opposition, which supplied healthcare for its workers in many parts of the country as incentive for continued membership.
    [34] After several defeats in local elections the left knew it needed to combine to prevent the new Conservative Alliance (consisting of the Conservative Party and the right wing of the Liberals). As such this new left leaning group nominated the most popular politician within the confederation: Fiorello Guardia. Without the public knowing of his cancer, which he was able to recover from, he campaigned on the promise of universal healthcare, better universal education, and universal union membership, at the request of the SDLP. They were able to win a comfortable majority. As such the group achieved in reforming the National Medicalbank into universal system (the government provided healthcare for groups such as the poor, disabled, non-workers, with the union's providing care for workers), saw an increase in union membership to 67% of workers, and was able to introduce Employee Councils (mirroring the Work Councils in France). The nation was able to recover from the recession and saw the emergence of the coalition system (which would form into the current Pan-Blue coalition and Pan-Pink coalition of today).
    [35] The 1945 election brought about yet another realignment; the birth of the Social Democratic & Labor Party and their subsequent alliance with the Progressives (along with the second demise of the reborn Liberals) would result in many of the right leaning Liberals joining the Conservatives, who elected Theodore Roosevelt Jr. as their leader in 1946. A centrist in an increasingly moderating party, he managed to rebrand the party as the Progressive Conservatives in order to better take on the Unity coalition. Roosevelt, who had served as Premier of New York before his election as party leader, was a fierce patriot who promised to preserve Thomas and LaGuardia's more moderate domestic policies while curtailing government excess on the whole. But tensions with the Japanese Empire in the Pacific threaten the Commonwealth's fragile post depression recovery.
    [36] The war scare with the Japanese continued, and Roosevelt passionately campaigned for British and Commonwealth action following their brutal invasion of China. (The Provisional Regency government of 'Emperor' Pujie quickly collapsed). When Roosevelt was shockingly assassinated in 1950, however, the Progressive Conservative party rallied around Ralph Campney. While a Canadian and one of the most liberal members of his party, Campney was a former soldier and supporter of calls for a Pacific War. When Britain chose to act in 1951, Campney authorized the deployment of a large bomber force to Hawaii; following the highly-controversial Ukiyo Raid on Edo the Commonwealth joined in the coalition against Japan. Despite a general consensus on the war many in the left opposed it, and Campney faced significant domestic opposition for his role in conscription and armament funding - particularly in the Employee Councils.
    [37] The Great Pacific War would last for two years, resulting in the victory of the Imperial Alliance (consisting of troops from the Commonwealth of America, Australasia, South Africa, and the British Raj) after the Japanese Empire was pushed back all the way to the Home Islands at great human cost. The war concluded following the atomic bombing of Kyoto, which ushered in the atomic age. Having won a snap election in 1950 following the assassination of Theodore Roosevelt Jr., Campney cruised to a landslide reelection in 1954 on the back of the victory in the Pacific. However, domestic concerns would continue to trouble him. The Afro-American Civil Rights Movement began to take hold in the south, while across the country the power of the Employee Councils began to come under attack from right-leaning provincial governments. With the war over, and millions of American GI's returning home to jobs that have been taken by women in the interim, a minor recession began. It would be up to Campney to restore prosperity before his mandate expires in 1958. Meanwhile, the opposition SDLP and the rumps of the original Progressives and Liberals would be joined by five additional Social Credit MPs and over forty "Provincial Rights" MPs representing the southern provinces following the '54 election.
    [38] The 1958 election was one of the most frantic in recent times; the Progressive Conservatives fought a strong campaign based on their war record, but the economic slump and desire for social and political reform pushed the Pan-Pink/Unity coalition to emerge as the largest grouping, but 22 short of a majority. The last Liberals had been absorbed into the Progressive Party (still resisting a name-change despite the similarity with the ProgCons), with the latter remaining the sizeable junior partner of the leftist coalition. However, Levison - himself only recently established as leader - was forced to look for parliamentary allies. Reluctantly he turned to the Provincial Party, and tried to manage a delicate balance of power. This would prove difficult. The traditional labour movements wanted to strengthen the welfare state by cutting military expenditure - hoping to fund a sweeping Modernization Programme over Medicalbank, infrastructure (particularly roads), housing, urban regeneration and industry. Levison was only partly able to oblige, as the Provincials opposed the weakening of local government and, in particular, equality in the workplace. As the Civil Rights Movement continued Levison came under increasing pressure for his relationship with the Provincials, who continued to grow in strength through by-elections - and not just in their traditional Southern heartland. While the party had always been socially conservative, an influx of urban seats began to push it further to the growing unemployed, who saw the CRM as a destabilizing influence hoping to steal their job prospects. This led to a major ideological battle at the heart of the Unity coalition, as well as within the Provincial Party itself.
    [39] In the end, Premier Levison was unable to keep his party together. Levison eventually lost his ministry in a vote of no-confidence from the party, leading to Henry Wallace, son of the aging radical backbencher to ascend to the Premiership.
    [40] With the Unity coalition failing, Wallace nevertheless tried to push an agenda on Civil Rights through. It nearly succeeded and had a great deal of bipartisan support, but resulting strikes in white-majority industries regarding equal employment opportunities resulted in the Provincials withdrawing their support from both the coalition and the government. With no way to continue and the Progressive Conservatives now stalling for time, Wallace was forced to call an election. He had considerable sympathy, and looked like he might improve his position among the middle class - but in a great upset Michael DiSalle took the Progressive Conservatives back into government with a comfortable majority. Of Italian stock, DiSalle was in many ways cut of the same cloth as Guardia and certainly came from the progressive wing of the PCs. It would be he who finally secured a parliamentary majority on Civil Rights, earning his party the support of the newly-enfranchised across the nation. His ministry also presided over the rapid decline of Britain as the Mother Country; the United Kingdom had been outclassed in American industry and, since the end of the war, almost everything else. DiSalle sought to elevate the American position, and while the Commonwealth continued to retain her historical links to London as her economy continued to improve she increasingly became a free-spirit. Nevertheless, DiSalle hosted the visit of newly-coronated William VIII to Philadelphia in 1964 - leading to further political approval among the centre conservatives in his party.

    [41] With the Progressives popular and now presumed to be the natural party of government after their comfortable 1967 election win, the American intervention in the disastrous collapse of the United States of Central America (USCA) later that year came as a great shock. DiSalle had overestimated American capabilities, and soon found himself bogged down in a chaotic and agonizing struggle against guerrilla forces in the harsh swamps of southern Panama. It was an abrupt end to the political hegemony of the ProgCons, and as the death count continued to spiral public outcry fuelled the creations of new political forces. The left had had a tough decade, as the fallout from the Levison and Wallace governments had doomed the Social Democratic & Labour Party to infighting and civil war. The emerging of the Radical Movement changed everything, capturing the feeling of the discontented and the grieving to form a powerful opposition to the flailing DiSalle government. In 1970 the Social Democrats endorsed the new movement, resulting in Labour breaking away, and come the 1972 election it was clear that change was coming.
    [42] Fuentes-Macias had been born in Panama, but his family had naturalized in the western territories of the Commonwealth in the early-1900s. Spouting a new kind of optimistic egalitarianism, the sweeping victory of the New Nation Coalition was nothing short of revolutionary. The Progressive Conservatives put up a strong fight, but were doomed to return to Opposition as the Radical Party committed themselves to re-nationalizing industry, rebuilding the Medicalbank into a National Health Service (finishing what Norman Thomas had started), cuts to military spending, withdrawal from Central America and - most controversially - hinted at a new republic referendum. The Progressives and Provincials were almost completely wiped out by the NNC landslide, which did particularly well in the traditional ProgCon heartlands in Canada, French-speaking Quebec and the ethnically-diverse southern regions, and became politically irrelevant. Fuentes-Macias claimed his new ministry was for all the peoples of the Commonwealth regardless of language, creed or ethnicity, and the start of his government marked a noticeable shift towards bipolar politics once again; the New Nation coalition served the left, while the ProgCons - wounded, admittedly - retained their dominant role right-of-centre.
    [43] Fuentes-Macias was returned in a landslide in 1976, with his expansion of the welfare state proving immensely popular. His distinctly American neutrality was controversial abroad and rapidly resulted in tensions with the British, but the supremacy of American industry ensured an economic boom to fund the growing National Health Service, National Education Board and National Housing Committee. The Fuentes-Macias governments were notable for their strong commitment to foreign aid, largely funded from the reduction in the Navy, but the commitment to fund reconstruction efforts in Panama (previously decimated by American intervention) proved a strong rallying point for the conservatives.
    [44] The 1979 election was called as the Commonwealth descended into economic depression. It was Nova Scotia MP and Progressive Conservative leader Flora MacDonald who would benefit from this, riding a wave of popular discontent against the Fuentes-Macias government's economic record in order to be propelled into office as the country's first female PM. The new administration would immediately set about to reverse her predecessors accomplishments, ending foreign aid to Central America and halting plans to return the Panama Canal. Though she did not tackle the National Health Service, her government began privatizing aspects of the federal housing programs by allowing inhabitants to purchase the deed to their Section One housing. MacDonald, a moderate Tory who bragged that she put the "progressive" in Progressive Conservative, only offered a watered down plan to limit the powers of worker councils, and while ceasing further nationalizations, did not set out to privatize other sectors of the economy. As a result, the party began to fracture. A few years into MacDonald's premiership, the fiery red-haired Prime Minister was seemingly spending more of her political capital holding her party together rather than shepherding legislation through the Commons. None the less, her rivals were equally shattered, with the Radicals led by Jerry Brown, Walter Mondale's SDP, and Lane Kirkland's Labor Party competing for the vote-share of MacDonald's detractors. Whether a threat from MacDonald's right would arise remained unknown.
    [45] The Progressive Conservatives splintered in 1981 with the conservative wing walking out and forming a new party called the Nationals. With a lack of votes, MacDonald was forced to call a general election. The Radicals, SDP, Labour, Nationals, and a host of new, minor parties increased their share of the votes cast. In the end, Flora MacDonald was the only one that was able to create a coalition with the SDP. MacDonald's second ministry looked to be even more fractious than the first.
    [46] The second MacDonald ministry was disastrous for both the Progressive Conservatives and the Social Democratic Party - the two parties which had formed the mainstay of Commonwealth politics since the mid-1930s. The Opposition were incensed by the SDP 'betrayal' and they were thrown out of any further role in the New Nation Coalition, while the new (second) National Party continued to weaken the ProgCons. The two parties were never destined to work effectively in government, and their disastrous partnership helped the Opposition to regroup. Labour movements organized a series of strikes in 1983 (ostensibly over the proposed sale of government shares in Anglo-American Petroleum) and worsened increasing inflation, and the following year MacDonald called a general election in a desperate bid to shore up her position. It was a difficult campaign, but the result was historic. Kirkland and the Labour Party became the largest party for the first time, sweeping both working-class and middle-class positions sufficiently to reform the New Nation Coalition in government. The Radicals, usurped as the leader of the bloc, nevertheless supported the government with good faith, and Kirkland formed a ministry incorporating all of the constituent parties. There was a return for the Progressive Party - although many as a regional protest vote - and the arrival of the new Liberal Democrats (formed from two-dozen ex-SDP MPs). Political reform followed, with sweeping changes to the election system introducing formal 'lists' based on the national coalitions, and economic reform reflecting the 'Decade of Leftism' that swept across the West in the 1980s.
    [47] The first Kirkland ministry was able to avoid major scandals and keep its party coalition united, with the Prime Minister being praised for his successful economic reforms and handling of the Anglo-American Petroleum shenanigans; however, while domestically Kirkland was considered a great Prime Minister, his foreign policy would be more controversial as the Imperial Alliance, "composed of giants" (as British Prime Minister David Owen put it) that were dominated by their own trade interests, grew more distant and, in the case of India, antagonistic. There was also the issue of trade wars between Britain and European regional powers, including Germany. Despite this, Kirkland was reportedly unafraid of losing the election, even as the Nationals, led by young and brash Albertan MP Debbie Grey (who notoriously called the incumbent PM "Lame Kirkland"), mocked Kirkland over his seeming losses to the Germans while the Progressive Conservatives, led by New Yorker Alphonse D'Amato, called Kirkland a "traitor to the Commonwealth". Regardless, Lane Kirkland easily won a second term, gaining seats as the Nationals massively under-performed.
    [48] There were high hopes for the Kirkland government, with many expecting a third term (unprecedented since the era of Cassius Clay). However, 1990 would prove a difficult year for the government. Despite his strong personal popularity Kirkland found the trade war with the Europeans hard to manage, as international protectionism undercut his personal pursuit of democratic socialist economics. Productivity declined and strains on the welfare state rose; when it was revealed in the autumn that prescription charges and other 'pay-per-use' charges would be introduced to the NHS, the government suddenly came close to collapse. With the New Nation Coalition now divided, the Progressives withdrew their support to place pressure on the Prime Minister. Forced into a corner and with much of his political optimism ground away in backroom arguments, Kirkland reluctantly resigned. His successor was Anthony Mazzocchi - a figure well respected within the NNC, and a largely neutral figurehead until the Labour Party concluded the tense leadership campaign to replace Kirkland. Expressing no interest in remaining Prime Minister and understanding his interim role, Mazzocchi called a general election for 1991. With the New Nation divided over the future of the welfare system and the opposition ProgCons and Nationals gathering strength, the 1991 contest was notable for an angry tone largely enhanced by the first leadership debates held on television.

    PRESIDENTS OF THE UNITED STATES OF NORTH AMERICA (USNA)
    1809-1817: Alexander Hamilton/Jared Ingersoll (Federalist) [1]
    1817-1822:
    Jared Ingersoll†/Rufus King (Federalist) [2]
    1822-1825: Rufus King (Federalist)
    1825-1828: Jacob Brown/Thomas Hart Benton (Patriotic) [3]

    1828-1829: Thomas Hart Benton (Patriotic)

    [1] Following his near death at the hands of Vice President Aaron Burr, Alexander Hamilton would announce he would run for President in the 1808 election. He would use his near-death experience to bring more voters and in the end he would win the election in a landslide. Hamilton's presidency is highly remembered for the War of 1812 and the capturing and annexation of Canada.

    [2] Following the tradition of his predecessors President Hamilton would not run for a third term, instead his Vice President Jared Ingersoll would run and win a first and second term as President. However he would die during his second term and Vice President Rufus King would take over as President.
    [3] The Federalist governments became a victim of their own success, as a hero of the War of 1812 used his personal popularity to capture the Presidency. Infamous for his successes in the American northwest during the war, Brown had become a figurehead for the fledgling Patriotic Party after considerable persuasion. While the war had consolidated Federalist support for a decade, the election of Brown rejuvenated the development of a new dual-party system. Traditional Jeffersonians rallied behind the Patriotic cause, having struggled amid infighting in the interim, and the USNA became increasingly hawkish (particularly to Britain) during the short Brown administration. He died, unexpectedly, in 1828, leaving the last year of his term to Thomas Hart Benton.
     
  6. Hulkster'01 alternatehistory.com's number 1 Hulkamaniac

    Joined:
    Nov 18, 2017
    PRESIDENTS OF THE UNITED STATES OF NORTH AMERICA (USNA)
    1809-1817: Alexander Hamilton/ Jared Ingersoll (Federalist) [1]
    1817-1822:
    Jared Ingersoll†/ Rufus King (Federalist) [2]
    1822-1825: Rufus King (Federalist)
    1825-1828: Jacob Brown/ Thomas Hart Benton (Patriotic) [3]

    1828-1829: Thomas Hart Benton (Patriotic)
    1829-1837: Andrew Jackson/ Henry Harrison (Patriotic) [4]

    [1] Following his near death at the hands of Vice President Aaron Burr, Alexander Hamilton would announce he would run for President in the 1808 election. He would use his near-death experience to bring more voters and in the end he would win the election in a landslide. Hamilton's presidency is highly remembered for the War of 1812 and the capturing and annexation of Canada.

    [2] Following the tradition of his predecessors President Hamilton would not run for a third term, instead his Vice President Jared Ingersoll would run and win a first and second term as President. However he would die during his second term and Vice President Rufus King would take over as President.
    [3] The Federalist governments became a victim of their own success, as a hero of the War of 1812 used his personal popularity to capture the Presidency. Infamous for his successes in the American northwest during the war, Brown had become a figurehead for the fledgling Patriotic Party after considerable persuasion. While the war had consolidated Federalist support for a decade, the election of Brown rejuvenated the development of a new dual-party system. Traditional Jeffersonians rallied behind the Patriotic cause, having struggled amid infighting in the interim, and the USNA became increasingly hawkish (particularly to Britain) during the short Brown administration. He died, unexpectedly, in 1828, leaving the last year of his term to Thomas Hart Benton.
    [4] Benton would surprise everyone when he announced he would not seek another term, instead he nominated General Andrew Jackson. Jackson was a very popular choice for the nomination (most assume this is why Benton didn't run for re-election), another was Henry Harrison. In the end the Patriotic Party would run with the ticket of Andrew Jackson and Henry Harrison against federalist ticket of Daniel Webster/ Richard Rush in 1828 and won.
     
  7. Premier Taylerov Well-Known Member

    Joined:
    Mar 11, 2011
    Location:
    Mid-Devon, United Kingdom
    PRIME MINISTERS OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF AMERICA
    The American Parliamentary System

    1785: Benjamin Franklin (Crossbencher) [1]
    1788: John Dickinson (Crossbencher) [2]
    1794: George Thatcher (Crossbencher, National Faction) [3]
    1799: George Thatcher (National)
    1802: Alexander Hamilton (National) [4]
    1808: John Randolph (Liberal)^ [5]
    1813: John Randolph (Liberal)^
    1817: John Randolph (Liberal)^
    1820: John Marshall (National)** [6]
    1824: Henry Clay (National) [7]
    1826: John Randolph (Liberal)^* [8]
    1830: Daniel Pope Cook (Country Liberal/Liberal minority) [9]
    1833: Daniel Pope Cook (Country Liberal/Liberal)
    1837: Theodore Frelinghuysen (Commonwealth) [10]
    1840: Henry Clay (Unionist)
    1846: Henry Clay (Unionist)* [11]
    1852: Daniel Webster (Unionist)* [12]
    1855: Cassius Clay (Commonwealth) [13]
    1860: Cassius Clay (Commonwealth)
    1862: Cassius Clay (Commonwealth minority)
    1864: George Custis Lee (Unionist) [14]
    1867: Alexander Stephens (Unionist)** [15]
    1869: John MacDonald (Unionist) [16]
    1870: Abram Hewitt (Commonwealth) [17]
    1875: George Custis Lee (Unionist) [18]
    1880: George Ross (Liberal) [19]
    1884: Benton McMillin (Conservative minority) [20]
    1886: George Ross (Liberal) [21]
    1891: Benton McMillin (Conservative minority) [22]
    1896: Benton McMillin (Conservative)
    1900: Adlai Stevenson I (Liberal) [23]
    1905: Thomas Custer (Conservative) [24]
    1910: Hamilton Fish II (Liberal) [25]

    1913: Hamilton Fish II (Liberal minority) [26]
    1915: Fred Busse (Liberal minority, Conservative supply-and-confidence) [27]
    1920: Arthur LeSueur (Social Democratic-Progressive Alliance) [28]

    1925: John Stump (Social Democratic-Progressive Alliance) [29]
    1926: Gideon Robertson (Conservative) [30]

    1931: Gideon Robertson (Conservative minority, Liberal supply-and-confidence)*
    1933: Ragnvald Nestos (Conservative minority, Liberal supply-and-confidence) [31]
    1936: Norman Thomas (Social Democratic & Labour) [32]
    1941: Norman Thomas (Social Democratic & Labour-Progressive Alliance) [33]
    1945: Fiorello Guardia (Unity-Social Democratic & Labour, Progressive, Left Liberal) [34]
    1948: Theodore Roosevelt Jr. (Progressive Conservative)** [35]

    1950: Ralph Osborne Campney (Progressive Conservative) [36]
    1953: Ralph Osborne Campney (Progressive Conservative) [37]

    1958: Stanley Levison (Unity-Social Democratic & Labour, Progressive minority, Provincial supply-and-confidence) [38]
    1960: Henry Wallace (Unity-Social Democratic & Labour, Progressive minority, Provincial supply-and-confidence) [39]

    1962: Michael DiSalle (Progressive Conservative) [40]
    1967: Michael DiSalle (Progressive Conservative) [41]

    1972: Charles Fuentes-Macias (New Nation Coalition-Radical Movement, Social Democratic) [42]
    1976: Charles Fuentes-Macias (New Nation Coalition-Radical Movement, Social Democratic) [43]
    1979: Flora MacDonald (Progressive Conservative) [44]
    1982: Flora MacDonald (Progressive Conservative, Social Democratic) [45]

    1984: Joseph Lane Kirkland (New Nation Coalition-Labour, Radical, Liberal Democratic, Progressive) [46]

    1988: Joseph Lane Kirkland (New Nation Coalition-Labour, Radical, Liberal Democratic, Progressive) [47]
    1990: Anthony Mazzocchi (New Nation Coalition-Labour, Radical, Liberal Democratic) [48]
    1991: Mary Ruwart (Progressive Conservative minority) [49]


    ^ The pre-home rule Liberal Party has no association with the 1880 Liberal Party.
    * Died in office.
    ** Assassinated.

