"Best PMs we never had?" (I can't recall IDS ever being on such a list)
List alternate PMs or Presidents
- Thread starter Razors are for Fish
- Start date
- Status
IAIN: A Eurosceptic. The electoral failure of TUSC arguably deprived Britain of her greatest Prime Minister.
Bingo, that's it. IDS was a jokey subversion, as he's never been used on that sort of list.
EDIT: so yeah the point of that list is taking the best pms list and making them have shit terms
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See, alone we stand, together we fall apart
1977 - 1979: James Callaghan (Labour Minority)
1979 - 1985: Margaret Thatcher (Conservative)
1979 (Majority) def. James Callaghan (Labour), David Steel (Liberal)
1984 (Coalition with "Independent" Social Democrats) def. Micheal Foot (Labour), Roy Jenkins & David Steel (SDP-Liberal Alliance)*
1985 - 1986: David Owen ("Independent" Social Democrat leading "Emergency Government" with Conservatives, "National" Liberals, and "Patriotic" Labour)
1986 - 1993: Albert Booth (Labour)
1986 (Coalition with Liberals) def. David Owen (Free Democrat), Geoffrey Howe (Conservative), Bill Pitt (Liberal), Rhodes Boyson (Unionist), Reg Prentice ("Patriotic" Labour), Michael Meadowcroft ("National" Liberal)
1990 (Coalition with Liberals and Faith, Family and Flag) def. David Owen (Free Democrat), Bill Pitt (Liberal), George Young (Conservative), Neil Hamilton (Unionist), Frank Field (Faith, Family and Flag)
1993 - 1994: Jo Richardson (Labour coalition with Liberals and Faith, Family and Flag)
1994 - 1999: Tony Banks (Labour)
1994 (Minority with Liberal confidence and supply) def. Christopher Brocklebank-Fowler (Free Democrat), Menzies Campbell (Liberal), Frank Field (Faith, Family and Flag), Alan Clark (Unionist), Sir Anthony Meyer (National)
1999 - 2005: Robert Kilroy-Silk (Free Democratic)
1999 (Minority with Faith, Family and Flag confidence and supply) def. Tony Banks (Labour), Malcolm Bruce (Liberal), John Mills (Faith, Family and Flag), Alan Clark (Unionist), Iain Gilmour (National)
2003 (Coalition with Faith, Family and Flag and Unionist) def. Michael Meacher (Labour), Vince Cable (Liberal), Peter Hitchens (Faith, Family and Flag), Peter Oborne (Unionist), John Bercow (National)
2005 - ????: Paul Marsden (Liberal)
2005 (Coalition with Labour and National) def. Robert Kilroy-Silk (Free Democratic), Jim Cryer (Labour), Peter Hitchens (Faith, Family and Flag), Peter Oborne (Unionist), John Bercow (National)
The essential premise for this is that the Falklands doesn't happen (original I know) but rather than the stereotypical Labour or Alliance landslide, Thatcher's decision to leave the election till the last minute allows the polls to narrow. With victory seen as a possibility for Labour, some on the right make a knee jerk bid for the leadership, but their candidate, Gerald Kaufman is seen off easily by Foot. This does no favours for Labour polling, the main benificeries being the Alliance. Never the less, the slowly recovering economy also allows the Tories to recover in the polls, leading infrequently by up to six points in the polls. The prospect of a hung parliament becomes a very likely one, and division within the Alliance over which of the two major parties they would support in such a situation, if at all. While the profoundly Keynesian liberals (small l) such as Williams and Jenkins naturally supported Labour, along with David Steel, David Owen and his acolytes were more inclined to support the Tories, particularly due to Owen's long term friendliness with Thatcher. In the end, parliament is hung, with the Tories as the largest party, short by just twelve seats, despite and immensely handsome showing for the Alliance (winning over 65 seats) and a decent enough performance for Labour. Thatcher's second majority is finally achieved following the decision of Owen, and his dozen followers to split from the rest of the Alliance and join the government as "Independent Social Democrats". David Owen is handsomely rewarded with the position of Foreign Secretary and First Secretary of State, with talks beginning soon after for a formal merger of the two parties, and even the prospect of Owen being made Thatcher's "heir apparent".
After just a year into her second term, Margaret Thatcher, and a quarter of the cabinet, is killed by an IRA mortar bombing of No.10. As the most senior survivor (and First Secretary of State) David Owen is invited to form a government by the Queen. Though initially seen as a temporary arrangement before a new Tory leader was elected, Owen's moving speech outside the half destroyed No.10 and impressive performances in the House of Commons, pushing for tough measures against the IRA led many members of all parties in the Commons, motivated above all else by a collective patriotic spirit, to throw their support, and crucial votes, behind him. Despite the claims made by some arch-Tories that Geoffrey Howe should have been called to the palace, the poor, sheepish performance of the Home Secretary ruined any chance of a continuation of Tory rule in No.10. The people's desire for a unified emergency government, similar to that seen formed in 1940 gave Owen the impetus he needed to continue on as Prime Minister during the brief period. A government was as such formed between the Independent Social Democrats, Conservatives, "Patriotic" Labour MPs (led by the former Labourite Reg Prentice and the most extreme elements of the Labour traditionalist right who had seen the Alliance as far too wet) and a smattering of National Liberals (no, not those ones, the other ones).
tbc...
