Keeping the British Liberal Party flag flying high

The composition of Congress after the mid term elections on 6 November 1962 was as follows (1960 election)
House of Representatives:
Social Democratic Party: 156 (136)
Republican Party: 142 (178)
Democratic Party: 137 (123)
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Total: 435 (437)
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Senate:
Democratic Party: 55 (53)
Republican Party: 29 (31)
Social Democratic Party; 16 (16)
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Total: 100 (100)

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The Social Democrats kept control of the House with the support of the Democrats. The Democrats kept control of the Senate. The Speaker of the House of Representatives was Adam Clayton Powell. The Majority and Minority leaders of the Senate were Lyndon Baines Johnson and Everett Dirksen respectively. Estes Kefauver was the Social Democrat leader in the Senate.
 
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At a reception for a United States trade delegation in London in the evening of Friday 28 June 1963, George Brown, the Socialist Labour shadow President of the Board of Trade, was disgracefully drunk. The following morning, the Socialist Labour leader, Edward Shackleton, sacked him from the shadow cabinet

In the subsequent shadow cabinet reshuffle, Shackleton moved Harriet Slater from shadow Minister of Housing and Local Government to shadow President of the Board of Trade. Richard Crossman joined the shadow cabinet at Housing and Local Government.

During the election for the Socialist Labour shadow cabinet in early November 1963, the party whips made it very clear to Socialist Labour MPs that the party leadership did not want George Brown elected. He was not.
 
At a reception for a United States trade delegation in London in the evening of Friday 28 June 1963, George Brown, the Socialist Labour shadow President of the Board of Trade, was disgracefully drunk. The following morning, the Socialist Labour leader, Edward Shackleton, sacked him from the shadow cabinet

In the subsequent shadow cabinet reshuffle, Shackleton moved Harriet Slater from shadow Minister of Housing and Local Government to shadow President of the Board of Trade. Richard Crossman joined the shadow cabinet at Housing and Local Government.

During the election for the Socialist Labour shadow cabinet in early November 1963, the party whips made it very clear to Socialist Labour MPs that the party leadership did not want George Brown elected. He was not.
Aah i see he was still neing "tired and emotional" just as OTL
 
The winter of 1962/63 was the coldest in the UK for over two hundred years. One of its effects was a large rise in unemployment, reaching 917,552 in February 1963. It fell in subsequent months to 491,206 in July.

In his April 1963 budget, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Iain Macleod, reduced the standard rate of income tax from 8 shillings to seven shillings and sixpence in the pound. He also reduced excise duties on beer, whisky, spirits and tobacco. In September 1963 he reduced bank rate from 6% to 4%. He also increased government borrowing.

Because imports rose further than exports, by April 1964 the UK net balance of payments on current account was £185 million. In his April 1964 budget, Macleod did not change the standard rate of income tax, but increased personal allowances.
 
The London Government Act 1963 replaced the London County Council and Middlesex County Council with the Greater London Council (GLC). All the existing local authorities in the GLC area were merged into 32 new boroughs which elected 2, 3 or 4 councillors en bloc to the GLC. This was as in OTL.

The Liberal and Socialist Labour parties objected to the abolition of the London and Middlesex County Councils, the London boroughs and boroughs in Essex, Kent, Middlesex and Surrey. Among the historic borough councils abolished were Battersea, Bethnal Green, Bromley, Deptford, East Ham, Finchley, Fulham, Hampstead, Ilford, Poplar, Stepney, Stoke Newington, Twickenham, Walthamstow, West Ham. The opposition parties promised to restore the councils abolished.

In the GLC election held on 9 April 1964 the number of councillors elected for each party were as follows:
Liberal: 48
Conservative; 33
Socialist Labour: 19
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Total: 100
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The Liberal Party took control of the GLC in coalition with Socialist Labour.

The following boroughs elected Liberal councillors to the GLC; Barnet, Bexley, Brent, Camden, Enfield, Hackney, Haringey, Havering, Hillingdon, Hounslow, Islington, Lambeth, Lewisham, Richmond upon Thames, Waltham Forest. Total = 15.

Conservative councillors were elected by the following councils: Croydon, Ealing, Harrow, Kensington and Chelsea, Kingston upon Thames, Merton, Redbridge, Sutton, Wandsworth, Westminster. Total = 10.

The following six councils elected Socialist Labour councillors to the GLC: Barking, Greenwich, Hammersmith, Newham, Southwark, Tower Hamlets. Bromley elected two Conservative and two Liberal councillors.