    [1] The American Commonwealth was the peaceful confederation of Britain's North American possessions following a near revolution over taxation. Though King George III remains the King in London, power is exercised by the Governor General and his appointed Prime Minister. Elections would be held every six years, although the Governor-General would old the final authority in the appointment of a Prime Minister.
    [2] After Prime Minister Franklin retired due to old age, representatives from all over the Commonwealth met with the Governor-General in Philadelphia in order to nominate a new Prime Minister. Though the decision rested in the hands of the Governor-General, this informal congress would play a decisive role. After short deliberations, Governor of Pennsylvania John Dickinson was appointed to the position. A extremely popular figure in the Commonwealth, Dickinson was seen as a natural leader figure throughout it's extent. His opposition to slavery, however, did scare some southerners. Though the idea of Home rule and a Continental Parliament were not yet formally circulated, the existence of a informal congress of representatives in Philadelphia working alongside the Prime Minister became a reality under Dickinson.
    [3] By time Prime Minister Dickinson had announced his retirement, the members of the now formalized Con-federal Congress were separated into three informal coalitions: The National group favored a stronger government guiding the new nation, The Independent conglomerate favored a policy of non-partisan politics, and the Reform faction desired a less powerful central government. The designation of George Thatcher as Prime Minister came after the ninth round of voting with a small section of the Independents favoring him over the more radical George Logan. While in power Thatcher oversaw the creation of the House of Commons of America, which with the Co-federal Congress became the Parliament of America, the enactment of the Bill of Rights 1798, and the establishment of the Church of America. The establishment of the Church of America and the introduction of tariffs on several European countries - which led to the Panic of 1801 - led to the discontent of many Congress members; this resulted in the first ever vote of no confidence put forth by the Congress, which resulted in the Thatcher ministry collapsing and his resignation in 1802.
    [4] Alexander Hamilton's rapid rise in politics began with his 1785 election to the First Parliament, and under Dickinson and later Thatcher he served as the Minister of Finance; succeeding Thatcher, Hamilton pushed for westward expansion and internal development. In 1803, the Louisiana campaign of the Napoleonic Wars brought the Commonwealth into the broader war for the first time. American forces were able to take New Orleans following a daring amphibious attack. Within months, other settlements such as Saint Louis were also seized. The 1806 Treaty of Pressburg, which ended the War of the Third Coalition, saw France ceding all of New France to the Commonwealth. Hamilton, having managed to obtain the repeal of the Proclamation of 1763, oversaw the first rapid westward expansion as settlers rushed into the newly seized territories as well as the rapidly increasingly populated Ohio River Valley. The controversial Bank of America is chartered, and provincial debts are assumed by the federal government.
    [5] By 1808 the idea of non-partisanship was long gone. The reformers and independents that had stood against Thatcher and Hamilton's "National party" firmly solidified themselves into the Liberal Party. Preaching free markets, rights of the landed aristocracy, and an large autonomy of the individual states, the Liberal party soon found a charismatic representative in the form of John Randolph of Virginia, himself a pupil of Patrick Henry. Randolph was highly critical of Thatcher and especially Hamilton, calling them tyrants in disguise, and believed that the Continental Parliament and the Prime Minister were concentrating too much power. With the war in the Americas long over, and the tariffs imposed by the National government becoming a ever growing sore on the southern houses, Randolph won himself the seat of PM. Famous for his oratory skills, Randolph would successfully negotiate a number of key proposals during his tenure. he would become the first Commonwealth PM to approach the subject of Home Rule, that is, a Continental Parliament that is not subject to the British one. The approach would be careful of course, less he and his Liberals be accused of treason, and though nothing concrete came from it during his tenure, seeds were planted.
    [6] By the end of the first Liberal government; the party was collapsing. The Liberals had suffered to win across the nation, with some strongholds like New Jersey becoming significantly more National. By time the process of designation of the Prime Minister came around after the 1820 House of Commons election; the Co-federal Congress had three major groups, the Nationals, the conservative wing of the Liberals which became the Unionists, and the more reformist Radical Party. With the splitting of the liberals, the National Party's John Marshall was able to form the second National government. His government invoked tariffs on Europe once again, increased the power of the executive on numerous occasions, and removed the power of the judicial functions of the Co-federal Congress (which limited its power to strike down laws). The most important event in Marshall's tenure was the Mexican-American war; a couple of close battles (such as Monterrey) resulted in the failure of the American forces. This led to the treaty of Bogotá: which forced the succession of large parts of the territory won in the War of the Third Coalition. Once the treaty was concluded the Governor General ordered the return of Prime Minister Marshall (to force him to resign) but during the returning journey, a southern dissident named Joseph Smith assassinated Marshall.
    [7] Henry Clay ascended to the Premiership in 1824, following the assassination of John Marshall by a deranged southern republican. A long serving MP, Clay's rise to power sees a return of Hamiltonism to American politics. The Prime Minister uses tariffs to fund internal development and infrastructure projects, helping to rapidly increase westward expansion while fueling the flames of discontent with American foreign policy following the defeat in the Mexican War; it was under Clay that the cry of "Manifest Destiny" was first heard uttered, becoming a national mantra of sorts.
    [8] Clay's ambitions and skill, however, would not be enough to please the ballot box. After years of division, by 1824 the former Liberal party was finally reformed under the leadership of the aged Randolph and his disciple John Calhoun. The defeat at the Mexican war was successfully blamed on the National administration and, as Marshall successor, Clay took the blunt of the blame. Randolph returned to power, with a policy that was more and more focused on the issue of Slavery. With the British ban on the international slave trade, many in the Commonwealth feared that further attacks on the "peculiar institution" would follow. Randolph and Calhoun became ardent opponents of British restriction of the practices, and once again turned to the issue of Home Rule, seeking to make the Continental Parliament independent. Their defense of southern practices helped turn the South into a decisive Liberal stronghold, while their support for home rule was echoed by some liberals, with Clay himself taking a moderate stance. Randolph would eventually die in office, and with no compromise over the issue being resolved with mother England, tensions escalated.
    [9] The death of Randolph amplified the problems facing the government, and with the Liberal position threatened by the threat of war or domestic violence the party faced complete collapse. The party had long been a broad church and with divisions between the slavers and the Anglophiles now threatened to tear the country apart. At a tense party session after Randolph's death party moderates refused to endorse Calhoun as leader and crossed the floor as an independent faction of 'Country Liberals'. These mainly consisted of figures favoring a middle-ground in diplomatic relations with Britain, a gradual end to slavery in the north and a national plebiscite on wider emancipation. Courting National support Daniel Pope Cook secured permission from the Governor-General to form a minority government with those still willing to support a Liberal ministry, while the Nationals both encouraged and hindered the government in equal measure. The issue of slavery slowly became entwined with the issue of Home Rule, with many believing that one could not come without the other. This polarized public discourse and radicalized the South (many of whom felt betrayed by Liberal party infighting despite the majority of traditional party figures being highly committed to the slaver cause).
    [10] By 1837 the debate over slavery had died down; people still held on to their beliefs but understood the need to unite the nation (after the Summer Riots of 1835). This resulted in the appointment of the anti-slavery candidate Theodore Frelinghuysen with a pro-slavery Deputy Prime Minister. Due to this a compromise was put in place six years after the UK passed the Slavery Abolition Act 1833: the comprise entailed that the slave owners will be compensated, only children aged 5 years would be free while the other slaves would work for there slave owners in "Unpaid-Apprenticeships" for several years. While the abolition was the most notable part of Frelinghuysen tenure other strong accomplishments were noted: the abolition of the Co-federal Congress (the power to appoint the Prime Minister was given to the sole house of Parliament: the House of Commons), the disestablishment of the Church of America (the long awaited fight to separate church and state was achieved without Frelinghuysen's approval), and the establishment of police forces in many counties.
    [11] Hailed as one of the heroes of the "Compromise of 1839", and already a very influential politician(not to mention former PM), Henry Clay found himself back in the Prime Minister's Manor. The 1830's saw both the National and the Liberal parties split, with the moderates from both factions(led by the National Clay and the Country Liberal Cook) to form the Unionist Party. The Party sold itself on moderation between the Anglophiles and abolitionists from New England and Canada(Former Nationals that now called themselves the Commonwealth Party, led by Frelinghuysen and John Quincy Adams), and the near-republicans that formed the Liberal party from the South(enraged by the compromise, and led by Deputy PM John Calhoun). Clay promised to upheld the Compromise, and to continue with the plans for gradual abolition, but to not let the Commonwealth be divided by the issue of slavery any longer. By picking the new englander Daniel Webster as Deputy PM, and by criticizing the radical stance of the Commonwealth party on slavery, Clay pleased moderates on all sides. After a hung parliament in 1840 forced special elections, Clay was elected with a respectable Unionist Majority, and reluctantly confirmed by London. Above all, he made his stance on two issues: Home Rule and western expansion. Clay was weary of the British Parliament control over the Continental one, and, under his tenure, the first Home Rule bill would be proposed and passed by the Continental Parliament, something not even his former rival John Randolph had managed(the bill would receive wild support particularly from Calhoun and his Liberals). Indeed, Clay would remark that the Commonwealth of North America was "A Union more than anything else", thus forming his party's name. Much to Clay's discontentment, however, the bill was vetoed by London. His second stance found much greater success, as the Second Mexican War proved a major victory for the Commonwealth. Mexico was forced to cede vast amounts of land, almost doubling the Commonwealth's territory, and giving it access to the Pacific Ocean.
    [12] The second Clay premiership would be remembered as being considerably more successful as the first; throughout his decades long tenure as the defacto leader of the moderates in parliament, Clay had seen the National Party give way to the Unionist Party and oversaw the final purchase of the Oregon Country, firmly establishing the Commonwealth's access to the Pacific. Though there had been racial strife in the south in the wake of abolition, and a near war with Spain over Florida (which was also ultimately purchased under Clay after the Treaty of Lisbon), his deputy PM, Daniel Webster, inherited an increasingly powerful nation in it's own right. Time would tell whether a snap election would result in the continuation of the Unionist control or a return to Liberal governance.
    [13] Prime Minister Webster was able to win the 1852 snap election with a razor thin majority. However, by 1855 the man was unable to continue his premiership and passed away in June. This was during the period where an election campaign was taking place: however he did announce before the election his retirement from politics. By 1855 -after 15 years of Unionist governance- the nation was tired of the Unionist Party: this resulted in the largest landslide for a party within the Commonwealth's history. The Man who replace Webster was the unknown Cassius Clay, a MP for Madison in Kentucky. He brought in many reforms within his tenure; The Reform act 1860 (which gave all males over the age of 23 the right to vote, the introduction of the first set of government insurance programs (mainly for farmers in the south), the national limiting of Child Labour and the limiting of the Prime Minister's power with the removal of government officials now requiring the Legislature's consent. By the mid 1860's his government became very limited due to the fact that the party would always be running a minority government, with independent support.
    [14] Despite the great social progress of the Commonwealth government it was not enough to save it in the 1864 election. George Custis Lee was a young and enigmatic figure with a keen eye for detail and strong support among his party base, and secured a comfortable majority government over his bickering opposition. Lee was a militarist - the American government quickly pledged support for Britain in the Anglo-Russian War of 1867, and volunteer corps participated in pro-British regime change in Mexico. As a moderate conservative Lee led a minor backlash against the reforms of the Commonwealth government, mirroring a wider reactionary surge across Europe and the Empire, but established a firm reputation and strong respect from the New Tory ministry in London despite his relative youth.
    [15] Alexander Stephens started his political life as a Liberal. Under the tenure of Henry Clay, Webster and C. Clay, however, the Liberal party slowly drifted into obscurity, becoming a regional, and then a insignificant entity. Stephens, like so many other Liberals, joined the Unionists. Stephens would grow highly critical of the Lee administration, calling him a "brutish child" who would turn North America into a military aggressor to the world. He attacked both Lee's militarism, and his fondness for "Mother London". Leading a isolationist, Laisse-fairez and southern wing of the party, Stephens called for a party leadership contest and, to the surprise of many, won. His Premiership would be marked almost solely by the racial tensions of the 1860's. With slavery just recently truly ending, the question of integration was at hand. How would the Commonwealth deal with it's black population? Stephens responded by attempting to enact a series of laws hampering black rights. Prohibitions on voting, interracial marriage, among others were placed proposed, and the Parliament was thrown into complete disarray. The Commonwealth Party, led by men such as Hannibal Hamlin strongly opposed these, of course. But many Unionists were also opposed to Stephens wing of the party and their racial rhetoric. Among these former PM Lee, Abraham Lincoln and William Seward. In the end, Stephens succeeded in some points, while failing in the larger scale. Before he could press any further, while giving a speech in a rally, he would be shot down by a discontent northerner. His death would thrown the Unionist party into a new leadership contest, and the Commonwealth Party into aggressive attacks.
    [16] The assassination of Stephens gave rise to the leadership of John MacDonald, an MP from the province of Canada who was able to mostly unite the Unionist Party; however, divisions within his caucus forced him to call an election in 1870, a risky gamble that would result in...
    [17] ... an unexpectedly-large majority for the Commonwealth Party, returning to government after 15 years. Hewitt had been able to reconcile the strong radicals in the party with the moderate bulk, creating a force capable of appealing to the growing middle class while maintaining those who favoured further domestic reform. The Unionists struggled to shrug off the legacy of their chaotic ministries, and had lost credibility due to an inability to control growing urban poverty and unrest. Hewitt committed the country to extensive social reforms - very much in the spirit of Cassius Clay - and favoured the development of railways to connect even the most inaccessible of regions. As America entered a period of rapid industrialization it also began opening new markets, drawing the country closer to the Empire but also to the other imperial powers. The Commonwealth Party, with bipartisan support, shortened the term of government to a maximum of 5 years and debated lowering the voting age.
    [18] After 11 years George Lee returned to the Prime Ministers Manor. Never a unpopular figure, Lee's charisma and larger than life stance served him well. He campaigned and took the Premiership in the closest election in the Commonwealths history, and made government spending his top issue. He blamed the Commonwealth party for overextending the governments power over it's subjects, and proposed a series of government cuts. During his tenure, Lee oversaw an booming economy and a large degree of popularity. He commissioned the construction of the statue entitled New Britannia on Governors Island in the Hudson river, as well as a series of urban reforms around the major eastern cities, such as the capital of Philadelphia. He also supported a military expedition to Hawaii, in order to secure the Island for the Commonwealth, which was arguably a success. the Expedition to Feudal Japan, however, most definitely was not. His greatest accomplishment was certainly the passing of the "Home Rule Act", which granted the Continental Parliament independence from the British one, while still being a part of the British Empire. Thus, Lee fulfilled Henry Clay's dream, that of the Unionist and former Liberal parties. During his tenure the divisions between the parties territories became more clear. Canada and New England became solid Commonwealth areas, while the South fell within the Unionist Sphere. Provinces such as Upper California, Pennsylvania, Ohio and New York were the battlegrounds for both.
    [19] By time the 1880's began; all the major Commonwealth political parties were involved in the Great American Scandal. This scandal was mainly about the fact that around a quarter of the Members of Parliament (including George Custis Lee) had been caught taking bribes from major railroad companies in exchange of ensuring their monopolies in local areas. As such both parties collapsed and were replaced by the Liberal Party, often called Rossites, and the Conservative Party, most of the time called Farrowers - they both mirrored their British Counterparts in terms of ideology and policies. The 1880 election resulted in these parties replacing the husks of the Commonwealth and Unionist parties, a substantial majority for the Liberal party and the Social Democratic Federation win its first two seats. As Ross won, he sought to implement a new era of clean progressive politics. Consequently, his major contributions was the creation of the national education system (a three tier system of Kindergartens, Middle and Upper schools), the implementation of several new social insurance schemes (Health and Accident insurance in 1882 and Superannuation in 1883) which were based on Bismark's failed proposals in the North German Confederation and by 1884 he allowed the controversial Local Voting Rights Act to pass; allowing Women over 25 to vote in elections up to the municipal level.
    [20] Emboldened by his domestic successes Ross went to the polls in 1884, but fell victim to party complacency in the aftermath of the Great American Scandal. As devastating as the Scandal had been to the two main parties, the Unionists had quickly and successfully regrouped as the Conservatives - while the Rossites remained a loose political grouping of traditional liberals, radical liberals and moderates. In particular the Radical wing did well in industrial areas as their MPs pledged to continue the social reforms that had begun to help so many. The election resulted in a hung parliament, with McMillin eventually forming a minority government. Just 10 seats short of a majority, McMillin remained in power due to the role of a small number of independents. He was able to do this due to infighting in the liberal groupings regarding further legislation relating to trade unions and trust-busting. The Conservatives, pledging to maintain the economic status quo, also rejected further attempts at American imperialism in the wake of the failed incursions in Nippon.
    [21] McMillin's majority was not to be; internal disagreements made passing a budget in 1886 impossible, leading to another snap election. George Ross, who was quick to argue that the Tories were in the pocket of the wealthy, was returned to power on the promise of American prosperity being shared. However, while the Commonwealth Liberal Party was able to take a narrow majority, there remained threats to their government. The Tories were hellbent on retaking the government during the next election, while the rising Social Democratic Party increased their seat count to eight MPs. Ross now faces the pressure of making good on his promises while simultaneously having to work with rebel Tories or the socialists on a case by case basis.
    [22] The Tories attempted to portray the Commonwealth Liberal government as dysfunctional, given their dependency on rogue MP from the Opposition. However, Ross was able to hang on until the 1891 election, which once again resulted in a hung parliament; American politics remained largely a two-party affair, however, and the Social Democrats actually had their seats reduced by half. Ross attempted coalition negotiations to continue his ministry as a minority, but ultimately McMillin was reinstated as Prime Minister as the leader of the largest party. His second ministry was highly controversial, as the Conservatives tried to force through legislation for a national income tax (mirroring the efforts of the New Tories in Britain). When this failed McMillin turned to social welfare, strengthening the Child Labour Act, and established himself on the progressive wing of the Conservative Party.
    [23] By the turn of the century, American politics had seemingly stabilized into a fairly consistent two party system. The Conservatives had come to be the party of free enterprise and provincial rights, ironically taking up the mantle of the original Liberal Party of the early Commonwealth. Though McMillin was a progressive minded Tory and one of the first reformers of the modern era, confidence in his leadership had eroded by 1900 as southern Tories feared the party was tacking too far to the left. On the other hand, the Liberal Party had come to be the more vocally progressive entity within parliament, with many progressives (including former Tory MP Theodore Roosevelt) drifting into their fold by this point. Lastly, there remained the small but steadily growing Social Democratic Party, which in the 1900 election managed to hold their seven seats as well as elect an additional MP in the form of their leader, Eugene Debs.
    [24] The Liberal government had a strong term, and their defeat in the 1905 election was a great shock. Thomas Custer had become Tory leader as a rightist hawk, keen to get America involved in the Caribbean and to take a stronger line against the progressiveness of the Stevenson ministry. The war scare between Britain and France was enough to get the Conservatives into power with a small majority, as well as the sudden surge in Québécois terrorism. Indeed, in a speech in 1907 Custer announced that the spike in violence (principally by those seeking independence for Quebec) could be viewed as the 'American Ireland'. It was a controversial statement, but well-received by the nationalist wing of the party. Furthermore Custer, an opponent of economic interventionism, was criticized for the decline of the economy and a rise in unemployment during his ministry.
    [25] The political violence that had been growing before Custer's takeover began to decline very quickly as he passed rather extreme measures to break up and jail radical groups. Protest in general became largely illegal under Custer and his administration was not without scandal or controversy. Throughout Custer's term, the Liberal Party, which had been torn apart in by-elections, was seen as poor defenders of the American people. A harsh critic on the establishment from within their own ranks was one Hamilton Fish II. Son of Hamilton Fish I, who was heavily involved in Frelinghuysen's administration before switching from the Commonwealth Party to join the Liberals under George Ross. Unlike Fish I, Fish II had sat outside of the normal power structures in New York. He served four terms as the Mayor of Albany, running as an independent each time except the last, when he agreed to join the Liberal Party. After joining parliament with the wave that elected Adlai Stevenson I as Prime Minister, Fish II got a reputation for voting nearly as much against Stevenson's progressive policies as he did for them. In 1909, with fears that Stevenson's perceived political softness would be a liability, a leadership election took place. Stevenson initially thought he was in the clear, but two New Yorkers emerged from the woodwork to challenge him, Theodore Roosevelt and Hamilton Fish II. Roosevelt was seen as a lightning rod at the time, marrying political progressivism with a pro-military, pro-empire outlook. Fish was on the other side, attacking Stevenson and Fish for being too soft and wanting the government to be too involved in day-to-day life. In the first round of voting, Roosevelt would come up short, coming two vote short of beating Stevenson, with Fish winning a plurality of votes. It was assumed that Stevenson would win in the second round, which would be held two weeks later, as it is rare to have every single MP in the chamber at once. There was a wide segment of the Liberal Party's base that was extremely hostile to Fish, with their voters in Quebec seeing him as indistinguishable from a Tory. A Québécois militant tried to kill Fish on the floor of the parliament. Fish would give a roaring speech on the floor, accusing Stevenson of hiring this man to kill him. The mood was adamantly against Fish at the moment, but as more came out about this militant and the fact that he had been at Stevenson's office days before seemed confusing to most presses. Stevenson would deny everything, but as it became clear that he might just lose the leadership election, he would stand down and tap Roosevelt to take his place. Roosevelt suffered from being perceived as too inexperienced and a bit too radically progressive for some rank-n-file party members. Fish would narrowly win the second round vote and, with that, swing the party to the right. As several Liberal Party MPs and party members abandoned the caucus for the Social Democratic Party, the Liberal Party was able to swing enough seats to take a slim majority over Custer's Tories. Custer would stay on in the opposition and Fish would set to work, balancing many of the progressive demands of his party with the conservatism of the mood in his country.
    [26] Matters came to a head following the City Strikes of 1913. As the economic recession continued many inner-city workers had grown frustrated at the lack of action from Parliament, and took out their anger in a large series of strikes across major cities. Railroads and factories ground to a halt, while Fish turned on his rivals in his own party for obstructionism. It was the final straw for those remaining loyal to the Liberals but were hostile to Fish, and in October progressive MP Carter Harrison led his wing to resign the Liberal whip en masse. However, Harrison did not join the SDP (nor did his colleagues) but instead sat as a grouping of 'Independent Liberals' - withdrawing their support from the Fish ministry, forcing a minority government with the Conservative as the largest party in Opposition, and waiting for the inevitable general election.
    [27] In the winter of 1914, Prime Minister Hamilton Fish II came down with a severe case of pneumonia. Bedridden and incapable of continuing his work in government, Fish's chief deputy would take his place. Fred Busse was a longtime representative for the City of Dearborn and was an ideological chameleon. Having been a young progressive voice during Stevenson's Premiership, Busse shifted to the right along with his party and was enough of a kiss-up to get into Fish's inner circle. Over the course of Fish's administration, he'd make his way to the top of the heap by ruthlessly sabotage and sidelining all foes. Theodore Roosevelt was Busse's chief rival and was seen as the party's heir to Stevenson just as Busse was to Fish. When the Independent Liberals broke with Fish, and Roosevelt went with them, Busse simply replied with "good riddance". Soon after Busse took over as Prime Minister, he called a general election. It was the first election since the Independent Liberal split and Busse was hellbent on destroying them. He decided to use everything in his power to beat them where he could. He clamped down on who could and couldn't run as a Liberal by cutting off funding to those still in the party who were considered too progressive. Some of these things were controversial, but somewhat harmless, like running fusion tickets in districts with moderate Conservative Party members to beat incumbent Independent Liberals. Others were severe cases of corruption that would not be fully exposed until years later: including the likes of ballot stuffing and intimidation. For his whole career, Busse was often rumored to be hiring thugs to make sure those who would vote against him in Dearborn stayed away from the ballot box and had the same men be the ones counting the ballots. He would export these tactics nationwide and with all that effort, he still came up several seats short of a majority. The Independent Liberals and the Social Democratic Party would band together in the caucus and refuse to make any sort of coalition with the likes of the Liberal Party under Busse. The Conservative Party, being the chief opposition to the Liberal Party, refused to form an outright coalition but agreed to give supply and confidence to the Liberal Party's minority so long as what was up to vote remained within the realm of reason for the Conservatives. The Conservatives, still being lead by an aging Custer, would shift further to the right along with the general electorate. The economy was gradually improving without much help from the government, but was still shaky and much of the voting public was on edge about any major shifts in economic policy. Progressivism seemed all but dead at the beginning of this decade, but perhaps there was a light at the end of the tunnel.
    [28] By 1920 the nation was still seeing shaky growth after the grand coalition of Liberal and Conservative continued a policy of non-interventionism. As a result this catapulted the Social Democratic and Progressive (which was once the Independent Liberals) parties into the first left wing government of the Commonwealth, indeed it was one of the first left wing governments within the world. The parties were able to win due to their alliance pushing many Liberals and Conservatives on election night out of the parliament; infamously both Fish and Busse only held on to their seats with majorities that were less than 1000. The government was was able to introduce massive economic reforms, called the "Citizen's Budget," which created many social welfare systems, introduce the National Medicalbank (NMB) which provided universal health insurance to the middle and working classes, and the government stated to nationalize the Monopolies within the coal and other industries. The 36th cabinet also introduced many sociopolitical reforms, such as introducing the Fair Votes Act (which introduced proportional representation in the form of the single transferable vote, women suffrage and reduced the voting age to 20) and also created the Basic law of the Citizen's Rights (which improved civil rights for all). As 1925 was approaching the government introduce something which was radical; the Republic Referendum: it asked the electors weather or not the government should leave the British Sphere and Become an Independent Republic with the Provincial Leaders as Head of State. The Plebiscite occurred on election day and resulted in...
    [29] ... a large defeat for the government. While the country had enthusiastically supported the welfare reforms of the Social Democratic and Progressive Alliance the Conservatives (now under Gideon Robertson) were able to galvanize nationalists and imperialists across the country in support of remaining a member of the Empire. (Indeed, the most powerful of all the Dominions under William VI). LeSueur resigned as Prime Minster following the referendum - already under strong pressure from the Opposition for his nationalization program - and was replaced by John Stump after a short Cabinet meeting. Stump resisted calls for an early election, given that one was due later in the year anyway, and was fearful of the surge in Conservative support following the victory of the Empire camp and a largely-hostile press. Plans to merge the SDP and the Progressives into a single party in time for the election also fell flat, with the Progressives in particular wary of further electoral pacts in constituencies where both parties had a strong showing. (Both sides claimed responsibility for the welfare reforms, and both sides wanted to reap the rewards). Having been in power for less than a year, Stump went to the polls.
    [30] The 1926 Federal Election was a devastating defeat for the ruling Social Democratic/Progressive coalition; in particular, the SDP government of John Stump, badly damaged by the backfired republican referendum, was annihilated, their presence in the House of Commons reduced to merely 50 or so MPs. The Progressives also lost scores of MPs to the Liberals, though not on the scale of the SDP. Indeed, the vote splitting between the three left of center parties led to the rise of the Conservatives after nearly a decade and a half out of power. Promising to crack down on the "red tide" that had "infected" the labour movement, the incoming Prime Minister pursued business friendly policies, decreasing taxes, cutting spending, and reducing - though not outright eliminating - the size of programs introduced as part of the "Citizen's Budget." After the While the Conservatives remained largely united around Gideon Robertson, the left remained as fractured as ever, motivating the efforts between some Social Democrats and Progressives to merge their parties in the wake of the defeat. With the electoral reform dividing the House between 300 constituencies and a further 185 list seats, the proponents of the merger (who also attempted to bring the trade unions into their fold) awaited the next election with great anticipation. The question as to whether the merger would be approved by both parties remained to be seen.
    [31] The remainder of the Robertson ministry proved deeply antagonistic; his attacks against organized labour led to more general strikes in 1927 and 1929, and heavy-handed government responses resulted in a slump in support for the government. Furthermore the retractions of several welfare privileges hit the working poor, and the British forced-devaluation of Sterling in 1931 restarted recession in America. Now having missed over a decade of economic growth, the country was angry - and increasingly felt the actions of strikers was legitimate. In the 1931 election Robertson lost his majority in the face of a Progressive surge, but the two traditional parties of government agreed a supply-and-confidence to keep the left out of government. Following the death of Robertson in 1933 the Liberals agitated to elevated a figure closer to the centre to Prime Minister, settling on Ragnvald Nestos. Nestos tried to backtrack on the harsh policies of his predecessor, but his proposals for an 'emergency' all-party ministry were rebuffed by the Progressive Party (who smelt blood). Nevertheless the Liberals kept up their side of the bargain, and campaigned with their electoral allies in the difficult 1936 election.
    [32] Ultimately, the attempts to consolidate the Social Democratic and Progressive parties failed, but the links forged between the SDP and the trade unions resulted in the birth of the SDLP in 1935. The newly formed Social Democratic & Labor Party was swept into office in a landslide in the 1936 election, winning a majority in the House of Commons at the expense of the Conservatives, Liberals, and Progressives, who split the voteshare of the opposition. The 1936 federal election also marked the entrance of the Social Credit Party into parliament, winning seats in the west at the expense of the Progressives (who were reduced to merely 15 seats). The new SDLP government of Thomas was more moderate than the previous SDP of the Debbs era, promising to not alter the constitution or abolish the monarchy. Instead, the new government set about tackling the growing economic recession by expanding social services and increasing the government's presence in the private sector by breaking up monopolies, empowering trade unions, and expanding the National Medicalbank among other things.
    [33] The recession would slip into a depression in 1939 and confidence in Premier Norman Thomas would become shaky. Thomas was a clear ideologue who wanted to help but had trouble navigating the wheeling and dealing nature of parliament and struggled to eek out compromises that were beneficial to the people suffering the most. His leadership would be contested by Ben W. Hooper, an industrialist and Stevenson Progressive who joined the SDLP when it became the majority party. Hooper came up short, with his background in business and short time as a party member being toxic to much of the SDLP. Thomas, on thin ice after that challenged, called a general election in 1941. His party lost seats across the nation. They maintained a plurality, but were seven seats short of a majority. The shrinking Progressive Party caucus still held a dozen seats and formed a "perpetual alliance" with the SDLP to form the government. The Social Democratic & Labor - Progressive Party Alliance set to work with some more daring economic initiatives in the beginning of their second term, including guaranteed employment by the government and attempting to make the National Medicalbank into a form of universal healthcare. The National Medicalbank vote would turn into an embarrassing debacle and fail to pass thanks to union opposition, which supplied healthcare for its workers in many parts of the country as incentive for continued membership.
    [34] After several defeats in local elections the left knew it needed to combine to prevent the new Conservative Alliance (consisting of the Conservative Party and the right wing of the Liberals). As such this new left leaning group nominated the most popular politician within the confederation: Fiorello Guardia. Without the public knowing of his cancer, which he was able to recover from, he campaigned on the promise of universal healthcare, better universal education, and universal union membership, at the request of the SDLP. They were able to win a comfortable majority. As such the group achieved in reforming the National Medicalbank into universal system (the government provided healthcare for groups such as the poor, disabled, non-workers, with the union's providing care for workers), saw an increase in union membership to 67% of workers, and was able to introduce Employee Councils (mirroring the Work Councils in France). The nation was able to recover from the recession and saw the emergence of the coalition system (which would form into the current Pan-Blue coalition and Pan-Pink coalition of today).
    [35] The 1945 election brought about yet another realignment; the birth of the Social Democratic & Labor Party and their subsequent alliance with the Progressives (along with the second demise of the reborn Liberals) would result in many of the right leaning Liberals joining the Conservatives, who elected Theodore Roosevelt Jr. as their leader in 1946. A centrist in an increasingly moderating party, he managed to rebrand the party as the Progressive Conservatives in order to better take on the Unity coalition. Roosevelt, who had served as Premier of New York before his election as party leader, was a fierce patriot who promised to preserve Thomas and LaGuardia's more moderate domestic policies while curtailing government excess on the whole. But tensions with the Japanese Empire in the Pacific threaten the Commonwealth's fragile post depression recovery.
    [36] The war scare with the Japanese continued, and Roosevelt passionately campaigned for British and Commonwealth action following their brutal invasion of China. (The Provisional Regency government of 'Emperor' Pujie quickly collapsed). When Roosevelt was shockingly assassinated in 1950, however, the Progressive Conservative party rallied around Ralph Campney. While a Canadian and one of the most liberal members of his party, Campney was a former soldier and supporter of calls for a Pacific War. When Britain chose to act in 1951, Campney authorized the deployment of a large bomber force to Hawaii; following the highly-controversial Ukiyo Raid on Edo the Commonwealth joined in the coalition against Japan. Despite a general consensus on the war many in the left opposed it, and Campney faced significant domestic opposition for his role in conscription and armament funding - particularly in the Employee Councils.
    [37] The Great Pacific War would last for two years, resulting in the victory of the Imperial Alliance (consisting of troops from the Commonwealth of America, Australasia, South Africa, and the British Raj) after the Japanese Empire was pushed back all the way to the Home Islands at great human cost. The war concluded following the atomic bombing of Kyoto, which ushered in the atomic age. Having won a snap election in 1950 following the assassination of Theodore Roosevelt Jr., Campney cruised to a landslide reelection in 1954 on the back of the victory in the Pacific. However, domestic concerns would continue to trouble him. The Afro-American Civil Rights Movement began to take hold in the south, while across the country the power of the Employee Councils began to come under attack from right-leaning provincial governments. With the war over, and millions of American GI's returning home to jobs that have been taken by women in the interim, a minor recession began. It would be up to Campney to restore prosperity before his mandate expires in 1958. Meanwhile, the opposition SDLP and the rumps of the original Progressives and Liberals would be joined by five additional Social Credit MPs and over forty "Provincial Rights" MPs representing the southern provinces following the '54 election.
    [38] The 1958 election was one of the most frantic in recent times; the Progressive Conservatives fought a strong campaign based on their war record, but the economic slump and desire for social and political reform pushed the Pan-Pink/Unity coalition to emerge as the largest grouping, but 22 short of a majority. The last Liberals had been absorbed into the Progressive Party (still resisting a name-change despite the similarity with the ProgCons), with the latter remaining the sizeable junior partner of the leftist coalition. However, Levison - himself only recently established as leader - was forced to look for parliamentary allies. Reluctantly he turned to the Provincial Party, and tried to manage a delicate balance of power. This would prove difficult. The traditional labour movements wanted to strengthen the welfare state by cutting military expenditure - hoping to fund a sweeping Modernization Programme over Medicalbank, infrastructure (particularly roads), housing, urban regeneration and industry. Levison was only partly able to oblige, as the Provincials opposed the weakening of local government and, in particular, equality in the workplace. As the Civil Rights Movement continued Levison came under increasing pressure for his relationship with the Provincials, who continued to grow in strength through by-elections - and not just in their traditional Southern heartland. While the party had always been socially conservative, an influx of urban seats began to push it further to the growing unemployed, who saw the CRM as a destabilizing influence hoping to steal their job prospects. This led to a major ideological battle at the heart of the Unity coalition, as well as within the Provincial Party itself.
    [39] In the end, Premier Levison was unable to keep his party together. Levison eventually lost his ministry in a vote of no-confidence from the party, leading to Henry Wallace, son of the aging radical backbencher to ascend to the Premiership.
    [40] With the Unity coalition failing, Wallace nevertheless tried to push an agenda on Civil Rights through. It nearly succeeded and had a great deal of bipartisan support, but resulting strikes in white-majority industries regarding equal employment opportunities resulted in the Provincials withdrawing their support from both the coalition and the government. With no way to continue and the Progressive Conservatives now stalling for time, Wallace was forced to call an election. He had considerable sympathy, and looked like he might improve his position among the middle class - but in a great upset Michael DiSalle took the Progressive Conservatives back into government with a comfortable majority. Of Italian stock, DiSalle was in many ways cut of the same cloth as Guardia and certainly came from the progressive wing of the PCs. It would be he who finally secured a parliamentary majority on Civil Rights, earning his party the support of the newly-enfranchised across the nation. His ministry also presided over the rapid decline of Britain as the Mother Country; the United Kingdom had been outclassed in American industry and, since the end of the war, almost everything else. DiSalle sought to elevate the American position, and while the Commonwealth continued to retain her historical links to London as her economy continued to improve she increasingly became a free-spirit. Nevertheless, DiSalle hosted the visit of newly-coronated William VIII to Philadelphia in 1964 - leading to further political approval among the centre conservatives in his party.