1977 - 1979: James Callaghan (Labour Minority)
1979 - 1985: Margaret Thatcher (Conservative)
1979 (Majority) def. James Callaghan (Labour), David Steel (Liberal)
1984 (Coalition with "Independent" Social Democrats) def. Micheal Foot (Labour), Roy Jenkins & David Steel (SDP-Liberal Alliance)*
1985 - 1986: David Owen ("Independent" Social Democrat leading "Emergency Government" with Conservatives, "National" Liberals, and "Patriotic" Labour)
1986 - 1993: Albert Booth (Labour)
1986 (Coalition with Liberals) def. David Owen (Free Democrat), Geoffrey Howe (Conservative), Bill Pitt (Liberal), Rhodes Boyson (Unionist), Reg Prentice ("Patriotic" Labour), Michael Meadowcroft ("National" Liberal)
1990 (Coalition with Liberals and Faith, Family and Flag) def. David Owen (Free Democrat), Bill Pitt (Liberal), George Young (Conservative), Neil Hamilton (Unionist), Frank Field (Faith, Family and Flag)
1993 - 1994: Jo Richardson (Labour coalition with Liberals and Faith, Family and Flag)
1994 - 1999: Tony Banks (Labour)
1994 (Minority with Liberal confidence and supply) def. Christopher Brocklebank-Fowler (Free Democrat), Menzies Campbell (Liberal), Frank Field (Faith, Family and Flag), Alan Clark (Unionist), Sir Anthony Meyer (National)
1999 - 2005: Robert Kilroy-Silk (Free Democratic)
1999 (Minority with Faith, Family and Flag confidence and supply) def. Tony Banks (Labour), Malcolm Bruce (Liberal), John Mills (Faith, Family and Flag), Alan Clark (Unionist), Iain Gilmour (National)
2003 (Coalition with Faith, Family and Flag and Unionist) def. Michael Meacher (Labour), Vince Cable (Liberal), Peter Hitchens (Faith, Family and Flag), Peter Oborne (Unionist), John Bercow (National)
2005 - ????: Paul Marsden (Liberal)
2005 (Coalition with Labour and National) def. Robert Kilroy-Silk (Free Democratic), Jim Cryer (Labour), Peter Hitchens (Faith, Family and Flag), Peter Oborne (Unionist), John Bercow (National)
The essential premise for this is that the Falklands doesn't happen (original I know) but rather than the stereotypical Labour or Alliance landslide, Thatcher's decision to leave the election till the last minute allows the polls to narrow. With victory seen as a possibility for Labour, some on the right make a knee jerk bid for the leadership, but their candidate, Gerald Kaufman is seen off easily by Foot. This does no favours for Labour polling, the main benificeries being the Alliance. Never the less, the slowly recovering economy also allows the Tories to recover in the polls, leading infrequently by up to six points in the polls. The prospect of a hung parliament becomes a very likely one, and division within the Alliance over which of the two major parties they would support in such a situation, if at all. While the profoundly Keynesian liberals (small l) such as Williams and Jenkins naturally supported Labour, along with David Steel, David Owen and his acolytes were more inclined to support the Tories, particularly due to Owen's long term friendliness with Thatcher. In the end, parliament is hung, with the Tories as the largest party, short by just twelve seats, despite and immensely handsome showing for the Alliance (winning over 65 seats) and a decent enough performance for Labour. Thatcher's second majority is finally achieved following the decision of Owen, and his dozen followers to split from the rest of the Alliance and join the government as "Independent Social Democrats". David Owen is handsomely rewarded with the position of Foreign Secretary and First Secretary of State, with talks beginning soon after for a formal merger of the two parties, and even the prospect of Owen being made Thatcher's "heir apparent".
After just a year into her second term, Margaret Thatcher, and a quarter of the cabinet, is killed by an IRA mortar bombing of No.10. As the most senior survivor (and First Secretary of State) David Owen is invited to form a government by the Queen. Though initially seen as a temporary arrangement before a new Tory leader was elected, Owen's moving speech outside the half destroyed No.10 and impressive performances in the House of Commons, pushing for tough measures against the IRA led many members of all parties in the Commons, motivated above all else by a collective patriotic spirit, to throw their support, and crucial votes, behind him. Despite the claims made by some arch-Tories that Geoffrey Howe should have been called to the palace, the poor, sheepish performance of the Home Secretary ruined any chance of a continuation of Tory rule in No.10. The people's desire for a unified emergency government, similar to that seen formed in 1940 gave Owen the impetus he needed to continue on as Prime Minister during the brief period. A government was as such formed between the Independent Social Democrats, Conservatives, "Patriotic" Labour MPs (led by the former Labourite Reg Prentice and the most extreme elements of the Labour traditionalist right who had seen the Alliance as far too wet) and a smattering of National Liberals (no, not those ones, the other ones).
tbc...
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Vote No, Take Control
1974-1976: Harold Wilson (Labour)
1974 Feb (Minority) def. Ted Heath (Conservative), Jeremy Thorpe (Liberal)
1974 Oct (Majority) def. Ted Heath (Conservative), Jeremy Thorpe (Liberal)
1976-1979: Jim Callaghan (Labour majority)
1979-1984: Edward du Cann (Conservative)
1979 (Majority) def. Jim Callaghan (Labour), David Steel (Liberal)
1984-1990: Michael Foot (Labour)
1984 (Majority) def. Edward du Cann (Conservative), David Steel (Liberal)
1988 (Majority) def. Ian Gilmour (Conservative), Alan Beith and John Biffen (Liberal-Radical Reform Alliance)
1990-1991: Eric Heffer (Labour majority)
1991-1995: Ian Gilmour (Conservative)
1991 (Majority) def. Eric Heffer (Labour), Alan Beith and Nigel Lawson (Liberal-Radical Reform Alliance)
1995-2002: Michael Jack (Conservative)
1995 (Majority) def. Robin Cook (Labour), Malcolm Bruce (Liberal and Radical Reform)
1999 (Majority) def. Robin Cook (Labour), Malcolm Bruce (Liberal Reform)
2002-2004: Iain Duncan Smith (Conservative)
2004-2016: Charles Kennedy (Labour)
2004 (Majority) def. Iain Duncan Smith (Conservative), Mark Oaten (Liberal Reform)
In this world, Edward du Cann avoids the financial issues that prevented his candidacy in 1974. He becomes the flagbearer of the right against Heath, rather than Thatcher, and similarly leads the Tories to triumph in 1979. However, his government is slightly more divided and tenuous, and he is a somewhat less domineering figure than Thatcher. And so ensues the disastrous Privatisation Referendum of 1981. Some small privatisations had already been made by that point, and du Cann hoped that the success of those would prove enough to rally the British people and override the naysayers in the Opposition (and crucially on his own backbenches. Instead, the referendum was a landslide for 'No', stating categorically that the British people wanted to keep industry in their hands, not business. While the referendum was purely advisory, du Cann quickly became a lameduck Prime Minister. The nail was put in his government's coffin by the disastrous Falklands War which was blamed on the military cuts he had made.