The result of the GLC election was worse than the Tories feared, but several councils elected Liberal councillors by small majorities, and the swing from Conservative to Liberal compared to the June 1960 general election was only 3.7%. Such a swing in a general election would mean that the Tories would lose their majority, but was potentially recoverable.
 
The London Government Act 1963 replaced the London County Council and Middlesex County Council with the Greater London Council (GLC). All the existing local authorities in the GLC area were merged into 32 new boroughs which elected 2, 3 or 4 councillors en bloc to the GLC. This was as in OTL.

The Liberal and Socialist Labour parties objected to the abolition of the London and Middlesex County Councils, the London boroughs and boroughs in Essex, Kent, Middlesex and Surrey. Among the historic borough councils abolished were Battersea, Bethnal Green, Bromley, Deptford, East Ham, Finchley, Fulham, Hampstead, Ilford, Poplar, Stepney, Stoke Newington, Twickenham, Walthamstow, West Ham. The opposition parties promised to restore the councils abolished.

In the GLC election held on 9 April 1964 the number of councillors elected for each party were as follows:
Liberal: 48
Conservative; 33
Socialist Labour: 19
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Total: 100
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The Liberal Party took control of the GLC in coalition with Socialist Labour.

The following boroughs elected Liberal councillors to the GLC; Barnet, Bexley, Brent, Camden, Enfield, Hackney, Haringey, Havering, Hillingdon, Hounslow, Islington, Lambeth, Lewisham, Richmond upon Thames, Waltham Forest. Total = 15.

Conservative councillors were elected by the following councils: Croydon, Ealing, Harrow, Kensington and Chelsea, Kingston upon Thames, Merton, Redbridge, Sutton, Wandsworth, Westminster. Total = 10.

The following six councils elected Socialist Labour councillors to the GLC: Barking, Greenwich, Hammersmith, Newham, Southwark, Tower Hamlets. Bromley elected two Conservative and two Liberal councillors.

The result of the GLC election was worse than the Tories feared, but several councils elected Liberal councillors by small majorities, and the swing from Conservative to Liberal compared to the June 1960 general election was only 3.7%. Such a swing in a general election would mean that the Tories would lose their majority, but was potentially recoverable.
Was one of the Conservative Councillors Horace Cutler?
 
Borough and county council elections took place in England, Scotland and Wales Thursday 7 May 1964. The Liberal and Socialist Labour parties made modest gains from the Tories. In the borough council elections the Liberals gained control of Cardiff and Nottingham, and a Socialist Labour/Liberal coalition of Liverpool. But the Tories kept control of Birmingham, Bristol and Edinburgh which it was thought they could possibly lose.

In the county council elections in England, Essex, Norfolk and Yorkshire North Riding were Liberal gains from Conservative, and Lincolnshire from Conservative and Independent control. Socialist Labour won Nottinghamshire from the Tories.

In Scotland Perthshire and Roxburghshire were Liberal gains from Conservative, while Stirlingshire was a Socialist Labour gain.

The net gains and losses for each party and Independents were as follows:
Conservative: - 186
Liberal + 102
Socialist Labour: + 87
Plaid Cymru: + 17
Scottish National + 25
Independents and others - 45.
 
There were by-elections in two Conservative held constituencies on Thursday 14 May 1964. The election in Devizes was caused by the death of Henry Percivall Pott on 17 January, and that in Rutherglen by the death of Richard Brooman-White on 25 January. The percentage votes for each party in each constituency were as follows (June 1960 general election):

Devizes:
Conservative: 40.4 (43.9)
Liberal: 36.8 (35.2)
Socialist Labour: 22.8 (20.9)
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Conservative majority: 3.6 (8.7)
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The swing from Conservative to Liberal was 2.55%,

Rutherglen:
Conservative: 39.4 (40.6)
Liberal: 31.5 (29.9)
Socialist Labour: (29.5)
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Conservative majority: 7.9 (10.7)
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There was a swing from Conservative to Liberal of 1.4%. The average of the two swings was 1.975% from Conservative to Liberal.

Because of the relatively good results for the Tories, there were acres of speculation in the weekend press as to whether or not Profumo would call a June general election. This was fuelled by the knowledge that he had invited cabinet ministers and the Chairman of the Conservative Party to Chequers for the weekend.

On Monday 18 May, Profumo announced in the House of Commons that Parliament would be dissolved on Friday 5 June for a general election. Polling day would be Thursday 25 June, and nominations would close on 15 July.
















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Ian Macleod and Reginald Maudling and most of the cabinet were in favour of calling a general election. However Rab Butler and Lord Dunglass were in the minority against and urged caution.

Historians have argued that a factor in the Prime Ministerdecision to go to the country was the worsening balance of payments, and the desire to have an election before the economic chickens came home to roost.
 