    [41] With the Progressives popular and now presumed to be the natural party of government after their comfortable 1967 election win, the American intervention in the disastrous collapse of the United States of Central America (USCA) later that year came as a great shock. DiSalle had overestimated American capabilities, and soon found himself bogged down in a chaotic and agonizing struggle against guerrilla forces in the harsh swamps of southern Panama. It was an abrupt end to the political hegemony of the ProgCons, and as the death count continued to spiral public outcry fuelled the creations of new political forces. The left had had a tough decade, as the fallout from the Levison and Wallace governments had doomed the Social Democratic & Labour Party to infighting and civil war. The emerging of the Radical Movement changed everything, capturing the feeling of the discontented and the grieving to form a powerful opposition to the flailing DiSalle government. In 1970 the Social Democrats endorsed the new movement, resulting in Labour breaking away, and come the 1972 election it was clear that change was coming.
    [42] Fuentes-Macias had been born in Panama, but his family had naturalized in the western territories of the Commonwealth in the early-1900s. Spouting a new kind of optimistic egalitarianism, the sweeping victory of the New Nation Coalition was nothing short of revolutionary. The Progressive Conservatives put up a strong fight, but were doomed to return to Opposition as the Radical Party committed themselves to re-nationalizing industry, rebuilding the Medicalbank into a National Health Service (finishing what Norman Thomas had started), cuts to military spending, withdrawal from Central America and - most controversially - hinted at a new republic referendum. The Progressives and Provincials were almost completely wiped out by the NNC landslide, which did particularly well in the traditional ProgCon heartlands in Canada, French-speaking Quebec and the ethnically-diverse southern regions, and became politically irrelevant. Fuentes-Macias claimed his new ministry was for all the peoples of the Commonwealth regardless of language, creed or ethnicity, and the start of his government marked a noticeable shift towards bipolar politics once again; the New Nation coalition served the left, while the ProgCons - wounded, admittedly - retained their dominant role right-of-centre.
    [43] Fuentes-Macias was returned in a landslide in 1976, with his expansion of the welfare state proving immensely popular. His distinctly American neutrality was controversial abroad and rapidly resulted in tensions with the British, but the supremacy of American industry ensured an economic boom to fund the growing National Health Service, National Education Board and National Housing Committee. The Fuentes-Macias governments were notable for their strong commitment to foreign aid, largely funded from the reduction in the Navy, but the commitment to fund reconstruction efforts in Panama (previously decimated by American intervention) proved a strong rallying point for the conservatives.
    [44] The 1979 election was called as the Commonwealth descended into economic depression. It was Nova Scotia MP and Progressive Conservative leader Flora MacDonald who would benefit from this, riding a wave of popular discontent against the Fuentes-Macias government's economic record in order to be propelled into office as the country's first female PM. The new administration would immediately set about to reverse her predecessors accomplishments, ending foreign aid to Central America and halting plans to return the Panama Canal. Though she did not tackle the National Health Service, her government began privatizing aspects of the federal housing programs by allowing inhabitants to purchase the deed to their Section One housing. MacDonald, a moderate Tory who bragged that she put the "progressive" in Progressive Conservative, only offered a watered down plan to limit the powers of worker councils, and while ceasing further nationalizations, did not set out to privatize other sectors of the economy. As a result, the party began to fracture. A few years into MacDonald's premiership, the fiery red-haired Prime Minister was seemingly spending more of her political capital holding her party together rather than shepherding legislation through the Commons. None the less, her rivals were equally shattered, with the Radicals led by Jerry Brown, Walter Mondale's SDP, and Lane Kirkland's Labor Party competing for the vote-share of MacDonald's detractors. Whether a threat from MacDonald's right would arise remained unknown.
    [45] The Progressive Conservatives splintered in 1981 with the conservative wing walking out and forming a new party called the Nationals. With a lack of votes, MacDonald was forced to call a general election. The Radicals, SDP, Labour, Nationals, and a host of new, minor parties increased their share of the votes cast. In the end, Flora MacDonald was the only one that was able to create a coalition with the SDP. MacDonald's second ministry looked to be even more fractious than the first.
    [46] The second MacDonald ministry was disastrous for both the Progressive Conservatives and the Social Democratic Party - the two parties which had formed the mainstay of Commonwealth politics since the mid-1930s. The Opposition were incensed by the SDP 'betrayal' and they were thrown out of any further role in the New Nation Coalition, while the new (second) National Party continued to weaken the ProgCons. The two parties were never destined to work effectively in government, and their disastrous partnership helped the Opposition to regroup. Labour movements organized a series of strikes in 1983 (ostensibly over the proposed sale of government shares in Anglo-American Petroleum) and worsened increasing inflation, and the following year MacDonald called a general election in a desperate bid to shore up her position. It was a difficult campaign, but the result was historic. Kirkland and the Labour Party became the largest party for the first time, sweeping both working-class and middle-class positions sufficiently to reform the New Nation Coalition in government. The Radicals, usurped as the leader of the bloc, nevertheless supported the government with good faith, and Kirkland formed a ministry incorporating all of the constituent parties. There was a return for the Progressive Party - although many as a regional protest vote - and the arrival of the new Liberal Democrats (formed from two-dozen ex-SDP MPs). Political reform followed, with sweeping changes to the election system introducing formal 'lists' based on the national coalitions, and economic reform reflecting the 'Decade of Leftism' that swept across the West in the 1980s.
    [47] The first Kirkland ministry was able to avoid major scandals and keep its party coalition united, with the Prime Minister being praised for his successful economic reforms and handling of the Anglo-American Petroleum shenanigans; however, while domestically Kirkland was considered a great Prime Minister, his foreign policy would be more controversial as the Imperial Alliance, "composed of giants" (as British Prime Minister David Owen put it) that were dominated by their own trade interests, grew more distant and, in the case of India, antagonistic. There was also the issue of trade wars between Britain and European regional powers, including Germany. Despite this, Kirkland was reportedly unafraid of losing the election, even as the Nationals, led by young and brash Albertan MP Debbie Grey (who notoriously called the incumbent PM "Lame Kirkland"), mocked Kirkland over his seeming losses to the Germans while the Progressive Conservatives, led by New Yorker Alphonse D'Amato, called Kirkland a "traitor to the Commonwealth". Regardless, Lane Kirkland easily won a second term, gaining seats as the Nationals massively under-performed.
    [48] There were high hopes for the Kirkland government, with many expecting a third term (unprecedented since the era of Cassius Clay). However, 1990 would prove a difficult year for the government. Despite his strong personal popularity Kirkland found the trade war with the Europeans hard to manage, as international protectionism undercut his personal pursuit of democratic socialist economics. Productivity declined and strains on the welfare state rose; when it was revealed in the autumn that prescription charges and other 'pay-per-use' charges would be introduced to the NHS, the government suddenly came close to collapse. With the New Nation Coalition now divided, the Progressives withdrew their support to place pressure on the Prime Minister. Forced into a corner and with much of his political optimism ground away in backroom arguments, Kirkland reluctantly resigned. His successor was Anthony Mazzocchi - a figure well respected within the NNC, and a largely neutral figurehead until the Labour Party concluded the tense leadership campaign to replace Kirkland. Expressing no interest in remaining Prime Minister and understanding his interim role, Mazzocchi called a general election for 1991. With the New Nation divided over the future of the welfare system and the opposition ProgCons and Nationals gathering strength, the 1991 contest was notable for an angry tone largely enhanced by the first leadership debates held on television.
    [49] The 1991 campaign was an argumentative and controversial one, but ultimately resulted in a diverse hung-parliament in which no group or party could get a majority. Mary Ruwart, the recently-installed (but noticeably different) PC leader, formed a minority ministry with the intent of immediately calling another election in a bid to secure wider support for her non-interventionism and 'new conservative' economic policies. The New Nation Coalition struggled to hold their nerve as the Opposition, with the numerous constituent parties endorsing and subsequently un-endorsing their rivals as they jostled for the most influential positions.