The 1984 general election was a wipeout. Michael Foot, widely assumed to be unelectable, was able to rally the 'No' vote in defence of nationalised industry. The SDP was wiped out, the Liberals knocked back to pre-Thorpe numbers. The Conservatives endured a humiliation. Foot established industrial democracy in the nationalised industry, cut unemployment through a New Deal esque programme of industrial rejuvenation and reform, and in 1987, managed to take back the Falklands Islands during the collapse of the Galtieri regime. However, he still had to contend with the unions, and with the Militant movement who threatened all that he was trying to build.
The Tories tacked back to the One Nation centre, largely conceding that privatisation wasn't going to fly. The monetarists who had tasted victory in 1979 however were unhappy with this and split, forming the Radical Reform Party. The Liberals, similarly smarting after the humiliation of 1983, seized the opportunity proffered to them, noting that while the British public had endorsed nationalisation, there was a significant portion of the population not being courted by either of the big two parties.
Foot stepped down in 1990, and so ensued a bitter leadership battle, in which the Militant endorsed Eric Heffer narrowly attained victory. He successfully repulsed even fellow leftists in the PLP by 1991, and with the economy looking shaky once again, the result was not in question. With the Liberal-RRP Alliance building strength, and the Conservatives largely accepting of the new consensus, the British public plumped for the patrician figure of Ian Gilmour over the dangerous crypto-Trotskyist in Number 10.
Gilmour had no intention of defining an era, instead confining himself to reforms to industry and trade union relations that brought an end to the long era of hard disputes. He stepped down as leader in 1995, handing over to a young hand-picked successor. When an interviewer asked Michael Foot what his greatest achievement was, his wry response was 'Michael Jack'. A figure on the Conservative youth movement's left, Michael Jack entrenched the system of so-called 'Michaelism', the new consensus that had been established in 1984. The Liberals and Radical Reform merged in 1995, redubbed the Liberal Reform Party. While Labour rebuilt their economic credentials, toward the end of Jack's time in office the economy started to stutter, and in 2002 he stepped down. His successor proved nowhere near as popular and after a spike in popularity immediately upon taking office, by 2004, the economy was stagnating and the charismatic new Labour leader was able to achieve a narrow victory against him and the growing Liberal Reformers.
1974-1976: Harold Wilson (Labour)
1974 Feb (Minority) def. Ted Heath (Conservative), Jeremy Thorpe (Liberal)
1974 Oct (Majority) def. Ted Heath (Conservative), Jeremy Thorpe (Liberal)
1976-1979: Jim Callaghan (Labour majority)
1979-1984: Edward du Cann (Conservative)
1979 (Majority) def. Jim Callaghan (Labour), David Steel (Liberal)
1984-1990: Michael Foot (Labour)
1984 (Majority) def. Edward du Cann (Conservative), David Steel (Liberal)
1988 (Majority) def. Ian Gilmour (Conservative), Alan Beith and John Biffen (Liberal-Radical Reform Alliance)
1990-1991: Eric Heffer (Labour majority)
1991-1995: Ian Gilmour (Conservative)
1991 (Majority) def. Eric Heffer (Labour), Alan Beith and Nigel Lawson (Liberal-Radical Reform Alliance)
1995-2002: Michael Jack (Conservative)
1995 (Majority) def. Robin Cook (Labour), Malcolm Bruce (Liberal and Radical Reform)
1999 (Majority) def. Robin Cook (Labour), Malcolm Bruce (Liberal Reform)
2002-2004: Iain Duncan Smith (Conservative)
2004-2016: Charles Kennedy (Labour)
2004 (Majority) def. Iain Duncan Smith (Conservative), Mark Oaten (Liberal Reform)
In this world, Edward du Cann avoids the financial issues that prevented his candidacy in 1974. He becomes the flagbearer of the right against Heath, rather than Thatcher, and similarly leads the Tories to triumph in 1979. However, his government is slightly more divided and tenuous, and he is a somewhat less domineering figure than Thatcher. And so ensues the disastrous Privatisation Referendum of 1981. Some small privatisations had already been made by that point, and du Cann hoped that the success of those would prove enough to rally the British people and override the naysayers in the Opposition (and crucially on his own backbenches. Instead, the referendum was a landslide for 'No', stating categorically that the British people wanted to keep industry in their hands, not business. While the referendum was purely advisory, du Cann quickly became a lameduck Prime Minister. The nail was put in his government's coffin by the disastrous Falklands War which was blamed on the military cuts he had made.
The 1984 general election was a wipeout. Michael Foot, widely assumed to be unelectable, was able to rally the 'No' vote in defence of nationalised industry. The SDP was wiped out, the Liberals knocked back to pre-Thorpe numbers. The Conservatives endured a humiliation. Foot established industrial democracy in the nationalised industry, cut unemployment through a New Deal esque programme of industrial rejuvenation and reform, and in 1987, managed to take back the Falklands Islands during the collapse of the Galtieri regime. However, he still had to contend with the unions, and with the Militant movement who threatened all that he was trying to build.
The Tories tacked back to the One Nation centre, largely conceding that privatisation wasn't going to fly. The monetarists who had tasted victory in 1979 however were unhappy with this and split, forming the Radical Reform Party. The Liberals, similarly smarting after the humiliation of 1983, seized the opportunity proffered to them, noting that while the British public had endorsed nationalisation, there was a significant portion of the population not being courted by either of the big two parties.
