My friend you were born to be a prosecuting attorney or forensic accountant. But that's not what we're doing. We're having a discussion about what might happen in an Anglo/American War in the 1840's. People want to set it in the years before the Mexican/American War, and 1843 seems the popular start time because of the confrontation in Hawaii. So, your idea is that what would happen is the RN would just sail into any port city it wanted to and burn it to the ground. You present as support for your argument reports to Congress that harbor defenses had been shamefully neglected, and the militia forces of the various States were not properly trained or ready for service on a short notice. You go on that those reports are all anyone needs to know on the subject, and no other outcome or course of events is realistic.Yes, the idea guys always hate the detail guys for knowing things:
Grubman didn't care about Enron's earnings. He wanted to see a balance sheet, which would have far more detailed information than the income statement Enron put out the day before.
Skilling: "We do not have the balance sheet completed. We will have that done shortly when we file the Q. But until we put all of that together, we just cannot give you that."...
Grubman: "You're the only financial institution that cannot produce a balance sheet or cash-flow statement with their earnings."
Skilling: "Well, you're - you - well, uh, thank you very much. We appreciate it."
Grubman: "Appreciate it?"
Skilling: "Asshole."...
Even owners of Enron stock thought Grubman's questions were perfectly valid - and if they hadn't been, Skilling should have dealt with them more adeptly. "Any CEO should be able to handle the hardest of questions from the most aggressive of shorts," says analyst Meade. (Bethany McLean and Peter Elkind, The Smartest Guys in the Room)
My counter argument is that the war wouldn't start as an attack out of the blue but would be the culmination of a crisis of many months. In that time defenses would be shored up, new earthen works batteries constructed, guns mounted, militia drilled, and volunteer regiments raised. In defense of my argument, I talked about how such defenses proved very formidable both in the past and later in the Civil War. You dismiss my argument as an abstract piece of guess work, with no basis in reality because I can't tell you how many guns of what caliber would be put in place, and what places they be, and even if they did have guns the gunners would be poorly trained.
Well, I can't give you documented details about something that never happened only what I think is likely to have happened, because similar things happened in the past, and did happen again in the near future. So, if we were both there at the time as officers ordered to defend NYC, I would be thinking of ways to impede an attacker, and shore up defenses, and come up with plans of action. Would you be saying "Your just an idea man. This job is impossible because we didn't make the proper investments over the last 10 years, and nothing we do now will work. I know this to be a fact because I'm a detail man, and the reports to Congress by competent officers a lot smarter than you said our defenses wouldn't hold. I also know the British know this and will act boldly, aggressively and without fear or hesitation to just rush past our defenses and destroy the city."
Well, the experts at the time may have thought it would be easy to block all the commerce of the Gulf Coast with a couple of frigates, but it turned out they were wrong. Britain wasn't the only country that could build fast steamers or sailing ships, the U.S. was very good at that. From the Maritime History of the United States"The Americans would be selling lots of cotton, and lots of blockade runners from Europe will get as much out as they can because it's worth the risk to bring it to a neutral port to sell it. The irony is that British traders will be in those ports buying that American cotton at high prices funding the American war effort." is an idea that is helpful to the pro-American side (so helpful, in fact, that you repeated it here.) Unfortunately for you, the detail - that contemporaries were clear that trade from the Gulf of Mexico could be stopped up by two frigates; that the extensive blockade running in the American Civil War of which you are no doubt thinking was possible only because the power with the largest merchant marine in the world and the greatest capacity to construct fast steam blockade-runners was neutral in the conflict, rather than fighting America; that moving cotton into Texas with the rail network of the 1840s is going to be as hard as moving it to Mexico with that of the 1860s; that the bulk commodity cotton is dramatically easier to ship than to move by land; that the Union's blockade cut 95% of cotton exports from the Confederacy; and that any hypothetical profit from 'high prices' paid by British traders in European ports would accrue to the European merchants who bought cotton at low prices from American growers unable to sell because of the blockade, not to the Americans themselves (in the Civil War South 'cotton and tobacco were the only ones of the enumerated commodities which did not keep pace with the rise of the gold premium,' i.e. the price of these goods fell from their pre-war level when adjusted for inflation, though 'tobacco and cotton were practically the only leading commodities whose prices in the world's market, during the war, rose above the 1860 level to any considerable degree': John Christopher Schwab, 'Prices in the Confederate States, 1861-65,' Political Science Quarterly, Vol. 14, No. 2 (Jun., 1899), pp. 281-304) - is both extremely unhelpful to the American side and much longer than the original idea. There is so much detail because there is so much that is obviously wrong with the idea; it is not the fault of the detail guy for knowing this "trivia" but the fault of the idea guy for not knowing it.