The Liberal Party manifesto was published on 8 June 1964. Here are extracts from it.
A Ministry of Expansion and Industry would be established. It would draw up and implement a national plan for economic growth.

Income tax will be reduced when the financial situation allows it. (1). However priority will be given to taking people on low income out of paying tax by raising the starting level of income tax, rather than reducing the standard rate.

A national redundancy fund to be set up, which would make redundancy payments to workers who lose their job. Estate duty would be replaced by a graded legacy duty, and a tax on gifts paid by the recipient. Legislation would be introduced to give equal pay for equal work for women.

Railway line closures proposed by the Warton Report will be stopped where there is local opposition to them. The Rent Act will be repealed. A Land Bank to be set up, which will make credit available to farmers at low interest rates. The 11-plus exam will be abolished, and different forms of non-selective education would be encouraged.

Regional authorities to be established. These would be responsible, ultimately through
elected regional councillors, to the regions they represent. The people of Wales will be given the opportunity to decide in a referendum if they want an elected parliament for the Principality. (2)

Denis Healey, the Liberal shadow Chancellor of the Exchquer, played a major part in drafting the manifesto.

(1) This was more cautious than the Liberal manifesto for the October 1964 general election in OTL. That said that the Liberals would reduce income tax.

(2) Much of the manifesto has been from the OTL Liberal manifesto for the 1964 general election. I can not give a link because my tablet does not show the URL. But an internet search for liberal manifesto 1964 will lead to it.
 
Let's see how this election goes. Keep going Pip!
if there is any sort of differential level of organisation or tactical voting the Tories are in trouble, as a lot of constituencies have sizeable 3rd placed Liberal or Socialisat Labour votes that a competent local campaign by one and an absence by the other should see lead to a Tory loss of government..
 
if there is any sort of differential level of organisation or tactical voting the Tories are in trouble, as a lot of constituencies have sizeable 3rd placed Liberal or Socialisat Labour votes that a competent local campaign by one and an absence by the other should see lead to a Tory loss of government..

There's a wider interesting point to be made in this TL about Liberal/SLP relationships in the UK. Do the Liberals resemble somewhat their Canadian counterparts, with accusations of corruption, entitlement, arrogance etc., how they talk of "holding the Socialists back". Or is there more friendly, local co-operation on the level you mention in trying to make sure the most successful non-Tory is elected.

Definitely a sense from the Liberal camp of not quite slipping into the precipice. And maybe cheekily chasing more Tory voters than Socialist Labour ones.

Anyway, on with the election, that was an interesting Liberal manifesto Pipisme.
 
There's a wider interesting point to be made in this TL about Liberal/SLP relationships in the UK. Do the Liberals resemble somewhat their Canadian counterparts, with accusations of corruption, entitlement, arrogance etc., how they talk of "holding the Socialists back". Or is there more friendly, local co-operation on the level you mention in trying to make sure the most successful non-Tory is elected.

Definitely a sense from the Liberal camp of not quite slipping into the precipice. And maybe cheekily chasing more Tory voters than Socialist Labour ones.

Anyway, on with the election, that was an interesting Liberal manifesto Pipisme.
Generally i get the impression the Liberals in this TL are Social Liberals thus centre left and include significant figures who OTL were Labour figures and not hard right ones like the above mentioned Denis Healey. There have also been if memory serves several productive (for the most part) coalitioon governments so ideologically they should find it more congenial to work together than either would with the Conservatives. Thats not to say there wont be vicious fights in places like Liverpool or some London boroughs between the 2 parties. As for chasing Tory voters well they are the Government its their seats that have to be won, but i am not uncomfortable with the manifesto and i am a life long pretty left wing Liberalan this has some good progressive policies in it. Of course just because the parties agree about more than they disagree it does not mean the voters will always tamely follow. They may just take agin a particular candidate.....j..
 
Here are highlights from the Socialist Labour manifesto which was published on 9 June 1964.

A Ministry of Economic Affairs which would draw up with both sides of industry a national economic plan.

In the short term priority given to close the trade gap by:
1) Using the tax system to encourage industry to export more.
2) Providing better terms of credit where the business justifies it.
3) Improving facilities and help for small exporters.
4) Encouraging British industry to supply those manufactures which swell the import bill.

A Ministry of Technology. Equal pay for equal work. Nationalisation of steel and road haulage. The Warter plan will not be implemented, and proposed rail closures will not take place where there is popular opposition to them.
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Consultation with trade unions and and employers organisations on the introduction of an incomes policy, which would apply to all incomes - wages, salaries, profits, dividends and rents.