Foot stepped down in 1990, and so ensued a bitter leadership battle, in which the Militant endorsed Eric Heffer narrowly attained victory. He successfully repulsed even fellow leftists in the PLP by 1991, and with the economy looking shaky once again, the result was not in question. With the Liberal-RRP Alliance building strength, and the Conservatives largely accepting of the new consensus, the British public plumped for the patrician figure of Ian Gilmour over the dangerous crypto-Trotskyist in Number 10.
Gilmour had no intention of defining an era, instead confining himself to reforms to industry and trade union relations that brought an end to the long era of hard disputes. He stepped down as leader in 1995, handing over to a young hand-picked successor. When an interviewer asked Michael Foot what his greatest achievement was, his wry response was 'Michael Jack'. A figure on the Conservative youth movement's left, Michael Jack entrenched the system of so-called 'Michaelism', the new consensus that had been established in 1984. The Liberals and Radical Reform merged in 1995, redubbed the Liberal Reform Party. While Labour rebuilt their economic credentials, toward the end of Jack's time in office the economy started to stutter, and in 2002 he stepped down. His successor proved nowhere near as popular and after a spike in popularity immediately upon taking office, by 2004, the economy was stagnating and the charismatic new Labour leader was able to achieve a narrow victory against him and the growing Liberal Reformers.
Uhura's Mazda
Banned
These fellows sound a bit tremendous.
Incidentally, you've got them as Patriotic Socialists (aaaaaaaaaaa) at the start of the 1990 line.
shiftygiant
Gone Fishin'
I always feel that if you're going to have fun with something, you should also try to raise awareness for figures who don't usually get a foot in.
shiftygiant
Gone Fishin'
Starter for Ten
1957-1963: Harold Macmillan (Conservative)
def. 1959: Hugh Gaitskell (Labour), Jo Grimond (Liberal)
1963-1969: Alec Douglas-Home (Conservative)
def. 1964: George Brown (Labour), Jo Grimond (Liberal)
1969-1971: Peter Shore (Labour)
def. 1969 (minority): Alec Douglas-Home (Conservative), James Davidson (Liberal)
1971-1972: Edward Heath (Conservative)
def. 1972 May (minority with Liberal supply and confidence): Peter Shore (Labour), James Davidson (Liberal)
1972-1977: Peter Shore (Labour)
def. 1972 Jul: Edward Heath (Conservative), James Davidson (Liberal)
1977-1981: Edward du Cann (Conservative)
def. 1977: Peter Shore (Labour), James Davidson (Liberal)
1981-1987: Francis Noel-Baker (Labour)
def. 1981: Edward de Cann (Conservative), John Pardoe (Liberal), Joan Maynard (Democrats)
def. 1985: Tim Rathbone (Conservative), John Pardoe (Liberal), Joan Maynard (Democrats)
1957-1963: Harold Macmillan (Conservative)
def. 1959: Hugh Gaitskell (Labour), Jo Grimond (Liberal)
1963-1969: Alec Douglas-Home (Conservative)
def. 1964: George Brown (Labour), Jo Grimond (Liberal)
1969-1971: Peter Shore (Labour)
def. 1969 (minority): Alec Douglas-Home (Conservative), James Davidson (Liberal)
1971-1972: Edward Heath (Conservative)
def. 1972 May (minority with Liberal supply and confidence): Peter Shore (Labour), James Davidson (Liberal)
1972-1977: Peter Shore (Labour)
def. 1972 Jul: Edward Heath (Conservative), James Davidson (Liberal)
1977-1981: Edward du Cann (Conservative)
def. 1977: Peter Shore (Labour), James Davidson (Liberal)
1981-1987: Francis Noel-Baker (Labour)
def. 1981: Edward de Cann (Conservative), John Pardoe (Liberal), Joan Maynard (Democrats)
def. 1985: Tim Rathbone (Conservative), John Pardoe (Liberal), Joan Maynard (Democrats)
Where The World Will Lead
(accompanying index)
1922-1923: Andrew Bonar Law (Conservative)
1923-1924: Stanley Baldwin (Conservative)
1924-1927: J. R. Clynes (Labour)
1923: Stanley Baldwin (Conservative), H. H. Asquith (Liberal)
1924: Stanley Baldwin (Conservative), H. H. Asquith (Liberal)
1927-1932: Stanley Baldwin (Conservative)
1927: J. R. Clynes (Labour), John Simon (Liberal)
1932-1940: James Maxton (Labour)
1932: Stanley Baldwin (Conservative), Herbert Samuel (Liberal)
1937: Samuel Hoare (Conservative), Herbert Samuel (Liberal)
1940-1949: Stafford Cripps (Labour)
1946: Leo Amery (Conservative), Archibald Sinclair (Liberal)
1949-1955: Leo Amery (Conservative)
def. 1949: Stafford Cripps (Labour), Archibald Sinclair (Liberal)
def. 1954: Malcolm MacDonald (Labour), Philip Fothergill (Liberal)
1955-1957: Rab Butler (Conservative)
1957-1957: Rab Butler (New Democratic)
1957-1960: Aneurin Bevan (Labour)
def. 1957: Rab Butler (New Democratic), Peter Thorneycroft (National), Phillip Fothergill (Liberal)
1960-present: Richard Crossman (Labour)
def. 1962: Harold Macmillan (New Democratic), Peter Thorneycroft (National), Jo Grimond (Liberal)
def. 1967: Joseph Godber (New Democratic), Peter Thorneycroft (National), Jo Grimond (Liberal)
(accompanying index)
1922-1923: Andrew Bonar Law (Conservative)
1923-1924: Stanley Baldwin (Conservative)
1924-1927: J. R. Clynes (Labour)
1923: Stanley Baldwin (Conservative), H. H. Asquith (Liberal)
1924: Stanley Baldwin (Conservative), H. H. Asquith (Liberal)
1927-1932: Stanley Baldwin (Conservative)
1927: J. R. Clynes (Labour), John Simon (Liberal)
1932-1940: James Maxton (Labour)
1932: Stanley Baldwin (Conservative), Herbert Samuel (Liberal)
1937: Samuel Hoare (Conservative), Herbert Samuel (Liberal)
1940-1949: Stafford Cripps (Labour)
1946: Leo Amery (Conservative), Archibald Sinclair (Liberal)
1949-1955: Leo Amery (Conservative)
def. 1949: Stafford Cripps (Labour), Archibald Sinclair (Liberal)
def. 1954: Malcolm MacDonald (Labour), Philip Fothergill (Liberal)
1955-1957: Rab Butler (Conservative)
1957-1957: Rab Butler (New Democratic)
1957-1960: Aneurin Bevan (Labour)
def. 1957: Rab Butler (New Democratic), Peter Thorneycroft (National), Phillip Fothergill (Liberal)
1960-present: Richard Crossman (Labour)
def. 1962: Harold Macmillan (New Democratic), Peter Thorneycroft (National), Jo Grimond (Liberal)
def. 1967: Joseph Godber (New Democratic), Peter Thorneycroft (National), Jo Grimond (Liberal)
Sideways
Donor
The Hunger of Werewolves