    PRESIDENTS OF THE UNITED STATES OF NORTH AMERICA (USNA)
    1809-1817: Alexander Hamilton/Jared Ingersoll (Federalist) [1]
    1817-1822:
    Jared Ingersoll†/Rufus King (Federalist) [2]
    1822-1825: Rufus King (Federalist)
    1825-1828: Jacob Brown/Thomas Hart Benton (Patriotic) [3]

    1828-1829: Thomas Hart Benton (Patriotic)
    1829-1837: Andrew Jackson/Henry Harrison (Patriotic) [4]

    [1] Following his near death at the hands of Vice President Aaron Burr, Alexander Hamilton would announce he would run for President in the 1808 election. He would use his near-death experience to bring more voters and in the end he would win the election in a landslide. Hamilton's presidency is highly remembered for the War of 1812 and the capturing and annexation of Canada.

    [2] Following the tradition of his predecessors President Hamilton would not run for a third term, instead his Vice President Jared Ingersoll would run and win a first and second term as President. However he would die during his second term and Vice President Rufus King would take over as President.
    [3] The Federalist governments became a victim of their own success, as a hero of the War of 1812 used his personal popularity to capture the Presidency. Infamous for his successes in the American northwest during the war, Brown had become a figurehead for the fledgling Patriotic Party after considerable persuasion. While the war had consolidated Federalist support for a decade, the election of Brown rejuvenated the development of a new dual-party system. Traditional Jeffersonians rallied behind the Patriotic cause, having struggled amid infighting in the interim, and the USNA became increasingly hawkish (particularly to Britain) during the short Brown administration. He died, unexpectedly, in 1828, leaving the last year of his term to Thomas Hart Benton.
    [4] Benton would surprise everyone when he announced he would not seek another term, instead he nominated General Andrew Jackson. Jackson was a very popular choice for the nomination (most assume this is why Benton didn't run for re-election), another was Henry Harrison. In the end the Patriotic Party would run with the ticket of Andrew Jackson and Henry Harrison against federalist ticket of Daniel Webster/Richard Rush in 1828 and won.
     
  8. LuckyLuciano Well-Known Member

    Joined:
    May 15, 2018
    PRESIDENTS OF THE UNITED STATES OF NORTH AMERICA (USNA)
    1809-1817: Alexander Hamilton/Jared Ingersoll (Federalist) [1]
    1817-1822:
    Jared Ingersoll†/Rufus King (Federalist) [2]
    1822-1825: Rufus King (Federalist)
    1825-1828: Jacob Brown/Thomas Hart Benton (Patriotic) [3]

    1828-1829: Thomas Hart Benton (Patriotic)
    1829-1837: Andrew Jackson/Henry Harrison (Patriotic) [4]
    1837-1841: Louis McLane/Joseph Ritner (Federalist)

    [1] Following his near death at the hands of Vice President Aaron Burr, Alexander Hamilton would announce he would run for President in the 1808 election. He would use his near-death experience to bring more voters and in the end he would win the election in a landslide. Hamilton's presidency is highly remembered for the War of 1812 and the capturing and annexation of Canada.

    [2] Following the tradition of his predecessors President Hamilton would not run for a third term, instead his Vice President Jared Ingersoll would run and win a first and second term as President. However he would die during his second term and Vice President Rufus King would take over as President.
    [3] The Federalist governments became a victim of their own success, as a hero of the War of 1812 used his personal popularity to capture the Presidency. Infamous for his successes in the American northwest during the war, Brown had become a figurehead for the fledgling Patriotic Party after considerable persuasion. While the war had consolidated Federalist support for a decade, the election of Brown rejuvenated the development of a new dual-party system. Traditional Jeffersonians rallied behind the Patriotic cause, having struggled amid infighting in the interim, and the USNA became increasingly hawkish (particularly to Britain) during the short Brown administration. He died, unexpectedly, in 1828, leaving the last year of his term to Thomas Hart Benton.
    [4] Benton would surprise everyone when he announced he would not seek another term, instead he nominated General Andrew Jackson. Jackson was a very popular choice for the nomination (most assume this is why Benton didn't run for re-election), another was Henry Harrison. In the end the Patriotic Party would run with the ticket of Andrew Jackson and Henry Harrison against federalist ticket of Daniel Webster/Richard Rush in 1828 and won.
    [5] The Jackson years would see an already fractitious party splinter. The Patriotic Party had been held together by the personal popularity of Jackson, but the Bank War that emerged in Jackson's second term would prove fatal come the election of 1936. The Patriotic Party soon found itself split between two factions, the True Patriots and the Young Patriots. The True Patriots were the faction aligned with the President and his cabinet, and fervently against the National Bank. Their ranks were filled with the Old Guard of the party, such as former President Benton. The Young Patriots were led by the insurgents John Calhoun and Henry Clay, and more closely favored the Federalist position on the National Bank. They had increasingly grown more prominent among congressional Patriots, and had even swayed Vice President Harrison to their side. Harrison had been expecting the nomination in 1936, and when Jackson manipulated the convention proceedings to nominate a controversial cabinet ally, Roger Taney, Harrison and the Young Patriots bolted and held their own convention to nominate Harrison. The scene was ripe for a Federalist victory. The Federalist convention initially favored former candidate Daniel Webster, but former Speaker Louis McLane would prevail. McLane had served as Speaker from the Ingersoll administration well into the Brown administration, and had never lost his ambition for higher office. He toted a moderate stance on the banking issue that meshed well with the Federalists. But, 1936 would not a prove a simple victory for the Federalists. Harrison was personally popular and ran a powerful campaign. When the votes were counted, Harrison came out on top with a simple majority in the electoral college, and leading in the popular vote. However, Harrison lacked an absolute majority, throwing the election to the house, where it was expected that Harrison would prevail regardless, with the Young Patriots either allying with their fellow Patriots, or allying with the Federalists on the Banking issue. Unexpectedly, the True Patriots instead supported the Federalists, due to the fact that McLane himself had many personal friends throughout the ranks of the True Patriots (such as Van Buren), and just as many enemies in the Young Patriots (such as Clay). Despite disagreeing vehemently on almost all issues, Taney himself had been a former Federalist, and Jackson was just looking forward to retirement. The resulting deal was termed a Corrupt Bargain by Henry Clay, especially when True Patriot Van Buren was given a prominent position within the new McLane administration.
     
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  9. Nazi Space Spy Well-Known Member

    Joined:
    Jul 29, 2011
    PRIME MINISTERS OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF AMERICA
    The American Parliamentary System

    1785: Benjamin Franklin (Crossbencher) [1]
    1788: John Dickinson (Crossbencher) [2]
    1794: George Thatcher (Crossbencher, National Faction) [3]
    1799: George Thatcher (National)
    1802: Alexander Hamilton (National) [4]
    1808: John Randolph (Liberal)^ [5]
    1813: John Randolph (Liberal)^
    1817: John Randolph (Liberal)^
    1820: John Marshall (National)** [6]
    1824: Henry Clay (National) [7]
    1826: John Randolph (Liberal)^* [8]
    1830: Daniel Pope Cook (Country Liberal/Liberal minority) [9]
    1833: Daniel Pope Cook (Country Liberal/Liberal)
    1837: Theodore Frelinghuysen (Commonwealth) [10]
    1840: Henry Clay (Unionist)
    1846: Henry Clay (Unionist)* [11]
    1852: Daniel Webster (Unionist)* [12]
    1855: Cassius Clay (Commonwealth) [13]
    1860: Cassius Clay (Commonwealth)
    1862: Cassius Clay (Commonwealth minority)
    1864: George Custis Lee (Unionist) [14]
    1867: Alexander Stephens (Unionist)** [15]
    1869: John MacDonald (Unionist) [16]
    1870: Abram Hewitt (Commonwealth) [17]
    1875: George Custis Lee (Unionist) [18]
    1880: George Ross (Liberal) [19]
    1884: Benton McMillin (Conservative minority) [20]
    1886: George Ross (Liberal) [21]
    1891: Benton McMillin (Conservative minority) [22]
    1896: Benton McMillin (Conservative)
    1900: Adlai Stevenson I (Liberal) [23]
    1905: Thomas Custer (Conservative) [24]
    1910: Hamilton Fish II (Liberal) [25]

    1913: Hamilton Fish II (Liberal minority) [26]
    1915: Fred Busse (Liberal minority, Conservative supply-and-confidence) [27]
    1920: Arthur LeSueur (Social Democratic-Progressive Alliance) [28]

    1925: John Stump (Social Democratic-Progressive Alliance) [29]
    1926: Gideon Robertson (Conservative) [30]

    1931: Gideon Robertson (Conservative minority, Liberal supply-and-confidence)*
    1933: Ragnvald Nestos (Conservative minority, Liberal supply-and-confidence) [31]
    1936: Norman Thomas (Social Democratic & Labour) [32]
    1941: Norman Thomas (Social Democratic & Labour-Progressive Alliance) [33]
    1945: Fiorello Guardia (Unity-Social Democratic & Labour, Progressive, Left Liberal) [34]
    1948: Theodore Roosevelt Jr. (Progressive Conservative)** [35]

    1950: Ralph Osborne Campney (Progressive Conservative) [36]
    1953: Ralph Osborne Campney (Progressive Conservative) [37]

    1958: Stanley Levison (Unity-Social Democratic & Labour, Progressive minority, Provincial supply-and-confidence) [38]
    1960: Henry Wallace (Unity-Social Democratic & Labour, Progressive minority, Provincial supply-and-confidence) [39]

    1962: Michael DiSalle (Progressive Conservative) [40]
    1967: Michael DiSalle (Progressive Conservative) [41]

    1972: Charles Fuentes-Macias (New Nation Coalition-Radical Movement, Social Democratic) [42]
    1976: Charles Fuentes-Macias (New Nation Coalition-Radical Movement, Social Democratic) [43]
    1979: Flora MacDonald (Progressive Conservative) [44]
    1982: Flora MacDonald (Progressive Conservative, Social Democratic) [45]

    1984: Joseph Lane Kirkland (New Nation Coalition-Labour, Radical, Liberal Democratic, Progressive) [46]

    1988: Joseph Lane Kirkland (New Nation Coalition-Labour, Radical, Liberal Democratic, Progressive) [47]
    1990: Anthony Mazzocchi (New Nation Coalition-Labour, Radical, Liberal Democratic) [48]
    1991: Mary Ruwart (Progressive Conservative minority) [49]
    1992: Mary Ruwart (Progressive Conservative - Christian Heritage coalition) [50]


    ^ The pre-home rule Liberal Party has no association with the 1880 Liberal Party.
    * Died in office.
    ** Assassinated.