In the United States, the term "clipper" referred to the Baltimore clipper, a topsail schooner that was developed in Chesapeake Bay before the American Revolution and was lightly armed in the War of 1812, sailing under Letters of Marque and Reprisal, when the type—exemplified by the Chasseur, launched at Fells Point, Baltimore, 1814— became known for its incredible speed; a deep draft enabled the Baltimore clipper to sail close to the wind (Villiers 1973). Clippers, outrunning the British blockade of Baltimore, came to be recognized as ships built for speed rather than cargo space; while traditional merchant ships were accustomed to average speeds of under 5 knots (9 km/h), clippers aimed at 9 knots (17 km/h) or better. Sometimes these ships could reach 20 knots (37 km/h).
"The Prinz Albert," 1897, by Antonio Jacobsen
Clippers were built for seasonal trades such as tea, where an early cargo was more valuable, or for passenger routes. The small, fast ships were ideally suited to low-volume, high-profit goods, such as spices, tea, people, and mail. The values could be spectacular. The "Challenger" returned from Shanghai with "the most valuable cargo of tea and silk ever to be laden in one bottom." The competition among the clippers was public and fierce, with their times recorded in the newspapers. The ships had low expected lifetimes and rarely outlasted two decades of use before they were broken up for salvage. Given their speed and maneuverability, clippers frequently mounted cannon or carronade and were often employed as pirate vessels, privateers, smuggling vessels, and in interdiction service.
These ships would be perfect for shipping cotton though the blockade. In the early 1840's ocean going fast steamers were coming online, and the U.S. was building large numbers of them. At the same time French, Spanish, German, Dutch, and other entrepreneurs would be flocking to the job just like they did in the Civil War because the profits were well worth the risk. It's also highly likely British entrepreneurs would be ordering fast steamers to be built in British yards to be used by 3rd party shippers to run the blockade, and then share in the profits.
No one would argue that the volume of cotton exports wouldn't go down, just that it would continue on a large scale, and at higher prices. Your "detail" about the relative value of Confederate cotton sales in real terms considering inflation assumes the USA will have similar rates of inflation in this conflict. Nothing would actually suggest that would happen. First off it didn't happen in 1812. Second the American Economy of the 1840's would be less effected by a blockade than in 1812. Third the CSA was under far greater economic stress from food, and other chronic shortages that only got worse as the war went on which is what caused their high rates of inflation. In this case your "detail" falls flat.
You are again distorting what I've said by grossly overstating my argument. I've never said America would be perfectly safe, or that ports like NY couldn't be attacked. Again, what I said was taking cities from the sea was very difficult, and the idea of the British shipping an army large enough to take NY at this time is unrealistic. You stated the British at this time had 46,000 troops in the UK & Ireland. Do you really think all those units were war ready on day one? Do you think at the start of this war the British would mass the shipping necessary to transport them all over the Atlantic, sending 10,000 to Canada, and the rest to NY? Sorry, that is not serious thinking.Yes, because 95% of the time I post a document from the time under discussion, written by someone with direct experience of the issue at hand, saying something that completely contradicts what you have said, without having provided any evidence to support your assertions, I generally feel they settle the question. Do you really expect me to take your word for the state of New York's defences over Robert E. Lee's?