1940-1949: Winston Churchill (National Government)
Churchill's tenure as Prime Minister saw the majority of World War II and the disclosure of the paranormal, which started when the Nazis developed a way to spread the werewolf curse across Britain. The result was agricultural chaos, and as the facts spread, restrictions on trade external to Britain. Churchill's authorisation of gas attacks against Germany only worsened the situation because it sparked reprisal attacks with Germany using their new cryptozoological weapons on the capital. Britain was cut off from the world, and Germany turned its attentions on the USSR. Britain faced prolonged starvation rations and a breakdown in civil order. Britain implemented an extra-judicial execution policy on werewolves, which became the norm for witches, vampires, and other beings.
The Soviets began to turn the tide of the Nazis, and as their invasion of Germany began, rebellions sprouted up around Europe. In the west, supported by America and Britain, Italy and Vichy France changed sides and would form a bulwark against communism in the post-war era. Churchill died as the war was coming to an end.
1949-1959: Anthony Eden (National Government)
The war ended with the execution of Hitler in 1950, a disappointment to the British was that if any evidence was found on the nature of the causes or possible cures of the werewolf plague, it was never shared with the west. Lycanthropyonly seemed to spontaneously generate in Britain, but could then be passed on through bites, blood transfusions and sexual contact. Efforts to control the disease by the new NHS.
Eden's government pushed for better relations with the new West European powers, however, a series of werewolf plague outbreaks in France forced a policy of isolation. Rationing continued and in fact worsened after the war. The government won elections in 1950 and 1955, and growing discontent lead to them attempting to cut off issues in 1959 through an early election.
1959-1962: John Hargrave (Social Credit Party) (Coalition partners: Common Wealth, SNP, Plaid Cymru) (C&S: Independent Labour, CPGB)
Social Credit enjoyed a renaissance during the plague years as a pro-Lycanthrope party, arguing that magic should be harnessed and that "the British disease" could be a blessing, allowing people to return to nature. Before the election they were seen as a minor partner in the opposition and their members were frequently attacked, but despite publicly expressed hatred their economic and social message brought hope to people who feared they may contract lycanthropy, or secretly suffered with it.
Ironically, their more tolerant attitude to the disease lead to to a decrease in attacks, and successful psychiatric treatments being developed that allowed people to stop suppressing the Beast and to therefore control how it expressed itself. During this time, Ireland arranged to leave the UK, the Empire was completely abandoned, with the sale of Hong Kong to Japan and the Falklands, Pitcairns and Chaggos Islands to the US.
The government was always shaky, and all it took was a single werewolf rampage in a hospital to cause it to close down, in spite of the fact that this was a monthly occurrence and not unusual. The nationalist parties switched their support to the National Parties in exchange for devolution.
1962-1980: Enoch Powell (National)
Enoch Powell came to power on a shaky alliance with the national parties, which forced him to implement devolved governments in Wales and Scotland. He also pushed through devolution for England, and following a landslide in the 1963 election, established a Supreme Court to arbitrate on decisions between the parliaments. The reluctant architect of British federalism created a system that was, in effect, heavily weighted towards England and was at the whim of powerful bodies including the Transport Board and (of course) the NHS.
Powell oversaw the end of rationing, although food independence was maintained only through most gardens and parks being given over to private agricultural companies. Religion regained its place in the lives of many people as a social provider, confident, and protector from evil. By 1978 it was estimated that 99.8% of the country was Christian. Canny observers may have wondered, then, how the NHS kept uncovering so many illegal witch covens, or why so many graves were decorated on Samhain, or who the thousands of protestors were who came out to try and prevent the army from demolishing stone henge in 1975.
The National government lasted a long time with high approval ratings. However, irregularities in the 1978 General Election lead to a Supreme Court challenge, an inquiry, and eventually, the decision to re-run the election with international observers.
1980-1989: Keith Joseph (National)
Despite Powell's forced expulsion from public life his acolyte, Keith Joseph, managed to win the ensuing election and it surprised nobody when Powell was eventually cleared of wrong doings and allowed to return to public life.
Joseph's government saw rapid privatisation, although it came hand in hand with an expansion in the powers of the NHS. Hospitals were seen as an essential ingredient of public life with the plague still causing issues. A new Witchcraft Act saw a reversal of Powell's policy of tolerating wizardry and witchcraft, and Britain soon had the highest per capita prison population in the world.
1981 saw a long awaited and often considered inevitable nuclear/thaumic war between the ailing Communist Pact and a coalition of India, the Japanese Co-Prosperity Sphere, France, Italy, Spain, and Norway. None of the powers came out well, and fallout meant a return to bad harvests in Britain. Britain's global reputation was somewhat protected in 1984, when Joseph proved that Britain could still project its power at sea to defend its interests in the crown's island possessions. The Channel Islands were brought under direct British control and smuggling to and from the continent was stopped. Riding a wave of popularity Joseph kept power in 1984. But in the face of hunger and poverty, he could not keep this going in 1989.