    [1] The American Commonwealth was the peaceful confederation of Britain's North American possessions following a near revolution over taxation. Though King George III remains the King in London, power is exercised by the Governor General and his appointed Prime Minister. Elections would be held every six years, although the Governor-General would old the final authority in the appointment of a Prime Minister.
    [2] After Prime Minister Franklin retired due to old age, representatives from all over the Commonwealth met with the Governor-General in Philadelphia in order to nominate a new Prime Minister. Though the decision rested in the hands of the Governor-General, this informal congress would play a decisive role. After short deliberations, Governor of Pennsylvania John Dickinson was appointed to the position. A extremely popular figure in the Commonwealth, Dickinson was seen as a natural leader figure throughout it's extent. His opposition to slavery, however, did scare some southerners. Though the idea of Home rule and a Continental Parliament were not yet formally circulated, the existence of a informal congress of representatives in Philadelphia working alongside the Prime Minister became a reality under Dickinson.
    [3] By time Prime Minister Dickinson had announced his retirement, the members of the now formalized Con-federal Congress were separated into three informal coalitions: The National group favored a stronger government guiding the new nation, The Independent conglomerate favored a policy of non-partisan politics, and the Reform faction desired a less powerful central government. The designation of George Thatcher as Prime Minister came after the ninth round of voting with a small section of the Independents favoring him over the more radical George Logan. While in power Thatcher oversaw the creation of the House of Commons of America, which with the Co-federal Congress became the Parliament of America, the enactment of the Bill of Rights 1798, and the establishment of the Church of America. The establishment of the Church of America and the introduction of tariffs on several European countries - which led to the Panic of 1801 - led to the discontent of many Congress members; this resulted in the first ever vote of no confidence put forth by the Congress, which resulted in the Thatcher ministry collapsing and his resignation in 1802.
    [4] Alexander Hamilton's rapid rise in politics began with his 1785 election to the First Parliament, and under Dickinson and later Thatcher he served as the Minister of Finance; succeeding Thatcher, Hamilton pushed for westward expansion and internal development. In 1803, the Louisiana campaign of the Napoleonic Wars brought the Commonwealth into the broader war for the first time. American forces were able to take New Orleans following a daring amphibious attack. Within months, other settlements such as Saint Louis were also seized. The 1806 Treaty of Pressburg, which ended the War of the Third Coalition, saw France ceding all of New France to the Commonwealth. Hamilton, having managed to obtain the repeal of the Proclamation of 1763, oversaw the first rapid westward expansion as settlers rushed into the newly seized territories as well as the rapidly increasingly populated Ohio River Valley. The controversial Bank of America is chartered, and provincial debts are assumed by the federal government.
    [5] By 1808 the idea of non-partisanship was long gone. The reformers and independents that had stood against Thatcher and Hamilton's "National party" firmly solidified themselves into the Liberal Party. Preaching free markets, rights of the landed aristocracy, and an large autonomy of the individual states, the Liberal party soon found a charismatic representative in the form of John Randolph of Virginia, himself a pupil of Patrick Henry. Randolph was highly critical of Thatcher and especially Hamilton, calling them tyrants in disguise, and believed that the Continental Parliament and the Prime Minister were concentrating too much power. With the war in the Americas long over, and the tariffs imposed by the National government becoming a ever growing sore on the southern houses, Randolph won himself the seat of PM. Famous for his oratory skills, Randolph would successfully negotiate a number of key proposals during his tenure. he would become the first Commonwealth PM to approach the subject of Home Rule, that is, a Continental Parliament that is not subject to the British one. The approach would be careful of course, less he and his Liberals be accused of treason, and though nothing concrete came from it during his tenure, seeds were planted.
    [6] By the end of the first Liberal government; the party was collapsing. The Liberals had suffered to win across the nation, with some strongholds like New Jersey becoming significantly more National. By time the process of designation of the Prime Minister came around after the 1820 House of Commons election; the Co-federal Congress had three major groups, the Nationals, the conservative wing of the Liberals which became the Unionists, and the more reformist Radical Party. With the splitting of the liberals, the National Party's John Marshall was able to form the second National government. His government invoked tariffs on Europe once again, increased the power of the executive on numerous occasions, and removed the power of the judicial functions of the Co-federal Congress (which limited its power to strike down laws). The most important event in Marshall's tenure was the Mexican-American war; a couple of close battles (such as Monterrey) resulted in the failure of the American forces. This led to the treaty of Bogotá: which forced the succession of large parts of the territory won in the War of the Third Coalition. Once the treaty was concluded the Governor General ordered the return of Prime Minister Marshall (to force him to resign) but during the returning journey, a southern dissident named Joseph Smith assassinated Marshall.
    [7] Henry Clay ascended to the Premiership in 1824, following the assassination of John Marshall by a deranged southern republican. A long serving MP, Clay's rise to power sees a return of Hamiltonism to American politics. The Prime Minister uses tariffs to fund internal development and infrastructure projects, helping to rapidly increase westward expansion while fueling the flames of discontent with American foreign policy following the defeat in the Mexican War; it was under Clay that the cry of "Manifest Destiny" was first heard uttered, becoming a national mantra of sorts.
    [8] Clay's ambitions and skill, however, would not be enough to please the ballot box. After years of division, by 1824 the former Liberal party was finally reformed under the leadership of the aged Randolph and his disciple John Calhoun. The defeat at the Mexican war was successfully blamed on the National administration and, as Marshall successor, Clay took the blunt of the blame. Randolph returned to power, with a policy that was more and more focused on the issue of Slavery. With the British ban on the international slave trade, many in the Commonwealth feared that further attacks on the "peculiar institution" would follow. Randolph and Calhoun became ardent opponents of British restriction of the practices, and once again turned to the issue of Home Rule, seeking to make the Continental Parliament independent. Their defense of southern practices helped turn the South into a decisive Liberal stronghold, while their support for home rule was echoed by some liberals, with Clay himself taking a moderate stance. Randolph would eventually die in office, and with no compromise over the issue being resolved with mother England, tensions escalated.
    [9] The death of Randolph amplified the problems facing the government, and with the Liberal position threatened by the threat of war or domestic violence the party faced complete collapse. The party had long been a broad church and with divisions between the slavers and the Anglophiles now threatened to tear the country apart. At a tense party session after Randolph's death party moderates refused to endorse Calhoun as leader and crossed the floor as an independent faction of 'Country Liberals'. These mainly consisted of figures favoring a middle-ground in diplomatic relations with Britain, a gradual end to slavery in the north and a national plebiscite on wider emancipation. Courting National support Daniel Pope Cook secured permission from the Governor-General to form a minority government with those still willing to support a Liberal ministry, while the Nationals both encouraged and hindered the government in equal measure. The issue of slavery slowly became entwined with the issue of Home Rule, with many believing that one could not come without the other. This polarized public discourse and radicalized the South (many of whom felt betrayed by Liberal party infighting despite the majority of traditional party figures being highly committed to the slaver cause).
    [10] By 1837 the debate over slavery had died down; people still held on to their beliefs but understood the need to unite the nation (after the Summer Riots of 1835). This resulted in the appointment of the anti-slavery candidate Theodore Frelinghuysen with a pro-slavery Deputy Prime Minister. Due to this a compromise was put in place six years after the UK passed the Slavery Abolition Act 1833: the comprise entailed that the slave owners will be compensated, only children aged 5 years would be free while the other slaves would work for there slave owners in "Unpaid-Apprenticeships" for several years. While the abolition was the most notable part of Frelinghuysen tenure other strong accomplishments were noted: the abolition of the Co-federal Congress (the power to appoint the Prime Minister was given to the sole house of Parliament: the House of Commons), the disestablishment of the Church of America (the long awaited fight to separate church and state was achieved without Frelinghuysen's approval), and the establishment of police forces in many counties.
    [11] Hailed as one of the heroes of the "Compromise of 1839", and already a very influential politician(not to mention former PM), Henry Clay found himself back in the Prime Minister's Manor. The 1830's saw both the National and the Liberal parties split, with the moderates from both factions(led by the National Clay and the Country Liberal Cook) to form the Unionist Party. The Party sold itself on moderation between the Anglophiles and abolitionists from New England and Canada(Former Nationals that now called themselves the Commonwealth Party, led by Frelinghuysen and John Quincy Adams), and the near-republicans that formed the Liberal party from the South(enraged by the compromise, and led by Deputy PM John Calhoun). Clay promised to upheld the Compromise, and to continue with the plans for gradual abolition, but to not let the Commonwealth be divided by the issue of slavery any longer. By picking the new englander Daniel Webster as Deputy PM, and by criticizing the radical stance of the Commonwealth party on slavery, Clay pleased moderates on all sides. After a hung parliament in 1840 forced special elections, Clay was elected with a respectable Unionist Majority, and reluctantly confirmed by London. Above all, he made his stance on two issues: Home Rule and western expansion. Clay was weary of the British Parliament control over the Continental one, and, under his tenure, the first Home Rule bill would be proposed and passed by the Continental Parliament, something not even his former rival John Randolph had managed(the bill would receive wild support particularly from Calhoun and his Liberals). Indeed, Clay would remark that the Commonwealth of North America was "A Union more than anything else", thus forming his party's name. Much to Clay's discontentment, however, the bill was vetoed by London. His second stance found much greater success, as the Second Mexican War proved a major victory for the Commonwealth. Mexico was forced to cede vast amounts of land, almost doubling the Commonwealth's territory, and giving it access to the Pacific Ocean.
    [12] The second Clay premiership would be remembered as being considerably more successful as the first; throughout his decades long tenure as the defacto leader of the moderates in parliament, Clay had seen the National Party give way to the Unionist Party and oversaw the final purchase of the Oregon Country, firmly establishing the Commonwealth's access to the Pacific. Though there had been racial strife in the south in the wake of abolition, and a near war with Spain over Florida (which was also ultimately purchased under Clay after the Treaty of Lisbon), his deputy PM, Daniel Webster, inherited an increasingly powerful nation in it's own right. Time would tell whether a snap election would result in the continuation of the Unionist control or a return to Liberal governance.
    [13] Prime Minister Webster was able to win the 1852 snap election with a razor thin majority. However, by 1855 the man was unable to continue his premiership and passed away in June. This was during the period where an election campaign was taking place: however he did announce before the election his retirement from politics. By 1855 -after 15 years of Unionist governance- the nation was tired of the Unionist Party: this resulted in the largest landslide for a party within the Commonwealth's history. The Man who replace Webster was the unknown Cassius Clay, a MP for Madison in Kentucky. He brought in many reforms within his tenure; The Reform act 1860 (which gave all males over the age of 23 the right to vote, the introduction of the first set of government insurance programs (mainly for farmers in the south), the national limiting of Child Labour and the limiting of the Prime Minister's power with the removal of government officials now requiring the Legislature's consent. By the mid 1860's his government became very limited due to the fact that the party would always be running a minority government, with independent support.
    [14] Despite the great social progress of the Commonwealth government it was not enough to save it in the 1864 election. George Custis Lee was a young and enigmatic figure with a keen eye for detail and strong support among his party base, and secured a comfortable majority government over his bickering opposition. Lee was a militarist - the American government quickly pledged support for Britain in the Anglo-Russian War of 1867, and volunteer corps participated in pro-British regime change in Mexico. As a moderate conservative Lee led a minor backlash against the reforms of the Commonwealth government, mirroring a wider reactionary surge across Europe and the Empire, but established a firm reputation and strong respect from the New Tory ministry in London despite his relative youth.
    [15] Alexander Stephens started his political life as a Liberal. Under the tenure of Henry Clay, Webster and C. Clay, however, the Liberal party slowly drifted into obscurity, becoming a regional, and then a insignificant entity. Stephens, like so many other Liberals, joined the Unionists. Stephens would grow highly critical of the Lee administration, calling him a "brutish child" who would turn North America into a military aggressor to the world. He attacked both Lee's militarism, and his fondness for "Mother London". Leading a isolationist, Laisse-fairez and southern wing of the party, Stephens called for a party leadership contest and, to the surprise of many, won. His Premiership would be marked almost solely by the racial tensions of the 1860's. With slavery just recently truly ending, the question of integration was at hand. How would the Commonwealth deal with it's black population? Stephens responded by attempting to enact a series of laws hampering black rights. Prohibitions on voting, interracial marriage, among others were placed proposed, and the Parliament was thrown into complete disarray. The Commonwealth Party, led by men such as Hannibal Hamlin strongly opposed these, of course. But many Unionists were also opposed to Stephens wing of the party and their racial rhetoric. Among these former PM Lee, Abraham Lincoln and William Seward. In the end, Stephens succeeded in some points, while failing in the larger scale. Before he could press any further, while giving a speech in a rally, he would be shot down by a discontent northerner. His death would thrown the Unionist party into a new leadership contest, and the Commonwealth Party into aggressive attacks.
    [16] The assassination of Stephens gave rise to the leadership of John MacDonald, an MP from the province of Canada who was able to mostly unite the Unionist Party; however, divisions within his caucus forced him to call an election in 1870, a risky gamble that would result in...
    [17] ... an unexpectedly-large majority for the Commonwealth Party, returning to government after 15 years. Hewitt had been able to reconcile the strong radicals in the party with the moderate bulk, creating a force capable of appealing to the growing middle class while maintaining those who favoured further domestic reform. The Unionists struggled to shrug off the legacy of their chaotic ministries, and had lost credibility due to an inability to control growing urban poverty and unrest. Hewitt committed the country to extensive social reforms - very much in the spirit of Cassius Clay - and favoured the development of railways to connect even the most inaccessible of regions. As America entered a period of rapid industrialization it also began opening new markets, drawing the country closer to the Empire but also to the other imperial powers. The Commonwealth Party, with bipartisan support, shortened the term of government to a maximum of 5 years and debated lowering the voting age.
    [18] After 11 years George Lee returned to the Prime Ministers Manor. Never a unpopular figure, Lee's charisma and larger than life stance served him well. He campaigned and took the Premiership in the closest election in the Commonwealths history, and made government spending his top issue. He blamed the Commonwealth party for overextending the governments power over it's subjects, and proposed a series of government cuts. During his tenure, Lee oversaw an booming economy and a large degree of popularity. He commissioned the construction of the statue entitled New Britannia on Governors Island in the Hudson river, as well as a series of urban reforms around the major eastern cities, such as the capital of Philadelphia. He also supported a military expedition to Hawaii, in order to secure the Island for the Commonwealth, which was arguably a success. the Expedition to Feudal Japan, however, most definitely was not. His greatest accomplishment was certainly the passing of the "Home Rule Act", which granted the Continental Parliament independence from the British one, while still being a part of the British Empire. Thus, Lee fulfilled Henry Clay's dream, that of the Unionist and former Liberal parties. During his tenure the divisions between the parties territories became more clear. Canada and New England became solid Commonwealth areas, while the South fell within the Unionist Sphere. Provinces such as Upper California, Pennsylvania, Ohio and New York were the battlegrounds for both.
    [19] By time the 1880's began; all the major Commonwealth political parties were involved in the Great American Scandal. This scandal was mainly about the fact that around a quarter of the Members of Parliament (including George Custis Lee) had been caught taking bribes from major railroad companies in exchange of ensuring their monopolies in local areas. As such both parties collapsed and were replaced by the Liberal Party, often called Rossites, and the Conservative Party, most of the time called Farrowers - they both mirrored their British Counterparts in terms of ideology and policies. The 1880 election resulted in these parties replacing the husks of the Commonwealth and Unionist parties, a substantial majority for the Liberal party and the Social Democratic Federation win its first two seats. As Ross won, he sought to implement a new era of clean progressive politics. Consequently, his major contributions was the creation of the national education system (a three tier system of Kindergartens, Middle and Upper schools), the implementation of several new social insurance schemes (Health and Accident insurance in 1882 and Superannuation in 1883) which were based on Bismark's failed proposals in the North German Confederation and by 1884 he allowed the controversial Local Voting Rights Act to pass; allowing Women over 25 to vote in elections up to the municipal level.
    [20] Emboldened by his domestic successes Ross went to the polls in 1884, but fell victim to party complacency in the aftermath of the Great American Scandal. As devastating as the Scandal had been to the two main parties, the Unionists had quickly and successfully regrouped as the Conservatives - while the Rossites remained a loose political grouping of traditional liberals, radical liberals and moderates. In particular the Radical wing did well in industrial areas as their MPs pledged to continue the social reforms that had begun to help so many. The election resulted in a hung parliament, with McMillin eventually forming a minority government. Just 10 seats short of a majority, McMillin remained in power due to the role of a small number of independents. He was able to do this due to infighting in the liberal groupings regarding further legislation relating to trade unions and trust-busting. The Conservatives, pledging to maintain the economic status quo, also rejected further attempts at American imperialism in the wake of the failed incursions in Nippon.
    [21] McMillin's majority was not to be; internal disagreements made passing a budget in 1886 impossible, leading to another snap election. George Ross, who was quick to argue that the Tories were in the pocket of the wealthy, was returned to power on the promise of American prosperity being shared. However, while the Commonwealth Liberal Party was able to take a narrow majority, there remained threats to their government. The Tories were hellbent on retaking the government during the next election, while the rising Social Democratic Party increased their seat count to eight MPs. Ross now faces the pressure of making good on his promises while simultaneously having to work with rebel Tories or the socialists on a case by case basis.
    [22] The Tories attempted to portray the Commonwealth Liberal government as dysfunctional, given their dependency on rogue MP from the Opposition. However, Ross was able to hang on until the 1891 election, which once again resulted in a hung parliament; American politics remained largely a two-party affair, however, and the Social Democrats actually had their seats reduced by half. Ross attempted coalition negotiations to continue his ministry as a minority, but ultimately McMillin was reinstated as Prime Minister as the leader of the largest party. His second ministry was highly controversial, as the Conservatives tried to force through legislation for a national income tax (mirroring the efforts of the New Tories in Britain). When this failed McMillin turned to social welfare, strengthening the Child Labour Act, and established himself on the progressive wing of the Conservative Party.
    [23] By the turn of the century, American politics had seemingly stabilized into a fairly consistent two party system. The Conservatives had come to be the party of free enterprise and provincial rights, ironically taking up the mantle of the original Liberal Party of the early Commonwealth. Though McMillin was a progressive minded Tory and one of the first reformers of the modern era, confidence in his leadership had eroded by 1900 as southern Tories feared the party was tacking too far to the left. On the other hand, the Liberal Party had come to be the more vocally progressive entity within parliament, with many progressives (including former Tory MP Theodore Roosevelt) drifting into their fold by this point. Lastly, there remained the small but steadily growing Social Democratic Party, which in the 1900 election managed to hold their seven seats as well as elect an additional MP in the form of their leader, Eugene Debs.
    [24] The Liberal government had a strong term, and their defeat in the 1905 election was a great shock. Thomas Custer had become Tory leader as a rightist hawk, keen to get America involved in the Caribbean and to take a stronger line against the progressiveness of the Stevenson ministry. The war scare between Britain and France was enough to get the Conservatives into power with a small majority, as well as the sudden surge in Québécois terrorism. Indeed, in a speech in 1907 Custer announced that the spike in violence (principally by those seeking independence for Quebec) could be viewed as the 'American Ireland'. It was a controversial statement, but well-received by the nationalist wing of the party. Furthermore Custer, an opponent of economic interventionism, was criticized for the decline of the economy and a rise in unemployment during his ministry.
    [25] The political violence that had been growing before Custer's takeover began to decline very quickly as he passed rather extreme measures to break up and jail radical groups. Protest in general became largely illegal under Custer and his administration was not without scandal or controversy. Throughout Custer's term, the Liberal Party, which had been torn apart in by-elections, was seen as poor defenders of the American people. A harsh critic on the establishment from within their own ranks was one Hamilton Fish II. Son of Hamilton Fish I, who was heavily involved in Frelinghuysen's administration before switching from the Commonwealth Party to join the Liberals under George Ross. Unlike Fish I, Fish II had sat outside of the normal power structures in New York. He served four terms as the Mayor of Albany, running as an independent each time except the last, when he agreed to join the Liberal Party. After joining parliament with the wave that elected Adlai Stevenson I as Prime Minister, Fish II got a reputation for voting nearly as much against Stevenson's progressive policies as he did for them. In 1909, with fears that Stevenson's perceived political softness would be a liability, a leadership election took place. Stevenson initially thought he was in the clear, but two New Yorkers emerged from the woodwork to challenge him, Theodore Roosevelt and Hamilton Fish II. Roosevelt was seen as a lightning rod at the time, marrying political progressivism with a pro-military, pro-empire outlook. Fish was on the other side, attacking Stevenson and Fish for being too soft and wanting the government to be too involved in day-to-day life. In the first round of voting, Roosevelt would come up short, coming two vote short of beating Stevenson, with Fish winning a plurality of votes. It was assumed that Stevenson would win in the second round, which would be held two weeks later, as it is rare to have every single MP in the chamber at once. There was a wide segment of the Liberal Party's base that was extremely hostile to Fish, with their voters in Quebec seeing him as indistinguishable from a Tory. A Québécois militant tried to kill Fish on the floor of the parliament. Fish would give a roaring speech on the floor, accusing Stevenson of hiring this man to kill him. The mood was adamantly against Fish at the moment, but as more came out about this militant and the fact that he had been at Stevenson's office days before seemed confusing to most presses. Stevenson would deny everything, but as it became clear that he might just lose the leadership election, he would stand down and tap Roosevelt to take his place. Roosevelt suffered from being perceived as too inexperienced and a bit too radically progressive for some rank-n-file party members. Fish would narrowly win the second round vote and, with that, swing the party to the right. As several Liberal Party MPs and party members abandoned the caucus for the Social Democratic Party, the Liberal Party was able to swing enough seats to take a slim majority over Custer's Tories. Custer would stay on in the opposition and Fish would set to work, balancing many of the progressive demands of his party with the conservatism of the mood in his country.
    [26] Matters came to a head following the City Strikes of 1913. As the economic recession continued many inner-city workers had grown frustrated at the lack of action from Parliament, and took out their anger in a large series of strikes across major cities. Railroads and factories ground to a halt, while Fish turned on his rivals in his own party for obstructionism. It was the final straw for those remaining loyal to the Liberals but were hostile to Fish, and in October progressive MP Carter Harrison led his wing to resign the Liberal whip en masse. However, Harrison did not join the SDP (nor did his colleagues) but instead sat as a grouping of 'Independent Liberals' - withdrawing their support from the Fish ministry, forcing a minority government with the Conservative as the largest party in Opposition, and waiting for the inevitable general election.
    [27] In the winter of 1914, Prime Minister Hamilton Fish II came down with a severe case of pneumonia. Bedridden and incapable of continuing his work in government, Fish's chief deputy would take his place. Fred Busse was a longtime representative for the City of Dearborn and was an ideological chameleon. Having been a young progressive voice during Stevenson's Premiership, Busse shifted to the right along with his party and was enough of a kiss-up to get into Fish's inner circle. Over the course of Fish's administration, he'd make his way to the top of the heap by ruthlessly sabotage and sidelining all foes. Theodore Roosevelt was Busse's chief rival and was seen as the party's heir to Stevenson just as Busse was to Fish. When the Independent Liberals broke with Fish, and Roosevelt went with them, Busse simply replied with "good riddance". Soon after Busse took over as Prime Minister, he called a general election. It was the first election since the Independent Liberal split and Busse was hellbent on destroying them. He decided to use everything in his power to beat them where he could. He clamped down on who could and couldn't run as a Liberal by cutting off funding to those still in the party who were considered too progressive. Some of these things were controversial, but somewhat harmless, like running fusion tickets in districts with moderate Conservative Party members to beat incumbent Independent Liberals. Others were severe cases of corruption that would not be fully exposed until years later: including the likes of ballot stuffing and intimidation. For his whole career, Busse was often rumored to be hiring thugs to make sure those who would vote against him in Dearborn stayed away from the ballot box and had the same men be the ones counting the ballots. He would export these tactics nationwide and with all that effort, he still came up several seats short of a majority. The Independent Liberals and the Social Democratic Party would band together in the caucus and refuse to make any sort of coalition with the likes of the Liberal Party under Busse. The Conservative Party, being the chief opposition to the Liberal Party, refused to form an outright coalition but agreed to give supply and confidence to the Liberal Party's minority so long as what was up to vote remained within the realm of reason for the Conservatives. The Conservatives, still being lead by an aging Custer, would shift further to the right along with the general electorate. The economy was gradually improving without much help from the government, but was still shaky and much of the voting public was on edge about any major shifts in economic policy. Progressivism seemed all but dead at the beginning of this decade, but perhaps there was a light at the end of the tunnel.
    [28] By 1920 the nation was still seeing shaky growth after the grand coalition of Liberal and Conservative continued a policy of non-interventionism. As a result this catapulted the Social Democratic and Progressive (which was once the Independent Liberals) parties into the first left wing government of the Commonwealth, indeed it was one of the first left wing governments within the world. The parties were able to win due to their alliance pushing many Liberals and Conservatives on election night out of the parliament; infamously both Fish and Busse only held on to their seats with majorities that were less than 1000. The government was was able to introduce massive economic reforms, called the "Citizen's Budget," which created many social welfare systems, introduce the National Medicalbank (NMB) which provided universal health insurance to the middle and working classes, and the government stated to nationalize the Monopolies within the coal and other industries. The 36th cabinet also introduced many sociopolitical reforms, such as introducing the Fair Votes Act (which introduced proportional representation in the form of the single transferable vote, women suffrage and reduced the voting age to 20) and also created the Basic law of the Citizen's Rights (which improved civil rights for all). As 1925 was approaching the government introduce something which was radical; the Republic Referendum: it asked the electors weather or not the government should leave the British Sphere and Become an Independent Republic with the Provincial Leaders as Head of State. The Plebiscite occurred on election day and resulted in...
    [29] ... a large defeat for the government. While the country had enthusiastically supported the welfare reforms of the Social Democratic and Progressive Alliance the Conservatives (now under Gideon Robertson) were able to galvanize nationalists and imperialists across the country in support of remaining a member of the Empire. (Indeed, the most powerful of all the Dominions under William VI). LeSueur resigned as Prime Minster following the referendum - already under strong pressure from the Opposition for his nationalization program - and was replaced by John Stump after a short Cabinet meeting. Stump resisted calls for an early election, given that one was due later in the year anyway, and was fearful of the surge in Conservative support following the victory of the Empire camp and a largely-hostile press. Plans to merge the SDP and the Progressives into a single party in time for the election also fell flat, with the Progressives in particular wary of further electoral pacts in constituencies where both parties had a strong showing. (Both sides claimed responsibility for the welfare reforms, and both sides wanted to reap the rewards). Having been in power for less than a year, Stump went to the polls.
    [30] The 1926 Federal Election was a devastating defeat for the ruling Social Democratic/Progressive coalition; in particular, the SDP government of John Stump, badly damaged by the backfired republican referendum, was annihilated, their presence in the House of Commons reduced to merely 50 or so MPs. The Progressives also lost scores of MPs to the Liberals, though not on the scale of the SDP. Indeed, the vote splitting between the three left of center parties led to the rise of the Conservatives after nearly a decade and a half out of power. Promising to crack down on the "red tide" that had "infected" the labour movement, the incoming Prime Minister pursued business friendly policies, decreasing taxes, cutting spending, and reducing - though not outright eliminating - the size of programs introduced as part of the "Citizen's Budget." After the While the Conservatives remained largely united around Gideon Robertson, the left remained as fractured as ever, motivating the efforts between some Social Democrats and Progressives to merge their parties in the wake of the defeat. With the electoral reform dividing the House between 300 constituencies and a further 185 list seats, the proponents of the merger (who also attempted to bring the trade unions into their fold) awaited the next election with great anticipation. The question as to whether the merger would be approved by both parties remained to be seen.
    [31] The remainder of the Robertson ministry proved deeply antagonistic; his attacks against organized labour led to more general strikes in 1927 and 1929, and heavy-handed government responses resulted in a slump in support for the government. Furthermore the retractions of several welfare privileges hit the working poor, and the British forced-devaluation of Sterling in 1931 restarted recession in America. Now having missed over a decade of economic growth, the country was angry - and increasingly felt the actions of strikers was legitimate. In the 1931 election Robertson lost his majority in the face of a Progressive surge, but the two traditional parties of government agreed a supply-and-confidence to keep the left out of government. Following the death of Robertson in 1933 the Liberals agitated to elevated a figure closer to the centre to Prime Minister, settling on Ragnvald Nestos. Nestos tried to backtrack on the harsh policies of his predecessor, but his proposals for an 'emergency' all-party ministry were rebuffed by the Progressive Party (who smelt blood). Nevertheless the Liberals kept up their side of the bargain, and campaigned with their electoral allies in the difficult 1936 election.
    [32] Ultimately, the attempts to consolidate the Social Democratic and Progressive parties failed, but the links forged between the SDP and the trade unions resulted in the birth of the SDLP in 1935. The newly formed Social Democratic & Labor Party was swept into office in a landslide in the 1936 election, winning a majority in the House of Commons at the expense of the Conservatives, Liberals, and Progressives, who split the voteshare of the opposition. The 1936 federal election also marked the entrance of the Social Credit Party into parliament, winning seats in the west at the expense of the Progressives (who were reduced to merely 15 seats). The new SDLP government of Thomas was more moderate than the previous SDP of the Debbs era, promising to not alter the constitution or abolish the monarchy. Instead, the new government set about tackling the growing economic recession by expanding social services and increasing the government's presence in the private sector by breaking up monopolies, empowering trade unions, and expanding the National Medicalbank among other things.
    [33] The recession would slip into a depression in 1939 and confidence in Premier Norman Thomas would become shaky. Thomas was a clear ideologue who wanted to help but had trouble navigating the wheeling and dealing nature of parliament and struggled to eek out compromises that were beneficial to the people suffering the most. His leadership would be contested by Ben W. Hooper, an industrialist and Stevenson Progressive who joined the SDLP when it became the majority party. Hooper came up short, with his background in business and short time as a party member being toxic to much of the SDLP. Thomas, on thin ice after that challenged, called a general election in 1941. His party lost seats across the nation. They maintained a plurality, but were seven seats short of a majority. The shrinking Progressive Party caucus still held a dozen seats and formed a "perpetual alliance" with the SDLP to form the government. The Social Democratic & Labor - Progressive Party Alliance set to work with some more daring economic initiatives in the beginning of their second term, including guaranteed employment by the government and attempting to make the National Medicalbank into a form of universal healthcare. The National Medicalbank vote would turn into an embarrassing debacle and fail to pass thanks to union opposition, which supplied healthcare for its workers in many parts of the country as incentive for continued membership.
    [34] After several defeats in local elections the left knew it needed to combine to prevent the new Conservative Alliance (consisting of the Conservative Party and the right wing of the Liberals). As such this new left leaning group nominated the most popular politician within the confederation: Fiorello Guardia. Without the public knowing of his cancer, which he was able to recover from, he campaigned on the promise of universal healthcare, better universal education, and universal union membership, at the request of the SDLP. They were able to win a comfortable majority. As such the group achieved in reforming the National Medicalbank into universal system (the government provided healthcare for groups such as the poor, disabled, non-workers, with the union's providing care for workers), saw an increase in union membership to 67% of workers, and was able to introduce Employee Councils (mirroring the Work Councils in France). The nation was able to recover from the recession and saw the emergence of the coalition system (which would form into the current Pan-Blue coalition and Pan-Pink coalition of today).
    [35] The 1945 election brought about yet another realignment; the birth of the Social Democratic & Labor Party and their subsequent alliance with the Progressives (along with the second demise of the reborn Liberals) would result in many of the right leaning Liberals joining the Conservatives, who elected Theodore Roosevelt Jr. as their leader in 1946. A centrist in an increasingly moderating party, he managed to rebrand the party as the Progressive Conservatives in order to better take on the Unity coalition. Roosevelt, who had served as Premier of New York before his election as party leader, was a fierce patriot who promised to preserve Thomas and LaGuardia's more moderate domestic policies while curtailing government excess on the whole. But tensions with the Japanese Empire in the Pacific threaten the Commonwealth's fragile post depression recovery.
    [36] The war scare with the Japanese continued, and Roosevelt passionately campaigned for British and Commonwealth action following their brutal invasion of China. (The Provisional Regency government of 'Emperor' Pujie quickly collapsed). When Roosevelt was shockingly assassinated in 1950, however, the Progressive Conservative party rallied around Ralph Campney. While a Canadian and one of the most liberal members of his party, Campney was a former soldier and supporter of calls for a Pacific War. When Britain chose to act in 1951, Campney authorized the deployment of a large bomber force to Hawaii; following the highly-controversial Ukiyo Raid on Edo the Commonwealth joined in the coalition against Japan. Despite a general consensus on the war many in the left opposed it, and Campney faced significant domestic opposition for his role in conscription and armament funding - particularly in the Employee Councils.
    [37] The Great Pacific War would last for two years, resulting in the victory of the Imperial Alliance (consisting of troops from the Commonwealth of America, Australasia, South Africa, and the British Raj) after the Japanese Empire was pushed back all the way to the Home Islands at great human cost. The war concluded following the atomic bombing of Kyoto, which ushered in the atomic age. Having won a snap election in 1950 following the assassination of Theodore Roosevelt Jr., Campney cruised to a landslide reelection in 1954 on the back of the victory in the Pacific. However, domestic concerns would continue to trouble him. The Afro-American Civil Rights Movement began to take hold in the south, while across the country the power of the Employee Councils began to come under attack from right-leaning provincial governments. With the war over, and millions of American GI's returning home to jobs that have been taken by women in the interim, a minor recession began. It would be up to Campney to restore prosperity before his mandate expires in 1958. Meanwhile, the opposition SDLP and the rumps of the original Progressives and Liberals would be joined by five additional Social Credit MPs and over forty "Provincial Rights" MPs representing the southern provinces following the '54 election.
    [38] The 1958 election was one of the most frantic in recent times; the Progressive Conservatives fought a strong campaign based on their war record, but the economic slump and desire for social and political reform pushed the Pan-Pink/Unity coalition to emerge as the largest grouping, but 22 short of a majority. The last Liberals had been absorbed into the Progressive Party (still resisting a name-change despite the similarity with the ProgCons), with the latter remaining the sizeable junior partner of the leftist coalition. However, Levison - himself only recently established as leader - was forced to look for parliamentary allies. Reluctantly he turned to the Provincial Party, and tried to manage a delicate balance of power. This would prove difficult. The traditional labour movements wanted to strengthen the welfare state by cutting military expenditure - hoping to fund a sweeping Modernization Programme over Medicalbank, infrastructure (particularly roads), housing, urban regeneration and industry. Levison was only partly able to oblige, as the Provincials opposed the weakening of local government and, in particular, equality in the workplace. As the Civil Rights Movement continued Levison came under increasing pressure for his relationship with the Provincials, who continued to grow in strength through by-elections - and not just in their traditional Southern heartland. While the party had always been socially conservative, an influx of urban seats began to push it further to the growing unemployed, who saw the CRM as a destabilizing influence hoping to steal their job prospects. This led to a major ideological battle at the heart of the Unity coalition, as well as within the Provincial Party itself.
    [39] In the end, Premier Levison was unable to keep his party together. Levison eventually lost his ministry in a vote of no-confidence from the party, leading to Henry Wallace, son of the aging radical backbencher to ascend to the Premiership.
    [40] With the Unity coalition failing, Wallace nevertheless tried to push an agenda on Civil Rights through. It nearly succeeded and had a great deal of bipartisan support, but resulting strikes in white-majority industries regarding equal employment opportunities resulted in the Provincials withdrawing their support from both the coalition and the government. With no way to continue and the Progressive Conservatives now stalling for time, Wallace was forced to call an election. He had considerable sympathy, and looked like he might improve his position among the middle class - but in a great upset Michael DiSalle took the Progressive Conservatives back into government with a comfortable majority. Of Italian stock, DiSalle was in many ways cut of the same cloth as Guardia and certainly came from the progressive wing of the PCs. It would be he who finally secured a parliamentary majority on Civil Rights, earning his party the support of the newly-enfranchised across the nation. His ministry also presided over the rapid decline of Britain as the Mother Country; the United Kingdom had been outclassed in American industry and, since the end of the war, almost everything else. DiSalle sought to elevate the American position, and while the Commonwealth continued to retain her historical links to London as her economy continued to improve she increasingly became a free-spirit. Nevertheless, DiSalle hosted the visit of newly-coronated William VIII to Philadelphia in 1964 - leading to further political approval among the centre conservatives in his party.