There is indeed a lot more to it than that. Your position is that, if there is any chance the British cannot burn New York City, the entire concept can be disregarded. But what is almost as significant as what the British would do to American ports is what the Americans fear the British might do to American ports. We know from the extensive literature which I've quoted that the Americans in the early 1840s are well aware that their ports are inadequately defended thanks to generations of under-investment, as well as because gaps in the original defence scheme have emerged (e.g. the 1842 request to replace the two batteries at Sandy Hook with a full fort; although 'its immediate commencement is urged,' this fort was still incomplete by 1867, 25 years after it was requested). Consequently, we can seek to understand how this knowledge might affect American decision-making in any conflict. In the perfectly-defended America which you posit, a situation you neglected to support with any actual evidence, there is no distraction from the main war effort. In the historical America, men who are kept to protect against potential British landings (e.g. that "expensive, harassing and uncertain" strategy of "arraying a large body of militia upon Harlem and Brooklyn Heights") cannot be sent against the British; money sunk into coastal defences to compensate for pre-war deficiencies increases the overall financial burden during the war, in the same way that building up credit card debt causes problems when the roof needs mending; guns which are installed in coastal defences cannot be fitted to privateers or used to besiege Canadian fortresses (how fortunate that the Army of the Tennessee didn't turn up at Vicksburg with nothing but field guns on the assumption that they could just go round Confederate fortifications). A sense of vulnerability has further consequences in the political sphere: just as the over-emphasis on the power of the bomber forced WWII Britain to spend on anti-aircraft defences instead of anti-tank guns, it also contributed to an unwillingness to confront Germany until preparations were in place. Here, with war already on the Americans, and given the prominence which the burning of Washington occupies in cultural history, we might anticipate weakness in coastal defences encouraging a willingness to settle, concede, or come to terms rather than to hold out, continue to fight, or press for territorial gains.
Now if you want documentation to support that no one would ever do that I can't help you. Only common sense informed by reading military history tells me no British strategist would ever do such a frankly crazy thing. It leaves no trained reserves for any other global contingencies, or cadres to train new recruits, and none for domestic security. Respectfully if you really think this strategy makes sense, I can't help you because beyond what I just wrote I don't know where to begin to explain it.
Now yes of course the USA would never enter into a war with Britain lightly, which is half of the reason it never happened. However, they were never paralyzed by fear of Britain, or thought their position hopeless. The burning of Washington did have a profound effect on American thinking but not in the way you're thinking. In 1843 there was no clammer for the conquest of Canada, an invasion would only be launched because of the military logic of a war with Britain. Any territory taken would most likely be used as a bargaining chip at peace talks, and not permanent additions to the USA.
As for the defense of Canada the British had 3 strong points in Upper Canada. Quebec, Montreal, and Kingston, with Quebec being by far the most important. The strategy you suggest is as long as these 3 points can hold out under siege, along with the Maritimes than Canada is fine. Well actually no. Even if those cities can hold out for a long period of time if the rest of the country is occupied than Canada has effectively fallen. Sure, fighting could go on in the Maine/Brunswick border, and more troops could sail to Quebec but to drive the Americans back across the border would require army of at least 50,000 men or more.
With most of Upper Canada's population under occupation most of the militia is gone, so the army would have to be almost all British. Now you're talking about a commitment to a long-term ground war on the scale of Wellington's war in the Peninsula. So, will the British say, "At whatever the cost no peace talks till Canada is liberated." That's highly unlikely. The fall of most of Upper Canada would be a strong incentive to enter into peace talks.
So many pesky details, but how many of them are relevant?This of course is a lot of that pesky detail you've protested against, but then history does tend to be considerably more complicated than the typical pro-American poster would like it to be.