1989-1999: Sid Rawle (Social Common Wealth Party)
Sid Rawle pushed Lycanthrope rights from the start of his rule. Private competitors were allowed to the NHS, allowing people to monitor and treat their condition in their own way. And laws against Lycos serving in the public sector, in professional roles, or in "protected professions", were repealed. Lyanthrope unemployment reduced from 95% to 55%, and an increasing number of people came forward about their disease. Although the government believed that some 50% of Lycanthropes didn't report the condition, and established "wolf dens" in the country where undisclosed Lycos could find cages, leashes, animal carcasses, and other things that helped them manage their condition on their own. The government pushed through decentralisation rules which allowed Wales and the new Isle of Man devolved parliament to decriminalise homosexuality and pursue more independent policies.
In 1995, following his second election win, Sid Rawle pushed for changes to the Witchcraft Act, and when he won concessions, came out as a witch. This was a step too far for many British people. His last four years in power were difficult and he was met with strong opposition from the press and from a growing far-right Human Defence Front. He lost the 1999 General Election by the largest margin received by a single party in British history.
1999-2010: Stephen Fry (National)
Fry was a moderate of his party, and did not revoke all of the decisions of the previous government: witchcraft remained legal but would have to be registered with the Home Office, wolf dens were allowed, but would be regulated by the NHS.
In 2006 the government took part in memorials for WW3 in Berlin, and the inaugural meeting of the new Congress of Europe, which gave the various fascist, democratic, communist, thaumocratic and theocratic governments of Europe a single meeting place to discuss their differences peacefully.
In 2010 a Lycanthrope Therapy Unit in Dartmoor was firebombed by the HDF, killing most of the patients. For the first time in more than a decade, the opposition saw a line of attack against the government on extremism. This would turn out to be a strategic error.
2010-2016: Alan Clifford (National)
Fry resigned and within days, his Home Secretary was in place. He was far more trusted on law and order issues than the SCWP, and was far to the right of Fry. The number of Proscribed Practices for witches increased and changed rapidly, leading to what was, in essence, a new witch-hunt. CCTV was added to wolf's dens, and its users found they were identified and faced harassment from police, including arrest as unregistered lycanthropes. Internationally, Clifford pursued an anti-Thaumic, anti-Communist foreign policy. All this was highly successful with the public. He easily won the election of 2011.
Clifford's flagship policy was the idea of Free Ports, where trade could come in and out of Britain more easily. These areas were held to extreme standards of surveillance and were closed to Lyncanthropes, witches, and criminals. This allowed Clifford to get more involved in European policy, at a time when the balance of power on the continent was starting to tip towards the Thaumic side. The UK became intimately involved in the French Civil War. This caused two problems: first, British casualties were high. Second, Britain experienced mass-immigration for the first time in its history.
The HDF rapidly decided that Catholics were as bad as Lycanthropes. Continental cafes were firebombed, and refugee camps were attacked regularly. This only got worse as a year of drought caused crop failure and Britain found itself hungry once again.
2016: Claire Slaney (Social Common Wealth Party) (Coalition with: Socialist Front, Regional Front)
A moderate SCWP government was elected in October 2016, mostly on an anti-war platform. Federalism is another big platform, and independence referendums are planned in Scotland, Wales, and the Isle of Man.
Lycanthropy still affects around 5% of the population, and no cure is available. But we are getting better at treatment. The war in France is still ongoing, and refugees are still arriving in large numbers. For the government to survive, it will need to deal with both things. It remains to be seen if they will manage.
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Sideways
Donor
I have a brand
aaa. I thought I'd removed them. I was going to call the NHS the National Sanitation Organisation. But I rather liked the idea of the NHS hunting werewolves on an industrial scale
It was rather original. I'm thinking of doing something on my brand I just need a good POD.I have a brand
aaa. I thought I'd removed them. I was going to call the NHS the National Sanitation Organisation. But I rather liked the idea of the NHS hunting werewolves on an industrial scale
Uhura's Mazda
Banned
Sanation for full aaaaaaaaaaaa.
I'm, like, 60% sure that @Mumby's done a Werewolves Turn Up During The War thing before, but that doesn't take away from how good your take is.
1945-1947: Arthur Greenwood (Labour minority with Liberal confidence and supply)
1945: Winston Churchill (Conservative), Archibald Sinclair (Liberal)
- Arthur Greenwood was an accidental Prime Minister, swept to power on a wave of popular hope that should have belonged to his incapacitated predecessor, Clement Attlee. Sadly, Greenwood's lacklustre campaigning skills and poor rebuttals to Churchill's scare tactics meant that, whilst the Conservatives were decisively out of power, Labour was stuck forming a confidence and supply agreement in the Commons with Archibald Sinclair's renewed Liberal Party. Greenwood was forced to keep the socialist content of Labour's governmental programme delayed or out of policy altogether, with the most sweeping changes to British society coming in the form of justice reform, the extension of the Ministry of Health's powers, and the beginning of the end for the British Raj in India. Nationalisation was a tiresome and slow business, with compensation becoming a hotly debated issue and thus taking up a disproportionate amount of time in the Commons.
1947-1947: Arthur Greenwood (Labour minority)
- Greenwood's government floundered into its final crisis in January 1947, when that year's snows crippled Britain's infrastructure and rendered the transport network unusable. Supply problems caused rationing to intensify and reports of starvation filled the public with outrage. Archibald Sinclair, sensing that Greenwood's leadership would not last another month, withdrew Liberal support for Labour and effectively forced the government to face the country in a general election.