    [41] With the Progressives popular and now presumed to be the natural party of government after their comfortable 1967 election win, the American intervention in the disastrous collapse of the United States of Central America (USCA) later that year came as a great shock. DiSalle had overestimated American capabilities, and soon found himself bogged down in a chaotic and agonizing struggle against guerrilla forces in the harsh swamps of southern Panama. It was an abrupt end to the political hegemony of the ProgCons, and as the death count continued to spiral public outcry fuelled the creations of new political forces. The left had had a tough decade, as the fallout from the Levison and Wallace governments had doomed the Social Democratic & Labour Party to infighting and civil war. The emerging of the Radical Movement changed everything, capturing the feeling of the discontented and the grieving to form a powerful opposition to the flailing DiSalle government. In 1970 the Social Democrats endorsed the new movement, resulting in Labour breaking away, and come the 1972 election it was clear that change was coming.
    [42] Fuentes-Macias had been born in Panama, but his family had naturalized in the western territories of the Commonwealth in the early-1900s. Spouting a new kind of optimistic egalitarianism, the sweeping victory of the New Nation Coalition was nothing short of revolutionary. The Progressive Conservatives put up a strong fight, but were doomed to return to Opposition as the Radical Party committed themselves to re-nationalizing industry, rebuilding the Medicalbank into a National Health Service (finishing what Norman Thomas had started), cuts to military spending, withdrawal from Central America and - most controversially - hinted at a new republic referendum. The Progressives and Provincials were almost completely wiped out by the NNC landslide, which did particularly well in the traditional ProgCon heartlands in Canada, French-speaking Quebec and the ethnically-diverse southern regions, and became politically irrelevant. Fuentes-Macias claimed his new ministry was for all the peoples of the Commonwealth regardless of language, creed or ethnicity, and the start of his government marked a noticeable shift towards bipolar politics once again; the New Nation coalition served the left, while the ProgCons - wounded, admittedly - retained their dominant role right-of-centre.
    [43] Fuentes-Macias was returned in a landslide in 1976, with his expansion of the welfare state proving immensely popular. His distinctly American neutrality was controversial abroad and rapidly resulted in tensions with the British, but the supremacy of American industry ensured an economic boom to fund the growing National Health Service, National Education Board and National Housing Committee. The Fuentes-Macias governments were notable for their strong commitment to foreign aid, largely funded from the reduction in the Navy, but the commitment to fund reconstruction efforts in Panama (previously decimated by American intervention) proved a strong rallying point for the conservatives.
    [44] The 1979 election was called as the Commonwealth descended into economic depression. It was Nova Scotia MP and Progressive Conservative leader Flora MacDonald who would benefit from this, riding a wave of popular discontent against the Fuentes-Macias government's economic record in order to be propelled into office as the country's first female PM. The new administration would immediately set about to reverse her predecessors accomplishments, ending foreign aid to Central America and halting plans to return the Panama Canal. Though she did not tackle the National Health Service, her government began privatizing aspects of the federal housing programs by allowing inhabitants to purchase the deed to their Section One housing. MacDonald, a moderate Tory who bragged that she put the "progressive" in Progressive Conservative, only offered a watered down plan to limit the powers of worker councils, and while ceasing further nationalizations, did not set out to privatize other sectors of the economy. As a result, the party began to fracture. A few years into MacDonald's premiership, the fiery red-haired Prime Minister was seemingly spending more of her political capital holding her party together rather than shepherding legislation through the Commons. None the less, her rivals were equally shattered, with the Radicals led by Jerry Brown, Walter Mondale's SDP, and Lane Kirkland's Labor Party competing for the vote-share of MacDonald's detractors. Whether a threat from MacDonald's right would arise remained unknown.
    [45] The Progressive Conservatives splintered in 1981 with the conservative wing walking out and forming a new party called the Nationals. With a lack of votes, MacDonald was forced to call a general election. The Radicals, SDP, Labour, Nationals, and a host of new, minor parties increased their share of the votes cast. In the end, Flora MacDonald was the only one that was able to create a coalition with the SDP. MacDonald's second ministry looked to be even more fractious than the first.
    [46] The second MacDonald ministry was disastrous for both the Progressive Conservatives and the Social Democratic Party - the two parties which had formed the mainstay of Commonwealth politics since the mid-1930s. The Opposition were incensed by the SDP 'betrayal' and they were thrown out of any further role in the New Nation Coalition, while the new (second) National Party continued to weaken the ProgCons. The two parties were never destined to work effectively in government, and their disastrous partnership helped the Opposition to regroup. Labour movements organized a series of strikes in 1983 (ostensibly over the proposed sale of government shares in Anglo-American Petroleum) and worsened increasing inflation, and the following year MacDonald called a general election in a desperate bid to shore up her position. It was a difficult campaign, but the result was historic. Kirkland and the Labour Party became the largest party for the first time, sweeping both working-class and middle-class positions sufficiently to reform the New Nation Coalition in government. The Radicals, usurped as the leader of the bloc, nevertheless supported the government with good faith, and Kirkland formed a ministry incorporating all of the constituent parties. There was a return for the Progressive Party - although many as a regional protest vote - and the arrival of the new Liberal Democrats (formed from two-dozen ex-SDP MPs). Political reform followed, with sweeping changes to the election system introducing formal 'lists' based on the national coalitions, and economic reform reflecting the 'Decade of Leftism' that swept across the West in the 1980s.
    [47] The first Kirkland ministry was able to avoid major scandals and keep its party coalition united, with the Prime Minister being praised for his successful economic reforms and handling of the Anglo-American Petroleum shenanigans; however, while domestically Kirkland was considered a great Prime Minister, his foreign policy would be more controversial as the Imperial Alliance, "composed of giants" (as British Prime Minister David Owen put it) that were dominated by their own trade interests, grew more distant and, in the case of India, antagonistic. There was also the issue of trade wars between Britain and European regional powers, including Germany. Despite this, Kirkland was reportedly unafraid of losing the election, even as the Nationals, led by young and brash Albertan MP Debbie Grey (who notoriously called the incumbent PM "Lame Kirkland"), mocked Kirkland over his seeming losses to the Germans while the Progressive Conservatives, led by New Yorker Alphonse D'Amato, called Kirkland a "traitor to the Commonwealth". Regardless, Lane Kirkland easily won a second term, gaining seats as the Nationals massively under-performed.
    [48] There were high hopes for the Kirkland government, with many expecting a third term (unprecedented since the era of Cassius Clay). However, 1990 would prove a difficult year for the government. Despite his strong personal popularity Kirkland found the trade war with the Europeans hard to manage, as international protectionism undercut his personal pursuit of democratic socialist economics. Productivity declined and strains on the welfare state rose; when it was revealed in the autumn that prescription charges and other 'pay-per-use' charges would be introduced to the NHS, the government suddenly came close to collapse. With the New Nation Coalition now divided, the Progressives withdrew their support to place pressure on the Prime Minister. Forced into a corner and with much of his political optimism ground away in backroom arguments, Kirkland reluctantly resigned. His successor was Anthony Mazzocchi - a figure well respected within the NNC, and a largely neutral figurehead until the Labour Party concluded the tense leadership campaign to replace Kirkland. Expressing no interest in remaining Prime Minister and understanding his interim role, Mazzocchi called a general election for 1991. With the New Nation divided over the future of the welfare system and the opposition ProgCons and Nationals gathering strength, the 1991 contest was notable for an angry tone largely enhanced by the first leadership debates held on television.
    [49] The 1991 campaign was an argumentative and controversial one, but ultimately resulted in a diverse hung-parliament in which no group or party could get a majority. Mary Ruwart, the recently-installed (but noticeably different) PC leader, formed a minority ministry with the intent of immediately calling another election in a bid to secure wider support for her non-interventionism and 'new conservative' economic policies. The New Nation Coalition struggled to hold their nerve as the Opposition, with the numerous constituent parties endorsing and subsequently un-endorsing their rivals as they jostled for the most influential positions.
    [50] 1992 saw the weak Progressive Conservative minority challenged over Ruwart’s attempt to enter the Commonwealth into the American Customs Union, which was a divisive issue within the party. The result was an embarrassing defeat for Ruwart in the Commons, which forced her to call a snap election. Though the 43 year old Ruwart was personally popular, her libertarian leaning vision of New Conservatism alienated values voters and evangelicals. This resulted in the National Party merging with the Moral Majority movement to form the populist Christian Heritage Party. Pat Buchanan, the party’s founder and leader (along with his Deputy Deborah Grey) quickly outflanks Ruwart from the right. Meanwhile, the opposition is further scattered by two new parties: the Parti Quebecois and the Grassroots Party, led by Lucien Bouchard and Ralph Nader respectively. Labour Party leader Mario Cuomo runs a respectable campaign but fails to adequately prevent blue collar, white working class Christians from leaving the party. Cuomo, elected leader of the party in late 1991 at their leadership convention, is more successful at keeping the party’s core union base from flocking to the Radicals, now led by Jesse Jackson. Lastly, Jean Chretiens LDP makes only marginal gains as the Grassroots Party makes their presence known with a 3% showing. The Parti Quebecois all the while picks up more seats in Quebec and expands their caucus of former New Nationers, sparking speculation about a possible referendum on Quebec independence in the future.
     
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  10. Premier Taylerov Well-Known Member

    Joined:
    Mar 11, 2011
    Location:
    Mid-Devon, United Kingdom
    PRIME MINISTERS OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF AMERICA
    The American Parliamentary System

    1785: Benjamin Franklin (Crossbencher) [1]
    1788: John Dickinson (Crossbencher) [2]
    1794: George Thatcher (Crossbencher) [3]
    1799: George Thatcher (National)
    1802: Alexander Hamilton (National) [4]
    1808: John Randolph (Liberal)^ [5]
    1813: John Randolph (Liberal)^
    1817: John Randolph (Liberal)^
    1820: John Marshall (National)** [6]
    1824: Henry Clay (National) [7]
    1826: John Randolph (Liberal)^* [8]
    1830: Daniel Pope Cook (Country Liberal/Liberal minority) [9]
    1833: Daniel Pope Cook (Country Liberal/Liberal)
    1837: Theodore Frelinghuysen (Commonwealth) [10]
    1840: Henry Clay (Unionist)
    1846: Henry Clay (Unionist)* [11]
    1852: Daniel Webster (Unionist)* [12]
    1855: Cassius Clay (Commonwealth) [13]
    1860: Cassius Clay (Commonwealth)
    1862: Cassius Clay (Commonwealth minority)
    1864: George Custis Lee (Unionist) [14]
    1867: Alexander Stephens (Unionist)** [15]
    1869: John MacDonald (Unionist) [16]
    1870: Abram Hewitt (Commonwealth) [17]
    1875: George Custis Lee (Unionist) [18]
    1880: George Ross (Liberal) [19]
    1884: Benton McMillin (Conservative minority) [20]
    1886: George Ross (Liberal) [21]
    1891: Benton McMillin (Conservative minority) [22]
    1896: Benton McMillin (Conservative)
    1900: Adlai Stevenson I (Liberal) [23]
    1905: Thomas Custer (Conservative) [24]
    1910: Hamilton Fish II (Liberal) [25]

    1913: Hamilton Fish II (Liberal minority) [26]
    1915: Fred Busse (Liberal minority, Conservative supply-and-confidence) [27]
    1920: Arthur LeSueur (Social Democratic-Progressive Alliance) [28]

    1925: John Stump (Social Democratic-Progressive Alliance) [29]
    1926: Gideon Robertson (Conservative) [30]

    1931: Gideon Robertson (Conservative minority, Liberal supply-and-confidence)*
    1933: Ragnvald Nestos (Conservative minority, Liberal supply-and-confidence) [31]
    1936: Norman Thomas (Social Democratic & Labour) [32]
    1941: Norman Thomas (Social Democratic & Labour-Progressive Alliance) [33]
    1945: Fiorello Guardia (Unity-Social Democratic & Labour, Progressive, Left Liberal) [34]
    1948: Theodore Roosevelt Jr. (Progressive Conservative)** [35]

    1950: Ralph Osborne Campney (Progressive Conservative) [36]
    1953: Ralph Osborne Campney (Progressive Conservative) [37]

    1958: Stanley Levison (Unity-Social Democratic & Labour, Progressive minority, Provincial supply-and-confidence) [38]
    1960: Henry Wallace (Unity-Social Democratic & Labour, Progressive minority, Provincial supply-and-confidence) [39]

    1962: Michael DiSalle (Progressive Conservative) [40]
    1967: Michael DiSalle (Progressive Conservative) [41]

    1972: Charles Fuentes-Macias (New Nation Coalition-Radical Movement, Social Democratic) [42]
    1976: Charles Fuentes-Macias (New Nation Coalition-Radical Movement, Social Democratic) [43]
    1979: Flora MacDonald (Progressive Conservative) [44]
    1982: Flora MacDonald (Progressive Conservative, Social Democratic) [45]

    1984: Joseph Lane Kirkland (New Nation Coalition-Labour, Radical, Liberal Democratic, Progressive) [46]

    1988: Joseph Lane Kirkland (New Nation Coalition-Labour, Radical, Liberal Democratic, Progressive) [47]
    1990: Anthony Mazzocchi (New Nation Coalition-Labour, Radical, Liberal Democratic) [48]
    1991: Mary Ruwart (Progressive Conservative minority) [49]
    1992: Mary Ruwart (Progressive Conservative-Christian Heritage) [50]
    1994: Katherine Harris (Progressive Conservative-Christian Heritage) [51]


    ^ The pre-home rule Liberal Party has no association with the 1880 Liberal Party.
    * Died in office.
    ** Assassinated.