A University of the Air. A Land Commission, which would buy for the community, land on which building or rebuilding is to take place. Rent Act to be repealed. Help for owner occupiers by providing 100 percent mortgages through local councils. Legislation against racial discrimation and incitement to hatred in public places.

Much of the manifesto is taken from the OTL Labour manifesto for the 1964 general election. I have not given a link because my tablet does not give the URL, but an internet search for labour manifesto 1964 will lead to the relevant website.
 
The Liberal Party campaigned as the party of financial responsibility against the government's economic incompetence and recklessness. The opposition parties strongly attacked the government for the UK balance of payments deficit for May 1964 which was £231 million.

Historians have commented on the conservative nature of the Liberal campaign in the 1964 general election. This waa shown by its opposition to the Warter plan for railway closures; their opposition to the Resale Price Maitenance Act 1964, which greatly limited resale price maintenance by which producers would dictate the price at which their goods could be sold by retailers; and by the creation of the Greater London Council. Also by their opposition to the Town Planning Act 1961 which abolished the limit of four storeys for residential buildings, which had been imposed by the Town Planning Act 1941. The 1961 Act had given the green light to the construction of tower blocks of council flats in the brutalist style of architecture; and by the strong strand of puritan nonconformism in the party.

The Conservatives attacked the Liberal proposal fora referendum on a Welsh Parliament, as being unnecessary and divisive only ten years after the referendum on 1 October 1953. This had rejected a Welsh Parliament by 50,4% to 49.6%.
 
Much as the Tory Party did not want it, John Profumo's love affair with Christine Keeler featured in the election campaign. It was the subject of questions at political meetings and political activists reported that it was fairly often raised on the doorsteps. Many people believed that he should have resigned as Prime Minister because of it.

The Liberal candidate in Profumo's constituency of Birmingham Edgbaston was a forty-seven year old Methodist minister. (1) He was married with four children. His wife was forty-five years old. His election address stated that he had been faithfully married to his wife for twenty-four years, and that he believed in the sanctity of marriage.

On 20 June 1964, the Socialist Labour supporting Sunday Mirror published on its front page and several inside pages, with juicy and salacious details, Christine Keeler's account of her affair with Profumo. The story was taken up by other newspapers.

What effect it would have on the result of the general election remained to be seen, but the Tories feared that it cost them millions of votes.

(1 He is a fictional character.
 
The Liberal Party campaigned as the party of financial responsibility against the government's economic incompetence and recklessness. The opposition parties strongly attacked the government for the UK balance of payments deficit for May 1964 which was £231 million.

Historians have commented on the conservative nature of the Liberal campaign in the 1964 general election. This waa shown by its opposition to the Warter plan for railway closures; their opposition to the Resale Price Maitenance Act 1964, which greatly limited resale price maintenance by which producers would dictate the price at which their goods could be sold by retailers; and by the creation of the Greater London Council. Also by their opposition to the Town Planning Act 1961 which abolished the limit of four storeys for residential buildings, which had been imposed by the Town Planning Act 1941. The 1961 Act had given the green light to the construction of tower blocks of council flats in the brutalist style of architecture; and by the strong strand of puritan nonconformism in the party.

The Conservatives attacked the Liberal proposal fora referendum on a Welsh Parliament, as being unnecessary and divisive only ten years after the referendum on 1 October 1953. This had rejected a Welsh Parliament by 50,4% to 49.6%.
Hmm that sounds largely like common sense
The Liberal Party campaigned as the party of financial responsibility against the government's economic incompetence and recklessness. The opposition parties strongly attacked the government for the UK balance of payments deficit for May 1964 which was £231 million.

Historians have commented on the conservative nature of the Liberal campaign in the 1964 general election. This waa shown by its opposition to the Warter plan for railway closures; their opposition to the Resale Price Maitenance Act 1964, which greatly limited resale price maintenance by which producers would dictate the price at which their goods could be sold by retailers; and by the creation of the Greater London Council. Also by their opposition to the Town Planning Act 1961 which abolished the limit of four storeys for residential buildings, which had been imposed by the Town Planning Act 1941. The 1961 Act had given the green light to the construction of tower blocks of council flats in the brutalist style of architecture; and by the strong strand of puritan nonconformism in the party.

The Conservatives attacked the Liberal proposal fora referendum on a Welsh Parliament, as being unnecessary and divisive only ten years after the referendum on 1 October 1953. This had rejected a Welsh Parliament by 50,4% to 49.6%.
I remain unconvinced that opposing tower blocks for eg is a particularly Conservative action, or that the Liberal manifesto can be broasly charecterised that way.
 
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