1947-1950: Anthony Eden (Conservative majority)
1947: Arthur Greenwood (Labour), Archibald Sinclair (Liberal)
- With Churchill suffering a heart attack and handing over to Eden in 1946, the Conservative Party was able to renew itself and storm to victory in 1947 with a fresh, young leader. Anthony Eden charmed his way into office and promised to further the reform agenda of the Greenwood government, which came to pass with Indian independence in 1948 and the new 'Public Health Authority' being set up as a stringent regulatory body for local care providers in 1949. The public was swept up with Eden's youthful charisma and the post-war years of doom and gloom were effectively offset by the character he so masterfully portrayed. Travelling the world, acting as half-statesman and half-movie star, Eden pushed Britain to face the world it believed was overtaking it and remake itself in the PM's image: youthful, vibrant, and utterly without care for austerity. Sadly, these sentiments came crashing along with the Prime Minister's plane over the Mediterranean whilst en route to a NATO conference in Rome in October 1950.
1950-1952: David Eccles (Conservative majority)
- The former Minister of Health was even younger (46) than Eden when he came to power, prompting satirical cartoonists to portray him as a public school swot (and his as-then-unknown successor as a toddler). Compared to Eden, Eccles was an unknown quantity with a dour Scots background and the faint whiff of the aristocratic rake about him. He lacked the gravitas to deal with the nation's mourning for Eden, some said; others called him a 'poor imitation' of the recently deceased Prime Minister. There was little that Eccles could do to endear himself to a public that had already made up their minds, despite his house-building plans and his founding of the National Arts Council. By 1952, the government returned to Labour's hands in one of the most expected election results Britain had ever seen.
1952-1956: Herbert Morrison (Labour majority)
1952: David Eccles (Conservative), Edgar Granville (Liberal)
- The 'grand old man' of London politics, Morrison seized power from Arthur Greenwood in a swift coup in 1948 and built a cadre of social democrats and party modernisers around his leadership. When it came to 1952, Morrison breezed into power with a stern look upon his brow and the right amount of gravitas to handle a nation still feeling the biting effects of post-war austerity. Some fancied that Morrison might liberalise the strictures of rationing: those people were wrong. Dalton headed up the Exchequer and refused to budge on the issue, setting the tone of what would be known as the 'four wasted years'. Morrison courted the business community that balked at the idea of a socialist government back in power, making him more conservative with regards to radical economic reform, and the Cabinet's demographic makeup made it seem like a gerontocracy (most ministers were in their sixties and younger party figures were relegated to junior positions). Many speculate that Morrison, had he become Prime Minister in Greenwood's place, would have proved successful - alas, time and experience had worn down Morrison's radicalism and embittered him. Looking to restore confidence, Morrison called an election in April 1956 and went down in a blaze of mediocrity.
1956-1964: David Eccles (Conservative majority)
1956: Herbert Morrison (Labour), Donald Wade (Liberal)
1960: Henry Walston (Labour), Donald Wade (Liberal)
- Having survived a backbench campaign, led by Ralph Assheton, to depose him, David Eccles put his party back on track and came into his own as a determined moderniser who would face down the 'Bobbety Salisburys' of the reactionary wing of the party. In government, he would pursue the same progressive agenda, putting social reform and ending rationing front and centre of his plan for Britain's renewal. Most food rationing was phased out by 1959 and fuel rationing was stopped immediately upon Selwyn Lloyd's arrival at the Exchequer, relations with President Knowland of the USA were established, and Britain's colonial possessions began to gain their independence. Easy-going and optimistic, Eccles personality shone through in a public sphere that had become decrepit during the Morrison years. He pursued a youthful image in his first major reshuffle in 1958, making Iain Macleod (44) Home Secretary, Reginald Maudling (41) War Secretary, and Aubrey Jones (46) President of the Board of Trade. In 1960, Eccles triumphed over the scandal-ridden Labour leader, Henry Walston, and upped his majority by twenty seats. The government forged ahead with infrastructure projects, industrial relations reform, and keeping the economy steady during the '60s boom era. By 1964, Eccles had been Conservative leader for fourteen years and Prime Minister for ten of those - he was getting old and knew that there were younger men waiting in the wings. In retrospect, historians have also credited Eccles with the foresight to step aside before the economic bubble burst later that year.
1964-: Aubrey Jones (Conservative majority)
- For an LSE graduate and the son of an ardent trade unionist to become Tory leader might have seemed wildly unrealistic prior to the rise of Aubrey Jones, but the progressive Tory minister was more than his background and proved as much when he courted the Magic Circle of party grandees to give his name to the newly crowned Queen in May 1964. An administrative genius, some said, Jones had been Chancellor since the 1960 election and had overseen rising living standards and decreasing prices for consumers for nearly four years straight. The miracle of Jones management wasn't to last, however, and the winter of 1964 brought the kind of industrial action unseen since before the Industrial Relations Act of 1960. Dockers, truck drivers and railwaymen banded together to fight the stagnant wages they received (especially in comparison to the rising wages of skilled labourers and white-collar workers) and drove the country to a standstill. Whilst unpopular with the public, the strikes highlighted how out-of-touch the government was with the lowest earners. As 1965 beckons and a general election comes forth, Jones faces a renewed Labour leadership and public disquiet with a government that seems aloof and technocratic. There can be no room for complacency if Jones is to carry the day.
1945: Winston Churchill (Conservative), Archibald Sinclair (Liberal)
- Arthur Greenwood was an accidental Prime Minister, swept to power on a wave of popular hope that should have belonged to his incapacitated predecessor, Clement Attlee. Sadly, Greenwood's lacklustre campaigning skills and poor rebuttals to Churchill's scare tactics meant that, whilst the Conservatives were decisively out of power, Labour was stuck forming a confidence and supply agreement in the Commons with Archibald Sinclair's renewed Liberal Party. Greenwood was forced to keep the socialist content of Labour's governmental programme delayed or out of policy altogether, with the most sweeping changes to British society coming in the form of justice reform, the extension of the Ministry of Health's powers, and the beginning of the end for the British Raj in India. Nationalisation was a tiresome and slow business, with compensation becoming a hotly debated issue and thus taking up a disproportionate amount of time in the Commons.