    [1] The American Commonwealth was the peaceful confederation of Britain's North American possessions following a near revolution over taxation. Though King George III remains the King in London, power is exercised by the Governor General and his appointed Prime Minister. Elections would be held every six years, although the Governor-General would old the final authority in the appointment of a Prime Minister.
    [2] After Prime Minister Franklin retired due to old age, representatives from all over the Commonwealth met with the Governor-General in Philadelphia in order to nominate a new Prime Minister. Though the decision rested in the hands of the Governor-General, this informal congress would play a decisive role. After short deliberations, Governor of Pennsylvania John Dickinson was appointed to the position. A extremely popular figure in the Commonwealth, Dickinson was seen as a natural leader figure throughout it's extent. His opposition to slavery, however, did scare some southerners. Though the idea of Home rule and a Continental Parliament were not yet formally circulated, the existence of a informal congress of representatives in Philadelphia working alongside the Prime Minister became a reality under Dickinson.
    [3] By time Prime Minister Dickinson had announced his retirement, the members of the now formalized Con-federal Congress were separated into three informal coalitions: The National group favored a stronger government guiding the new nation, The Independent conglomerate favored a policy of non-partisan politics, and the Reform faction desired a less powerful central government. The designation of George Thatcher as Prime Minister came after the ninth round of voting with a small section of the Independents favoring him over the more radical George Logan. While in power Thatcher oversaw the creation of the House of Commons of America, which with the Co-federal Congress became the Parliament of America, the enactment of the Bill of Rights 1798, and the establishment of the Church of America. The establishment of the Church of America and the introduction of tariffs on several European countries - which led to the Panic of 1801 - led to the discontent of many Congress members; this resulted in the first ever vote of no confidence put forth by the Congress, which resulted in the Thatcher ministry collapsing and his resignation in 1802.
    [4] Alexander Hamilton's rapid rise in politics began with his 1785 election to the First Parliament, and under Dickinson and later Thatcher he served as the Minister of Finance; succeeding Thatcher, Hamilton pushed for westward expansion and internal development. In 1803, the Louisiana campaign of the Napoleonic Wars brought the Commonwealth into the broader war for the first time. American forces were able to take New Orleans following a daring amphibious attack. Within months, other settlements such as Saint Louis were also seized. The 1806 Treaty of Pressburg, which ended the War of the Third Coalition, saw France ceding all of New France to the Commonwealth. Hamilton, having managed to obtain the repeal of the Proclamation of 1763, oversaw the first rapid westward expansion as settlers rushed into the newly seized territories as well as the rapidly increasingly populated Ohio River Valley. The controversial Bank of America is chartered, and provincial debts are assumed by the federal government.
    [5] By 1808 the idea of non-partisanship was long gone. The reformers and independents that had stood against Thatcher and Hamilton's "National party" firmly solidified themselves into the Liberal Party. Preaching free markets, rights of the landed aristocracy, and an large autonomy of the individual states, the Liberal party soon found a charismatic representative in the form of John Randolph of Virginia, himself a pupil of Patrick Henry. Randolph was highly critical of Thatcher and especially Hamilton, calling them tyrants in disguise, and believed that the Continental Parliament and the Prime Minister were concentrating too much power. With the war in the Americas long over, and the tariffs imposed by the National government becoming a ever growing sore on the southern houses, Randolph won himself the seat of PM. Famous for his oratory skills, Randolph would successfully negotiate a number of key proposals during his tenure. he would become the first Commonwealth PM to approach the subject of Home Rule, that is, a Continental Parliament that is not subject to the British one. The approach would be careful of course, less he and his Liberals be accused of treason, and though nothing concrete came from it during his tenure, seeds were planted.
    [6] By the end of the first Liberal government; the party was collapsing. The Liberals had suffered to win across the nation, with some strongholds like New Jersey becoming significantly more National. By time the process of designation of the Prime Minister came around after the 1820 House of Commons election; the Co-federal Congress had three major groups, the Nationals, the conservative wing of the Liberals which became the Unionists, and the more reformist Radical Party. With the splitting of the liberals, the National Party's John Marshall was able to form the second National government. His government invoked tariffs on Europe once again, increased the power of the executive on numerous occasions, and removed the power of the judicial functions of the Co-federal Congress (which limited its power to strike down laws). The most important event in Marshall's tenure was the Mexican-American war; a couple of close battles (such as Monterrey) resulted in the failure of the American forces. This led to the treaty of Bogotá: which forced the succession of large parts of the territory won in the War of the Third Coalition. Once the treaty was concluded the Governor General ordered the return of Prime Minister Marshall (to force him to resign) but during the returning journey, a southern dissident named Joseph Smith assassinated Marshall.
    [7] Henry Clay ascended to the Premiership in 1824, following the assassination of John Marshall by a deranged southern republican. A long serving MP, Clay's rise to power sees a return of Hamiltonism to American politics. The Prime Minister uses tariffs to fund internal development and infrastructure projects, helping to rapidly increase westward expansion while fueling the flames of discontent with American foreign policy following the defeat in the Mexican War; it was under Clay that the cry of "Manifest Destiny" was first heard uttered, becoming a national mantra of sorts.
    [8] Clay's ambitions and skill, however, would not be enough to please the ballot box. After years of division, by 1824 the former Liberal party was finally reformed under the leadership of the aged Randolph and his disciple John Calhoun. The defeat at the Mexican war was successfully blamed on the National administration and, as Marshall successor, Clay took the blunt of the blame. Randolph returned to power, with a policy that was more and more focused on the issue of Slavery. With the British ban on the international slave trade, many in the Commonwealth feared that further attacks on the "peculiar institution" would follow. Randolph and Calhoun became ardent opponents of British restriction of the practices, and once again turned to the issue of Home Rule, seeking to make the Continental Parliament independent. Their defense of southern practices helped turn the South into a decisive Liberal stronghold, while their support for home rule was echoed by some liberals, with Clay himself taking a moderate stance. Randolph would eventually die in office, and with no compromise over the issue being resolved with mother England, tensions escalated.
    [9] The death of Randolph amplified the problems facing the government, and with the Liberal position threatened by the threat of war or domestic violence the party faced complete collapse. The party had long been a broad church and with divisions between the slavers and the Anglophiles now threatened to tear the country apart. At a tense party session after Randolph's death party moderates refused to endorse Calhoun as leader and crossed the floor as an independent faction of 'Country Liberals'. These mainly consisted of figures favoring a middle-ground in diplomatic relations with Britain, a gradual end to slavery in the north and a national plebiscite on wider emancipation. Courting National support Daniel Pope Cook secured permission from the Governor-General to form a minority government with those still willing to support a Liberal ministry, while the Nationals both encouraged and hindered the government in equal measure. The issue of slavery slowly became entwined with the issue of Home Rule, with many believing that one could not come without the other. This polarized public discourse and radicalized the South (many of whom felt betrayed by Liberal party infighting despite the majority of traditional party figures being highly committed to the slaver cause).
    [10] By 1837 the debate over slavery had died down; people still held on to their beliefs but understood the need to unite the nation (after the Summer Riots of 1835). This resulted in the appointment of the anti-slavery candidate Theodore Frelinghuysen with a pro-slavery Deputy Prime Minister. Due to this a compromise was put in place six years after the UK passed the Slavery Abolition Act 1833: the comprise entailed that the slave owners will be compensated, only children aged 5 years would be free while the other slaves would work for there slave owners in "Unpaid-Apprenticeships" for several years. While the abolition was the most notable part of Frelinghuysen tenure other strong accomplishments were noted: the abolition of the Co-federal Congress (the power to appoint the Prime Minister was given to the sole house of Parliament: the House of Commons), the disestablishment of the Church of America (the long awaited fight to separate church and state was achieved without Frelinghuysen's approval), and the establishment of police forces in many counties.
    [11] Hailed as one of the heroes of the "Compromise of 1839", and already a very influential politician(not to mention former PM), Henry Clay found himself back in the Prime Minister's Manor. The 1830's saw both the National and the Liberal parties split, with the moderates from both factions(led by the National Clay and the Country Liberal Cook) to form the Unionist Party. The Party sold itself on moderation between the Anglophiles and abolitionists from New England and Canada(Former Nationals that now called themselves the Commonwealth Party, led by Frelinghuysen and John Quincy Adams), and the near-republicans that formed the Liberal party from the South(enraged by the compromise, and led by Deputy PM John Calhoun). Clay promised to upheld the Compromise, and to continue with the plans for gradual abolition, but to not let the Commonwealth be divided by the issue of slavery any longer. By picking the new englander Daniel Webster as Deputy PM, and by criticizing the radical stance of the Commonwealth party on slavery, Clay pleased moderates on all sides. After a hung parliament in 1840 forced special elections, Clay was elected with a respectable Unionist Majority, and reluctantly confirmed by London. Above all, he made his stance on two issues: Home Rule and western expansion. Clay was weary of the British Parliament control over the Continental one, and, under his tenure, the first Home Rule bill would be proposed and passed by the Continental Parliament, something not even his former rival John Randolph had managed(the bill would receive wild support particularly from Calhoun and his Liberals). Indeed, Clay would remark that the Commonwealth of North America was "A Union more than anything else", thus forming his party's name. Much to Clay's discontentment, however, the bill was vetoed by London. His second stance found much greater success, as the Second Mexican War proved a major victory for the Commonwealth. Mexico was forced to cede vast amounts of land, almost doubling the Commonwealth's territory, and giving it access to the Pacific Ocean.
    [12] The second Clay premiership would be remembered as being considerably more successful as the first; throughout his decades long tenure as the defacto leader of the moderates in parliament, Clay had seen the National Party give way to the Unionist Party and oversaw the final purchase of the Oregon Country, firmly establishing the Commonwealth's access to the Pacific. Though there had been racial strife in the south in the wake of abolition, and a near war with Spain over Florida (which was also ultimately purchased under Clay after the Treaty of Lisbon), his deputy PM, Daniel Webster, inherited an increasingly powerful nation in it's own right. Time would tell whether a snap election would result in the continuation of the Unionist control or a return to Liberal governance.
    [13] Prime Minister Webster was able to win the 1852 snap election with a razor thin majority. However, by 1855 the man was unable to continue his premiership and passed away in June. This was during the period where an election campaign was taking place: however he did announce before the election his retirement from politics. By 1855 -after 15 years of Unionist governance- the nation was tired of the Unionist Party: this resulted in the largest landslide for a party within the Commonwealth's history. The Man who replace Webster was the unknown Cassius Clay, a MP for Madison in Kentucky. He brought in many reforms within his tenure; The Reform act 1860 (which gave all males over the age of 23 the right to vote, the introduction of the first set of government insurance programs (mainly for farmers in the south), the national limiting of Child Labour and the limiting of the Prime Minister's power with the removal of government officials now requiring the Legislature's consent. By the mid 1860's his government became very limited due to the fact that the party would always be running a minority government, with independent support.
    [14] Despite the great social progress of the Commonwealth government it was not enough to save it in the 1864 election. George Custis Lee was a young and enigmatic figure with a keen eye for detail and strong support among his party base, and secured a comfortable majority government over his bickering opposition. Lee was a militarist - the American government quickly pledged support for Britain in the Anglo-Russian War of 1867, and volunteer corps participated in pro-British regime change in Mexico. As a moderate conservative Lee led a minor backlash against the reforms of the Commonwealth government, mirroring a wider reactionary surge across Europe and the Empire, but established a firm reputation and strong respect from the New Tory ministry in London despite his relative youth.
    [15] Alexander Stephens started his political life as a Liberal. Under the tenure of Henry Clay, Webster and C. Clay, however, the Liberal party slowly drifted into obscurity, becoming a regional, and then a insignificant entity. Stephens, like so many other Liberals, joined the Unionists. Stephens would grow highly critical of the Lee administration, calling him a "brutish child" who would turn North America into a military aggressor to the world. He attacked both Lee's militarism, and his fondness for "Mother London". Leading a isolationist, Laisse-fairez and southern wing of the party, Stephens called for a party leadership contest and, to the surprise of many, won. His Premiership would be marked almost solely by the racial tensions of the 1860's. With slavery just recently truly ending, the question of integration was at hand. How would the Commonwealth deal with it's black population? Stephens responded by attempting to enact a series of laws hampering black rights. Prohibitions on voting, interracial marriage, among others were placed proposed, and the Parliament was thrown into complete disarray. The Commonwealth Party, led by men such as Hannibal Hamlin strongly opposed these, of course. But many Unionists were also opposed to Stephens wing of the party and their racial rhetoric. Among these former PM Lee, Abraham Lincoln and William Seward. In the end, Stephens succeeded in some points, while failing in the larger scale. Before he could press any further, while giving a speech in a rally, he would be shot down by a discontent northerner. His death would thrown the Unionist party into a new leadership contest, and the Commonwealth Party into aggressive attacks.
    [16] The assassination of Stephens gave rise to the leadership of John MacDonald, an MP from the province of Canada who was able to mostly unite the Unionist Party; however, divisions within his caucus forced him to call an election in 1870, a risky gamble that would result in...
    [17] ... an unexpectedly-large majority for the Commonwealth Party, returning to government after 15 years. Hewitt had been able to reconcile the strong radicals in the party with the moderate bulk, creating a force capable of appealing to the growing middle class while maintaining those who favoured further domestic reform. The Unionists struggled to shrug off the legacy of their chaotic ministries, and had lost credibility due to an inability to control growing urban poverty and unrest. Hewitt committed the country to extensive social reforms - very much in the spirit of Cassius Clay - and favoured the development of railways to connect even the most inaccessible of regions. As America entered a period of rapid industrialization it also began opening new markets, drawing the country closer to the Empire but also to the other imperial powers. The Commonwealth Party, with bipartisan support, shortened the term of government to a maximum of 5 years and debated lowering the voting age.
    [18] After 11 years George Lee returned to the Prime Ministers Manor. Never a unpopular figure, Lee's charisma and larger than life stance served him well. He campaigned and took the Premiership in the closest election in the Commonwealths history, and made government spending his top issue. He blamed the Commonwealth party for overextending the governments power over it's subjects, and proposed a series of government cuts. During his tenure, Lee oversaw an booming economy and a large degree of popularity. He commissioned the construction of the statue entitled New Britannia on Governors Island in the Hudson river, as well as a series of urban reforms around the major eastern cities, such as the capital of Philadelphia. He also supported a military expedition to Hawaii, in order to secure the Island for the Commonwealth, which was arguably a success. the Expedition to Feudal Japan, however, most definitely was not. His greatest accomplishment was certainly the passing of the "Home Rule Act", which granted the Continental Parliament independence from the British one, while still being a part of the British Empire. Thus, Lee fulfilled Henry Clay's dream, that of the Unionist and former Liberal parties. During his tenure the divisions between the parties territories became more clear. Canada and New England became solid Commonwealth areas, while the South fell within the Unionist Sphere. Provinces such as Upper California, Pennsylvania, Ohio and New York were the battlegrounds for both.
    [19] By time the 1880's began; all the major Commonwealth political parties were involved in the Great American Scandal. This scandal was mainly about the fact that around a quarter of the Members of Parliament (including George Custis Lee) had been caught taking bribes from major railroad companies in exchange of ensuring their monopolies in local areas. As such both parties collapsed and were replaced by the Liberal Party, often called Rossites, and the Conservative Party, most of the time called Farrowers - they both mirrored their British Counterparts in terms of ideology and policies. The 1880 election resulted in these parties replacing the husks of the Commonwealth and Unionist parties, a substantial majority for the Liberal party and the Social Democratic Federation win its first two seats. As Ross won, he sought to implement a new era of clean progressive politics. Consequently, his major contributions was the creation of the national education system (a three tier system of Kindergartens, Middle and Upper schools), the implementation of several new social insurance schemes (Health and Accident insurance in 1882 and Superannuation in 1883) which were based on Bismark's failed proposals in the North German Confederation and by 1884 he allowed the controversial Local Voting Rights Act to pass; allowing Women over 25 to vote in elections up to the municipal level.
    [20] Emboldened by his domestic successes Ross went to the polls in 1884, but fell victim to party complacency in the aftermath of the Great American Scandal. As devastating as the Scandal had been to the two main parties, the Unionists had quickly and successfully regrouped as the Conservatives - while the Rossites remained a loose political grouping of traditional liberals, radical liberals and moderates. In particular the Radical wing did well in industrial areas as their MPs pledged to continue the social reforms that had begun to help so many. The election resulted in a hung parliament, with McMillin eventually forming a minority government. Just 10 seats short of a majority, McMillin remained in power due to the role of a small number of independents. He was able to do this due to infighting in the liberal groupings regarding further legislation relating to trade unions and trust-busting. The Conservatives, pledging to maintain the economic status quo, also rejected further attempts at American imperialism in the wake of the failed incursions in Nippon.
    [21] McMillin's majority was not to be; internal disagreements made passing a budget in 1886 impossible, leading to another snap election. George Ross, who was quick to argue that the Tories were in the pocket of the wealthy, was returned to power on the promise of American prosperity being shared. However, while the Commonwealth Liberal Party was able to take a narrow majority, there remained threats to their government. The Tories were hellbent on retaking the government during the next election, while the rising Social Democratic Party increased their seat count to eight MPs. Ross now faces the pressure of making good on his promises while simultaneously having to work with rebel Tories or the socialists on a case by case basis.
    [22] The Tories attempted to portray the Commonwealth Liberal government as dysfunctional, given their dependency on rogue MP from the Opposition. However, Ross was able to hang on until the 1891 election, which once again resulted in a hung parliament; American politics remained largely a two-party affair, however, and the Social Democrats actually had their seats reduced by half. Ross attempted coalition negotiations to continue his ministry as a minority, but ultimately McMillin was reinstated as Prime Minister as the leader of the largest party. His second ministry was highly controversial, as the Conservatives tried to force through legislation for a national income tax (mirroring the efforts of the New Tories in Britain). When this failed McMillin turned to social welfare, strengthening the Child Labour Act, and established himself on the progressive wing of the Conservative Party.
    [23] By the turn of the century, American politics had seemingly stabilized into a fairly consistent two party system. The Conservatives had come to be the party of free enterprise and provincial rights, ironically taking up the mantle of the original Liberal Party of the early Commonwealth. Though McMillin was a progressive minded Tory and one of the first reformers of the modern era, confidence in his leadership had eroded by 1900 as southern Tories feared the party was tacking too far to the left. On the other hand, the Liberal Party had come to be the more vocally progressive entity within parliament, with many progressives (including former Tory MP Theodore Roosevelt) drifting into their fold by this point. Lastly, there remained the small but steadily growing Social Democratic Party, which in the 1900 election managed to hold their seven seats as well as elect an additional MP in the form of their leader, Eugene Debs.
    [24] The Liberal government had a strong term, and their defeat in the 1905 election was a great shock. Thomas Custer had become Tory leader as a rightist hawk, keen to get America involved in the Caribbean and to take a stronger line against the progressiveness of the Stevenson ministry. The war scare between Britain and France was enough to get the Conservatives into power with a small majority, as well as the sudden surge in Québécois terrorism. Indeed, in a speech in 1907 Custer announced that the spike in violence (principally by those seeking independence for Quebec) could be viewed as the 'American Ireland'. It was a controversial statement, but well-received by the nationalist wing of the party. Furthermore Custer, an opponent of economic interventionism, was criticized for the decline of the economy and a rise in unemployment during his ministry.
    [25] The political violence that had been growing before Custer's takeover began to decline very quickly as he passed rather extreme measures to break up and jail radical groups. Protest in general became largely illegal under Custer and his administration was not without scandal or controversy. Throughout Custer's term, the Liberal Party, which had been torn apart in by-elections, was seen as poor defenders of the American people. A harsh critic on the establishment from within their own ranks was one Hamilton Fish II. Son of Hamilton Fish I, who was heavily involved in Frelinghuysen's administration before switching from the Commonwealth Party to join the Liberals under George Ross. Unlike Fish I, Fish II had sat outside of the normal power structures in New York. He served four terms as the Mayor of Albany, running as an independent each time except the last, when he agreed to join the Liberal Party. After joining parliament with the wave that elected Adlai Stevenson I as Prime Minister, Fish II got a reputation for voting nearly as much against Stevenson's progressive policies as he did for them. In 1909, with fears that Stevenson's perceived political softness would be a liability, a leadership election took place. Stevenson initially thought he was in the clear, but two New Yorkers emerged from the woodwork to challenge him, Theodore Roosevelt and Hamilton Fish II. Roosevelt was seen as a lightning rod at the time, marrying political progressivism with a pro-military, pro-empire outlook. Fish was on the other side, attacking Stevenson and Fish for being too soft and wanting the government to be too involved in day-to-day life. In the first round of voting, Roosevelt would come up short, coming two vote short of beating Stevenson, with Fish winning a plurality of votes. It was assumed that Stevenson would win in the second round, which would be held two weeks later, as it is rare to have every single MP in the chamber at once. There was a wide segment of the Liberal Party's base that was extremely hostile to Fish, with their voters in Quebec seeing him as indistinguishable from a Tory. A Québécois militant tried to kill Fish on the floor of the parliament. Fish would give a roaring speech on the floor, accusing Stevenson of hiring this man to kill him. The mood was adamantly against Fish at the moment, but as more came out about this militant and the fact that he had been at Stevenson's office days before seemed confusing to most presses. Stevenson would deny everything, but as it became clear that he might just lose the leadership election, he would stand down and tap Roosevelt to take his place. Roosevelt suffered from being perceived as too inexperienced and a bit too radically progressive for some rank-n-file party members. Fish would narrowly win the second round vote and, with that, swing the party to the right. As several Liberal Party MPs and party members abandoned the caucus for the Social Democratic Party, the Liberal Party was able to swing enough seats to take a slim majority over Custer's Tories. Custer would stay on in the opposition and Fish would set to work, balancing many of the progressive demands of his party with the conservatism of the mood in his country.
    [26] Matters came to a head following the City Strikes of 1913. As the economic recession continued many inner-city workers had grown frustrated at the lack of action from Parliament, and took out their anger in a large series of strikes across major cities. Railroads and factories ground to a halt, while Fish turned on his rivals in his own party for obstructionism. It was the final straw for those remaining loyal to the Liberals but were hostile to Fish, and in October progressive MP Carter Harrison led his wing to resign the Liberal whip en masse. However, Harrison did not join the SDP (nor did his colleagues) but instead sat as a grouping of 'Independent Liberals' - withdrawing their support from the Fish ministry, forcing a minority government with the Conservative as the largest party in Opposition, and waiting for the inevitable general election.
    [27] In the winter of 1914, Prime Minister Hamilton Fish II came down with a severe case of pneumonia. Bedridden and incapable of continuing his work in government, Fish's chief deputy would take his place. Fred Busse was a longtime representative for the City of Dearborn and was an ideological chameleon. Having been a young progressive voice during Stevenson's Premiership, Busse shifted to the right along with his party and was enough of a kiss-up to get into Fish's inner circle. Over the course of Fish's administration, he'd make his way to the top of the heap by ruthlessly sabotage and sidelining all foes. Theodore Roosevelt was Busse's chief rival and was seen as the party's heir to Stevenson just as Busse was to Fish. When the Independent Liberals broke with Fish, and Roosevelt went with them, Busse simply replied with "good riddance". Soon after Busse took over as Prime Minister, he called a general election. It was the first election since the Independent Liberal split and Busse was hellbent on destroying them. He decided to use everything in his power to beat them where he could. He clamped down on who could and couldn't run as a Liberal by cutting off funding to those still in the party who were considered too progressive. Some of these things were controversial, but somewhat harmless, like running fusion tickets in districts with moderate Conservative Party members to beat incumbent Independent Liberals. Others were severe cases of corruption that would not be fully exposed until years later: including the likes of ballot stuffing and intimidation. For his whole career, Busse was often rumored to be hiring thugs to make sure those who would vote against him in Dearborn stayed away from the ballot box and had the same men be the ones counting the ballots. He would export these tactics nationwide and with all that effort, he still came up several seats short of a majority. The Independent Liberals and the Social Democratic Party would band together in the caucus and refuse to make any sort of coalition with the likes of the Liberal Party under Busse. The Conservative Party, being the chief opposition to the Liberal Party, refused to form an outright coalition but agreed to give supply and confidence to the Liberal Party's minority so long as what was up to vote remained within the realm of reason for the Conservatives. The Conservatives, still being lead by an aging Custer, would shift further to the right along with the general electorate. The economy was gradually improving without much help from the government, but was still shaky and much of the voting public was on edge about any major shifts in economic policy. Progressivism seemed all but dead at the beginning of this decade, but perhaps there was a light at the end of the tunnel.
    [28] By 1920 the nation was still seeing shaky growth after the grand coalition of Liberal and Conservative continued a policy of non-interventionism. As a result this catapulted the Social Democratic and Progressive (which was once the Independent Liberals) parties into the first left wing government of the Commonwealth, indeed it was one of the first left wing governments within the world. The parties were able to win due to their alliance pushing many Liberals and Conservatives on election night out of the parliament; infamously both Fish and Busse only held on to their seats with majorities that were less than 1000. The government was was able to introduce massive economic reforms, called the "Citizen's Budget," which created many social welfare systems, introduce the National Medicalbank (NMB) which provided universal health insurance to the middle and working classes, and the government stated to nationalize the Monopolies within the coal and other industries. The 36th cabinet also introduced many sociopolitical reforms, such as introducing the Fair Votes Act (which introduced proportional representation in the form of the single transferable vote, women suffrage and reduced the voting age to 20) and also created the Basic law of the Citizen's Rights (which improved civil rights for all). As 1925 was approaching the government introduce something which was radical; the Republic Referendum: it asked the electors weather or not the government should leave the British Sphere and Become an Independent Republic with the Provincial Leaders as Head of State. The Plebiscite occurred on election day and resulted in...
    [29] ... a large defeat for the government. While the country had enthusiastically supported the welfare reforms of the Social Democratic and Progressive Alliance the Conservatives (now under Gideon Robertson) were able to galvanize nationalists and imperialists across the country in support of remaining a member of the Empire. (Indeed, the most powerful of all the Dominions under William VI). LeSueur resigned as Prime Minster following the referendum - already under strong pressure from the Opposition for his nationalization program - and was replaced by John Stump after a short Cabinet meeting. Stump resisted calls for an early election, given that one was due later in the year anyway, and was fearful of the surge in Conservative support following the victory of the Empire camp and a largely-hostile press. Plans to merge the SDP and the Progressives into a single party in time for the election also fell flat, with the Progressives in particular wary of further electoral pacts in constituencies where both parties had a strong showing. (Both sides claimed responsibility for the welfare reforms, and both sides wanted to reap the rewards). Having been in power for less than a year, Stump went to the polls.
    [30] The 1926 Federal Election was a devastating defeat for the ruling Social Democratic/Progressive coalition; in particular, the SDP government of John Stump, badly damaged by the backfired republican referendum, was annihilated, their presence in the House of Commons reduced to merely 50 or so MPs. The Progressives also lost scores of MPs to the Liberals, though not on the scale of the SDP. Indeed, the vote splitting between the three left of center parties led to the rise of the Conservatives after nearly a decade and a half out of power. Promising to crack down on the "red tide" that had "infected" the labour movement, the incoming Prime Minister pursued business friendly policies, decreasing taxes, cutting spending, and reducing - though not outright eliminating - the size of programs introduced as part of the "Citizen's Budget." After the While the Conservatives remained largely united around Gideon Robertson, the left remained as fractured as ever, motivating the efforts between some Social Democrats and Progressives to merge their parties in the wake of the defeat. With the electoral reform dividing the House between 300 constituencies and a further 185 list seats, the proponents of the merger (who also attempted to bring the trade unions into their fold) awaited the next election with great anticipation. The question as to whether the merger would be approved by both parties remained to be seen.
    [31] The remainder of the Robertson ministry proved deeply antagonistic; his attacks against organized labour led to more general strikes in 1927 and 1929, and heavy-handed government responses resulted in a slump in support for the government. Furthermore the retractions of several welfare privileges hit the working poor, and the British forced-devaluation of Sterling in 1931 restarted recession in America. Now having missed over a decade of economic growth, the country was angry - and increasingly felt the actions of strikers was legitimate. In the 1931 election Robertson lost his majority in the face of a Progressive surge, but the two traditional parties of government agreed a supply-and-confidence to keep the left out of government. Following the death of Robertson in 1933 the Liberals agitated to elevated a figure closer to the centre to Prime Minister, settling on Ragnvald Nestos. Nestos tried to backtrack on the harsh policies of his predecessor, but his proposals for an 'emergency' all-party ministry were rebuffed by the Progressive Party (who smelt blood). Nevertheless the Liberals kept up their side of the bargain, and campaigned with their electoral allies in the difficult 1936 election.
    [32] Ultimately, the attempts to consolidate the Social Democratic and Progressive parties failed, but the links forged between the SDP and the trade unions resulted in the birth of the SDLP in 1935. The newly formed Social Democratic & Labor Party was swept into office in a landslide in the 1936 election, winning a majority in the House of Commons at the expense of the Conservatives, Liberals, and Progressives, who split the voteshare of the opposition. The 1936 federal election also marked the entrance of the Social Credit Party into parliament, winning seats in the west at the expense of the Progressives (who were reduced to merely 15 seats). The new SDLP government of Thomas was more moderate than the previous SDP of the Debbs era, promising to not alter the constitution or abolish the monarchy. Instead, the new government set about tackling the growing economic recession by expanding social services and increasing the government's presence in the private sector by breaking up monopolies, empowering trade unions, and expanding the National Medicalbank among other things.
    [33] The recession would slip into a depression in 1939 and confidence in Premier Norman Thomas would become shaky. Thomas was a clear ideologue who wanted to help but had trouble navigating the wheeling and dealing nature of parliament and struggled to eek out compromises that were beneficial to the people suffering the most. His leadership would be contested by Ben W. Hooper, an industrialist and Stevenson Progressive who joined the SDLP when it became the majority party. Hooper came up short, with his background in business and short time as a party member being toxic to much of the SDLP. Thomas, on thin ice after that challenged, called a general election in 1941. His party lost seats across the nation. They maintained a plurality, but were seven seats short of a majority. The shrinking Progressive Party caucus still held a dozen seats and formed a "perpetual alliance" with the SDLP to form the government. The Social Democratic & Labor - Progressive Party Alliance set to work with some more daring economic initiatives in the beginning of their second term, including guaranteed employment by the government and attempting to make the National Medicalbank into a form of universal healthcare. The National Medicalbank vote would turn into an embarrassing debacle and fail to pass thanks to union opposition, which supplied healthcare for its workers in many parts of the country as incentive for continued membership.
    [34] After several defeats in local elections the left knew it needed to combine to prevent the new Conservative Alliance (consisting of the Conservative Party and the right wing of the Liberals). As such this new left leaning group nominated the most popular politician within the confederation: Fiorello Guardia. Without the public knowing of his cancer, which he was able to recover from, he campaigned on the promise of universal healthcare, better universal education, and universal union membership, at the request of the SDLP. They were able to win a comfortable majority. As such the group achieved in reforming the National Medicalbank into universal system (the government provided healthcare for groups such as the poor, disabled, non-workers, with the union's providing care for workers), saw an increase in union membership to 67% of workers, and was able to introduce Employee Councils (mirroring the Work Councils in France). The nation was able to recover from the recession and saw the emergence of the coalition system (which would form into the current Pan-Blue coalition and Pan-Pink coalition of today).
    [35] The 1945 election brought about yet another realignment; the birth of the Social Democratic & Labor Party and their subsequent alliance with the Progressives (along with the second demise of the reborn Liberals) would result in many of the right leaning Liberals joining the Conservatives, who elected Theodore Roosevelt Jr. as their leader in 1946. A centrist in an increasingly moderating party, he managed to rebrand the party as the Progressive Conservatives in order to better take on the Unity coalition. Roosevelt, who had served as Premier of New York before his election as party leader, was a fierce patriot who promised to preserve Thomas and LaGuardia's more moderate domestic policies while curtailing government excess on the whole. But tensions with the Japanese Empire in the Pacific threaten the Commonwealth's fragile post depression recovery.
    [36] The war scare with the Japanese continued, and Roosevelt passionately campaigned for British and Commonwealth action following their brutal invasion of China. (The Provisional Regency government of 'Emperor' Pujie quickly collapsed). When Roosevelt was shockingly assassinated in 1950, however, the Progressive Conservative party rallied around Ralph Campney. While a Canadian and one of the most liberal members of his party, Campney was a former soldier and supporter of calls for a Pacific War. When Britain chose to act in 1951, Campney authorized the deployment of a large bomber force to Hawaii; following the highly-controversial Ukiyo Raid on Edo the Commonwealth joined in the coalition against Japan. Despite a general consensus on the war many in the left opposed it, and Campney faced significant domestic opposition for his role in conscription and armament funding - particularly in the Employee Councils.
    [37] The Great Pacific War would last for two years, resulting in the victory of the Imperial Alliance (consisting of troops from the Commonwealth of America, Australasia, South Africa, and the British Raj) after the Japanese Empire was pushed back all the way to the Home Islands at great human cost. The war concluded following the atomic bombing of Kyoto, which ushered in the atomic age. Having won a snap election in 1950 following the assassination of Theodore Roosevelt Jr., Campney cruised to a landslide reelection in 1954 on the back of the victory in the Pacific. However, domestic concerns would continue to trouble him. The Afro-American Civil Rights Movement began to take hold in the south, while across the country the power of the Employee Councils began to come under attack from right-leaning provincial governments. With the war over, and millions of American GI's returning home to jobs that have been taken by women in the interim, a minor recession began. It would be up to Campney to restore prosperity before his mandate expires in 1958. Meanwhile, the opposition SDLP and the rumps of the original Progressives and Liberals would be joined by five additional Social Credit MPs and over forty "Provincial Rights" MPs representing the southern provinces following the '54 election.
    [38] The 1958 election was one of the most frantic in recent times; the Progressive Conservatives fought a strong campaign based on their war record, but the economic slump and desire for social and political reform pushed the Pan-Pink/Unity coalition to emerge as the largest grouping, but 22 short of a majority. The last Liberals had been absorbed into the Progressive Party (still resisting a name-change despite the similarity with the ProgCons), with the latter remaining the sizeable junior partner of the leftist coalition. However, Levison - himself only recently established as leader - was forced to look for parliamentary allies. Reluctantly he turned to the Provincial Party, and tried to manage a delicate balance of power. This would prove difficult. The traditional labour movements wanted to strengthen the welfare state by cutting military expenditure - hoping to fund a sweeping Modernization Programme over Medicalbank, infrastructure (particularly roads), housing, urban regeneration and industry. Levison was only partly able to oblige, as the Provincials opposed the weakening of local government and, in particular, equality in the workplace. As the Civil Rights Movement continued Levison came under increasing pressure for his relationship with the Provincials, who continued to grow in strength through by-elections - and not just in their traditional Southern heartland. While the party had always been socially conservative, an influx of urban seats began to push it further to the growing unemployed, who saw the CRM as a destabilizing influence hoping to steal their job prospects. This led to a major ideological battle at the heart of the Unity coalition, as well as within the Provincial Party itself.
    [39] In the end, Premier Levison was unable to keep his party together. Levison eventually lost his ministry in a vote of no-confidence from the party, leading to Henry Wallace, son of the aging radical backbencher to ascend to the Premiership.
    [40] With the Unity coalition failing, Wallace nevertheless tried to push an agenda on Civil Rights through. It nearly succeeded and had a great deal of bipartisan support, but resulting strikes in white-majority industries regarding equal employment opportunities resulted in the Provincials withdrawing their support from both the coalition and the government. With no way to continue and the Progressive Conservatives now stalling for time, Wallace was forced to call an election. He had considerable sympathy, and looked like he might improve his position among the middle class - but in a great upset Michael DiSalle took the Progressive Conservatives back into government with a comfortable majority. Of Italian stock, DiSalle was in many ways cut of the same cloth as Guardia and certainly came from the progressive wing of the PCs. It would be he who finally secured a parliamentary majority on Civil Rights, earning his party the support of the newly-enfranchised across the nation. His ministry also presided over the rapid decline of Britain as the Mother Country; the United Kingdom had been outclassed in American industry and, since the end of the war, almost everything else. DiSalle sought to elevate the American position, and while the Commonwealth continued to retain her historical links to London as her economy continued to improve she increasingly became a free-spirit. Nevertheless, DiSalle hosted the visit of newly-coronated William VIII to Philadelphia in 1964 - leading to further political approval among the centre conservatives in his party.

