Jackson supports Adams:
A Different Election of 1824
1824: John Quincy Adams / John Calhoun (Democratic-Republican) [1]
-def. Henry Clay / Nathan Sanford (Democratic-Republican) and William Crawford / Nathaniel Macon (Democratic-Republican)
1828: John Quincy Adams / Richard Rush (National Republican [2]
-def. John C. Calhoun / Nathaniel Macon (Whig Republican)
1832: Henry Clay / Daniel Webster (National Republican) [3]
-def. John C. Calhoun / John Floyd (Whig)
1836: Daniel Webster / Henry Johnson (National Republican) [4]
-def. Hugh Lawson White / Stephen Decatur Miller (Whig) and Erastus Root / Marcus Morton (Workingman's Party)
1840: Daniel Webster / William Person Mangum (National Republican) [5]
-def. John C. Calhoun / William C. Rives (Whig) and Marcus Morton / Samuel Whitcomb Jr. (Workingman's Party)
1844: James K. Polk / Lewis Cass (American) [6]
-def. Theodore Frelinghuysen / John Davis (National Republican) and Edward Everett / Samuel Whitcomb Jr. (Workingman's Party) and John C. Calhoun / James H. Hammond (Whig)
1848: James K. Polk / Lewis Cass (American) [7]
-def. Abbott Laurence / Theodore Frelinghuysen (National Republican) and Edward Everett / Arthur Tappan (Workingman's Party)
1849: Lewis Cass (National Republican) [8]
1852: Andrew Pickens Calhoun / William L. Goggin (Democratic) [9]
-def. David Tod / Montgomery Blair (Workingman's Party/National Republican)
1852: James Buchanan / Roger B. Taney (Democratic) [10]
-def. Gerrit Smith / Montgomery Blair (Workingman's Party/National Republican)
[1] Having secured support from Andrew Jackson, John Quincy Adams comfortably defeated Henry Clay and William Crawford in the 1824 election; Clay was brought into the Cabinet as Secretary of State, but Crawford declined and returned to Georgia. (In exchange for his loyalty, Jackson was offered the position of Secretary of War - which he also declined). The first Adams term was marred by factional infighting amongst the Democratic-Republican Party - led, somewhat ironically, by Vice President John Calhoun - and despite the best efforts of the President the party was bitterly divided come 1828.
[2] In 1828, the Calhoun faction of the party - disenchanted with Adams - ran against him as the "Whig Republicans" whilst framing themselves as the true successors to the Jeffersonian ideals of anti-monarchism and neo-federalism. With the general trend of the party moving firmly into a nationalist perspective, Adams and Rush were nominated by the bulk whilst those supporting states' rights endorsed negative radicals such as Calhoun.
[3] By the end of the second Adams government, Clay had cemented his position as the natural successor of the National Republicans. In contrast, Calhoun abandoned the "Republican" prefix for his party - established the Whigs in their own right. With just a volatile political climate, Clay would only seize the presidency by a very narrow margin amidst calls of foul-play in many states. As such, Calhoun christened the election the "Disgrace of 1832" and the Whigs became increasingly militant.
[4] Haunted by the legacy of the 1832 election and physically weakened by the stresses of office, Clay did not stand for re-nomination by his party out of both personal and political concerns. (He did, however, become the first President to return to his previous role as Senator after taking office). Daniel Webster had strengthened his support within the party, and ran roughshod over the divided Whigs. Despite taking back Congress for a brief period in 1834, Calhoun - regardless of having not run for the presidency - had essentially become the dictator of his own party. As Senator, he demanded loyalty from party members and determined what bills and nominations were eligible for Whig members. His overt pro-slavery views alienated many Northerners - even those previously agnostic on the issue. Those not supporting slavery outright would be expelled from the party in 1835. In contrast to the Border/Southern Whig ticket of White and Miller, the Nationals exemplified their name with support for New England Webster partnered with Louisianan Henry Johnson. (Both parties, however, were significantly more successful than the lacklustre performance of the New York and Massachusetts-based Workingman's Party).
[5] The stranglehold that Calhoun had fixed upon the Whigs increasingly resulted in their marginalization and ridicule by the National Republicans, and following the second large victory for Webster in 1840 (against a weaker Calhoun standing in person) many believed that the party was outright unelectable. The Nationals continued their monopoly on American politics, and used their large majorities to prevent direct American intervention in the Texan Revolution (although arms were supplied to Houston against the Mexicans). More significantly, however, the 1840 election triggered another fracturing of the Whigs; James K. Polk led the way out of the party to create a modernized and more acceptable view of the pro-slavery argument. However, with both the Whigs and Workingman parties weak it seemed a breakthrough against the Nationals was almost impossible.
[6] However, as public opinion focused upon the situation in Texas it seemed the National Republicans were beginning to feel pressure from within their own party. Whilst party-faithful Clay passionately advocated the refusal of the United States to accept Texas, Webster became under increasing pressure to acknowledge the will of the South into a new slave state. The final years of his reign were marred by ill-tempted debates at all levels of government regarding the slavery and expansionist issue, and the 1844 election was almost-solely fought with these issues in mind. Polk - who had fractured away from the Whigs during the previous administration - would successfully appeal to the moderates by advocating both a slave state in the South and a free state in the Northwest for the North. As such, he was narrowly voted in. 1844 was also significant as Calhoun was defeated by the Workingman's Party (which had greatly increased membership under Edward Everett).
[7] As the American political situation remained stable under Polk, he was rewarded with a second term for the adoption of Popular Sovereignty (spearheaded by Cass). Now that states were able to determine their own status regarding slavery, it became the policy of the National Republicans to prevent the potential ascension of territories into the Union in order to stem the flow of slavery westwards. With the negative atmosphere of the abolitionist movement (and the folding of the Whigs), the American Party continued to push for the territorial expansion of the United States; war with Mexico came in 1850, and in the piece treaty Polk carved out American territories all along the Rio Grande. Furthermore, the nominally-independent Republic of California applied for Union membership just prior to the 1852 election - much to the chagrin of the National Republicans. (The Workingman's Party, still under Everett, had adopted a radical abolitionist tone and consequently saw a brief lapse in votes).
[8] Polk died in 1849 after contracting cholera in New Orleans; Cass inherited the Presidency, although fell out with the cabinet as to the actual status of his position. As such - and despite his interest - Cass was not nominated for his own outright presidency in 1852.
[9] For the 1852 election, the American Party amalgamated with a significant proportion of the National Republicans to form the pro-slavery Democratic Party. The remnant of the National Republicans formed an electoral alliance with the Workingman's Party to try and form an opposition in both Houses (to little success). The policy of Popular Sovereignty remained popular across the nation, and with the accession of pro-slave Southern California and free Northern California as states it seemed the balanced remain fragile yet stable.
[10] Pickens was not re-nominated for the Presidency by the Democratic Party thanks to a coup led by James Buchanan and his faction. Almost immediately troubled by trouble in the Midwestern states - chiefly on the borders between the Slave South and the North - Buchanan called for unity in Congress. The increasingly voiceless yet radical Workingman/Republican coalition were keen to continue the fight against the entrenched "slave power" however.