1947-1947: Arthur Greenwood (Labour minority)
- Greenwood's government floundered into its final crisis in January 1947, when that year's snows crippled Britain's infrastructure and rendered the transport network unusable. Supply problems caused rationing to intensify and reports of starvation filled the public with outrage. Archibald Sinclair, sensing that Greenwood's leadership would not last another month, withdrew Liberal support for Labour and effectively forced the government to face the country in a general election.
1947-1950: Anthony Eden (Conservative majority)
1947: Arthur Greenwood (Labour), Archibald Sinclair (Liberal)
- With Churchill suffering a heart attack and handing over to Eden in 1946, the Conservative Party was able to renew itself and storm to victory in 1947 with a fresh, young leader. Anthony Eden charmed his way into office and promised to further the reform agenda of the Greenwood government, which came to pass with Indian independence in 1948 and the new 'Public Health Authority' being set up as a stringent regulatory body for local care providers in 1949. The public was swept up with Eden's youthful charisma and the post-war years of doom and gloom were effectively offset by the character he so masterfully portrayed. Travelling the world, acting as half-statesman and half-movie star, Eden pushed Britain to face the world it believed was overtaking it and remake itself in the PM's image: youthful, vibrant, and utterly without care for austerity. Sadly, these sentiments came crashing along with the Prime Minister's plane over the Mediterranean whilst en route to a NATO conference in Rome in October 1950.
1950-1952: David Eccles (Conservative majority)
- The former Minister of Health was even younger (46) than Eden when he came to power, prompting satirical cartoonists to portray him as a public school swot (and his as-then-unknown successor as a toddler). Compared to Eden, Eccles was an unknown quantity with a dour Scots background and the faint whiff of the aristocratic rake about him. He lacked the gravitas to deal with the nation's mourning for Eden, some said; others called him a 'poor imitation' of the recently deceased Prime Minister. There was little that Eccles could do to endear himself to a public that had already made up their minds, despite his house-building plans and his founding of the National Arts Council. By 1952, the government returned to Labour's hands in one of the most expected election results Britain had ever seen.
1952-1956: Herbert Morrison (Labour majority)
1952: David Eccles (Conservative), Edgar Granville (Liberal)
- The 'grand old man' of London politics, Morrison seized power from Arthur Greenwood in a swift coup in 1948 and built a cadre of social democrats and party modernisers around his leadership. When it came to 1952, Morrison breezed into power with a stern look upon his brow and the right amount of gravitas to handle a nation still feeling the biting effects of post-war austerity. Some fancied that Morrison might liberalise the strictures of rationing: those people were wrong. Dalton headed up the Exchequer and refused to budge on the issue, setting the tone of what would be known as the 'four wasted years'. Morrison courted the business community that balked at the idea of a socialist government back in power, making him more conservative with regards to radical economic reform, and the Cabinet's demographic makeup made it seem like a gerontocracy (most ministers were in their sixties and younger party figures were relegated to junior positions). Many speculate that Morrison, had he become Prime Minister in Greenwood's place, would have proved successful - alas, time and experience had worn down Morrison's radicalism and embittered him. Looking to restore confidence, Morrison called an election in April 1956 and went down in a blaze of mediocrity.
1956-1964: David Eccles (Conservative majority)
1956: Herbert Morrison (Labour), Donald Wade (Liberal)
1960: Henry Walston (Labour), Donald Wade (Liberal)
- Having survived a backbench campaign, led by Ralph Assheton, to depose him, David Eccles put his party back on track and came into his own as a determined moderniser who would face down the 'Bobbety Salisburys' of the reactionary wing of the party. In government, he would pursue the same progressive agenda, putting social reform and ending rationing front and centre of his plan for Britain's renewal. Most food rationing was phased out by 1959 and fuel rationing was stopped immediately upon Selwyn Lloyd's arrival at the Exchequer, relations with President Knowland of the USA were established, and Britain's colonial possessions began to gain their independence. Easy-going and optimistic, Eccles personality shone through in a public sphere that had become decrepit during the Morrison years. He pursued a youthful image in his first major reshuffle in 1958, making Iain Macleod (44) Home Secretary, Reginald Maudling (41) War Secretary, and Aubrey Jones (46) President of the Board of Trade. In 1960, Eccles triumphed over the scandal-ridden Labour leader, Henry Walston, and upped his majority by twenty seats. The government forged ahead with infrastructure projects, industrial relations reform, and keeping the economy steady during the '60s boom era. By 1964, Eccles had been Conservative leader for fourteen years and Prime Minister for ten of those - he was getting old and knew that there were younger men waiting in the wings. In retrospect, historians have also credited Eccles with the foresight to step aside before the economic bubble burst later that year.
1964-: Aubrey Jones (Conservative majority)
- For an LSE graduate and the son of an ardent trade unionist to become Tory leader might have seemed wildly unrealistic prior to the rise of Aubrey Jones, but the progressive Tory minister was more than his background and proved as much when he courted the Magic Circle of party grandees to give his name to the newly crowned Queen in May 1964. An administrative genius, some said, Jones had been Chancellor since the 1960 election and had overseen rising living standards and decreasing prices for consumers for nearly four years straight. The miracle of Jones management wasn't to last, however, and the winter of 1964 brought the kind of industrial action unseen since before the Industrial Relations Act of 1960. Dockers, truck drivers and railwaymen banded together to fight the stagnant wages they received (especially in comparison to the rising wages of skilled labourers and white-collar workers) and drove the country to a standstill. Whilst unpopular with the public, the strikes highlighted how out-of-touch the government was with the lowest earners. As 1965 beckons and a general election comes forth, Jones faces a renewed Labour leadership and public disquiet with a government that seems aloof and technocratic. There can be no room for complacency if Jones is to carry the day.
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