    [41] With the Progressives popular and now presumed to be the natural party of government after their comfortable 1967 election win, the American intervention in the disastrous collapse of the United States of Central America (USCA) later that year came as a great shock. DiSalle had overestimated American capabilities, and soon found himself bogged down in a chaotic and agonizing struggle against guerrilla forces in the harsh swamps of southern Panama. It was an abrupt end to the political hegemony of the ProgCons, and as the death count continued to spiral public outcry fuelled the creations of new political forces. The left had had a tough decade, as the fallout from the Levison and Wallace governments had doomed the Social Democratic & Labour Party to infighting and civil war. The emerging of the Radical Movement changed everything, capturing the feeling of the discontented and the grieving to form a powerful opposition to the flailing DiSalle government. In 1970 the Social Democrats endorsed the new movement, resulting in Labour breaking away, and come the 1972 election it was clear that change was coming.
    [42] Fuentes-Macias had been born in Panama, but his family had naturalized in the western territories of the Commonwealth in the early-1900s. Spouting a new kind of optimistic egalitarianism, the sweeping victory of the New Nation Coalition was nothing short of revolutionary. The Progressive Conservatives put up a strong fight, but were doomed to return to Opposition as the Radical Party committed themselves to re-nationalizing industry, rebuilding the Medicalbank into a National Health Service (finishing what Norman Thomas had started), cuts to military spending, withdrawal from Central America and - most controversially - hinted at a new republic referendum. The Progressives and Provincials were almost completely wiped out by the NNC landslide, which did particularly well in the traditional ProgCon heartlands in Canada, French-speaking Quebec and the ethnically-diverse southern regions, and became politically irrelevant. Fuentes-Macias claimed his new ministry was for all the peoples of the Commonwealth regardless of language, creed or ethnicity, and the start of his government marked a noticeable shift towards bipolar politics once again; the New Nation coalition served the left, while the ProgCons - wounded, admittedly - retained their dominant role right-of-centre.
    [43] Fuentes-Macias was returned in a landslide in 1976, with his expansion of the welfare state proving immensely popular. His distinctly American neutrality was controversial abroad and rapidly resulted in tensions with the British, but the supremacy of American industry ensured an economic boom to fund the growing National Health Service, National Education Board and National Housing Committee. The Fuentes-Macias governments were notable for their strong commitment to foreign aid, largely funded from the reduction in the Navy, but the commitment to fund reconstruction efforts in Panama (previously decimated by American intervention) proved a strong rallying point for the conservatives.
    [44] The 1979 election was called as the Commonwealth descended into economic depression. It was Nova Scotia MP and Progressive Conservative leader Flora MacDonald who would benefit from this, riding a wave of popular discontent against the Fuentes-Macias government's economic record in order to be propelled into office as the country's first female PM. The new administration would immediately set about to reverse her predecessors accomplishments, ending foreign aid to Central America and halting plans to return the Panama Canal. Though she did not tackle the National Health Service, her government began privatizing aspects of the federal housing programs by allowing inhabitants to purchase the deed to their Section One housing. MacDonald, a moderate Tory who bragged that she put the "progressive" in Progressive Conservative, only offered a watered down plan to limit the powers of worker councils, and while ceasing further nationalizations, did not set out to privatize other sectors of the economy. As a result, the party began to fracture. A few years into MacDonald's premiership, the fiery red-haired Prime Minister was seemingly spending more of her political capital holding her party together rather than shepherding legislation through the Commons. None the less, her rivals were equally shattered, with the Radicals led by Jerry Brown, Walter Mondale's SDP, and Lane Kirkland's Labor Party competing for the vote-share of MacDonald's detractors. Whether a threat from MacDonald's right would arise remained unknown.
    [45] The Progressive Conservatives splintered in 1981 with the conservative wing walking out and forming a new party called the Nationals. With a lack of votes, MacDonald was forced to call a general election. The Radicals, SDP, Labour, Nationals, and a host of new, minor parties increased their share of the votes cast. In the end, Flora MacDonald was the only one that was able to create a coalition with the SDP. MacDonald's second ministry looked to be even more fractious than the first.
    [46] The second MacDonald ministry was disastrous for both the Progressive Conservatives and the Social Democratic Party - the two parties which had formed the mainstay of Commonwealth politics since the mid-1930s. The Opposition were incensed by the SDP 'betrayal' and they were thrown out of any further role in the New Nation Coalition, while the new (second) National Party continued to weaken the ProgCons. The two parties were never destined to work effectively in government, and their disastrous partnership helped the Opposition to regroup. Labour movements organized a series of strikes in 1983 (ostensibly over the proposed sale of government shares in Anglo-American Petroleum) and worsened increasing inflation, and the following year MacDonald called a general election in a desperate bid to shore up her position. It was a difficult campaign, but the result was historic. Kirkland and the Labour Party became the largest party for the first time, sweeping both working-class and middle-class positions sufficiently to reform the New Nation Coalition in government. The Radicals, usurped as the leader of the bloc, nevertheless supported the government with good faith, and Kirkland formed a ministry incorporating all of the constituent parties. There was a return for the Progressive Party - although many as a regional protest vote - and the arrival of the new Liberal Democrats (formed from two-dozen ex-SDP MPs). Political reform followed, with sweeping changes to the election system introducing formal 'lists' based on the national coalitions, and economic reform reflecting the 'Decade of Leftism' that swept across the West in the 1980s.
    [47] The first Kirkland ministry was able to avoid major scandals and keep its party coalition united, with the Prime Minister being praised for his successful economic reforms and handling of the Anglo-American Petroleum shenanigans; however, while domestically Kirkland was considered a great Prime Minister, his foreign policy would be more controversial as the Imperial Alliance, "composed of giants" (as British Prime Minister David Owen put it) that were dominated by their own trade interests, grew more distant and, in the case of India, antagonistic. There was also the issue of trade wars between Britain and European regional powers, including Germany. Despite this, Kirkland was reportedly unafraid of losing the election, even as the Nationals, led by young and brash Albertan MP Debbie Grey (who notoriously called the incumbent PM "Lame Kirkland"), mocked Kirkland over his seeming losses to the Germans while the Progressive Conservatives, led by New Yorker Alphonse D'Amato, called Kirkland a "traitor to the Commonwealth". Regardless, Lane Kirkland easily won a second term, gaining seats as the Nationals massively under-performed.
    [48] There were high hopes for the Kirkland government, with many expecting a third term (unprecedented since the era of Cassius Clay). However, 1990 would prove a difficult year for the government. Despite his strong personal popularity Kirkland found the trade war with the Europeans hard to manage, as international protectionism undercut his personal pursuit of democratic socialist economics. Productivity declined and strains on the welfare state rose; when it was revealed in the autumn that prescription charges and other 'pay-per-use' charges would be introduced to the NHS, the government suddenly came close to collapse. With the New Nation Coalition now divided, the Progressives withdrew their support to place pressure on the Prime Minister. Forced into a corner and with much of his political optimism ground away in backroom arguments, Kirkland reluctantly resigned. His successor was Anthony Mazzocchi - a figure well respected within the NNC, and a largely neutral figurehead until the Labour Party concluded the tense leadership campaign to replace Kirkland. Expressing no interest in remaining Prime Minister and understanding his interim role, Mazzocchi called a general election for 1991. With the New Nation divided over the future of the welfare system and the opposition ProgCons and Nationals gathering strength, the 1991 contest was notable for an angry tone largely enhanced by the first leadership debates held on television.
    [49] The 1991 campaign was an argumentative and controversial one, but ultimately resulted in a diverse hung-parliament in which no group or party could get a majority. Mary Ruwart, the recently-installed (but noticeably different) PC leader, formed a minority ministry with the intent of immediately calling another election in a bid to secure wider support for her non-interventionism and 'new conservative' economic policies. The New Nation Coalition struggled to hold their nerve as the Opposition, with the numerous constituent parties endorsing and subsequently un-endorsing their rivals as they jostled for the most influential positions.
    [50] 1992 saw the weak Progressive Conservative minority challenged over Ruwart’s attempt to enter the Commonwealth into the American Customs Union, which was a divisive issue within the party. The result was an embarrassing defeat for Ruwart in the Commons, which forced her to call a snap election. Though the 43 year old Ruwart was personally popular, her libertarian leaning vision of New Conservatism alienated values voters and evangelicals. This resulted in the National Party merging with the Moral Majority movement to form the populist Christian Heritage Party. Pat Buchanan, the party’s founder and leader (along with his Deputy Deborah Grey) quickly outflanks Ruwart from the right. Meanwhile, the opposition is further scattered by two new parties: the Parti Quebecois and the Grassroots Party, led by Lucien Bouchard and Ralph Nader respectively. Labour Party leader Mario Cuomo runs a respectable campaign but fails to adequately prevent blue collar, white working class Christians from leaving the party. Cuomo, elected leader of the party in late 1991 at their leadership convention, is more successful at keeping the party’s core union base from flocking to the Radicals, now led by Jesse Jackson. Lastly, Jean Chretien's LDP makes only marginal gains as the Grassroots Party makes their presence known with a 3% showing. The Parti Quebecois all the while picks up more seats in Quebec and expands their caucus of former New Nationers, sparking speculation about a possible referendum on Quebec independence in the future.
    [51] At the beginning of 1994 it was clear that the major parties were on the ropes; the NNC was being decimated by the rapid growth of the Grassroots and the collapse of the LDP, while the ProgCons were hemorrhaging support to the 'Christian conservatism' sweeping the American middle class. Ruwart, still committed to the Customs Union, announced in May that she sought another vote on entry. It narrowly squeaked through, largely due to support from Quebec and a general movement in favour from the NNC. The unexpected if narrow win was said to have saved the government, but as the Commonwealth moved to formally apply for admission it was vetoed by the United Confederation of Central America - which outright refused to admit the hulking American economy (which was as large as the rest of the Customs Union combined). It was a sudden shock for the already-weakened government, and Ruwart immediately fell in a vote of no-confidence within the ProgCons. An angry contest, dominated by the role of the Christian Heritage Party in coalition, resulted in the victory of Katherine Harris (already a convert to the Christian conservative cause). For centre moderates, however, it was a fatal blow and the party actually began to collapse. The ruling coalition was further harmed by an inadequate response to the devastating Atlantic hurricane season in 1995.